[80]Ingulph. ubi supra.[81]Princeps. Ingulphus, in eod.[82]This, I suppose, led Sir John into the above supposition about the Quarter-Waiters.[83]Spelman's Life of Alfred, edit. Hearne, p. 198.[84]Erant autem in Thesauro 60 Mille Libræ Argenti. Lib. vi.[85]Introduction to the Life of Henry II. The Reader may see his Lordship's grounds of computation in a long note on this passage. The Saxon Chronicle says, the King's Treasures weredifficiles numeratu, p. 192.[86]Lord Lyttelton calling him Ralph Flambard, a Norman. Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 87, where his character may be seen at large.[87]The Saxon Chronicle says but Eleven.[88]Matthew Paris.[89]Saxon Chronicle.[90]"Per Vultum di Lucca." See Lord Lyttelton's note, vol. i. p. 424, octavo. I have seen a private letter from his Lordship in defence of his opinion.[91]Higden.[92]"Ipse namque, et qui ei famulabantur (says Matthew Paris) omnia rapiebant, omnia conterebant, et subvertebant. Adulteria violenter, etimpunècommittebant, quicquid fraudis et nequitiæ antea non erat, his temporibus pullulavit." Henry of Huntingdon uses nearly the same, but rather stronger, expressions.[93]Introduction to History of Henry II.[94]Saxon Chronicle, p. 237.[95]Morem fratris sui Willielmi Regis secutus. Eadmer.[96]Aide à Fille marier.[97]Polydore Vergil.[98]Eadmer.[99]Lord Lyttelton.[100]Introduction to Life of Henry II.[101]Matthew Paris.[102]Eadmer.[103]Eadmer.[104]Pro more, as the Monkish writers say: though Henry I. does not appear to have confined himself to keep the Feast of Christmas at one place. According to the Saxon Chronicle, William I. had stated places for each Feast; and on these occasions the Kings wore their Crowns. "Ter gessit [Willielmus] suam Coronam singulis annis quoties esset in Angliâ; adPaschaeam gessit inWinchester;ad Pentecosten inWestminster;et adNatalesinGloucester." Chronic. Saxon. p. 190. So before anno 1085 "Rexinduta Coronatenuit Curiam inWinchesteradPascha, atque ita Itinera instituit ut esset adPentecostenapudWestminster;ubi armis militaribus honoravit filium suum Henricum;" p. 187.William Rufus was not so uniform. He sometimes held his Court at one, and sometimes at another; but for the most part the Easter-Court at Winchester, as his Father had done. At Whitsuntide 1099, he kept his Court for the first time in his new Hall at Westminster (Saxon Chronicle); for which purpose, I suppose, he built it. Henry I. was not regular in the places where he kept his Court, but it was held oftener in Westminster Hall than any where else, perhaps on account of its novelty and convenience in point of magnitude, or for greater magnificence. The custom of wearing the Crown during the celebration of the great Festivals was much left off, however, after Henry II. It is said to have grown by degrees into disuse after Henry II. and his Queen, 1136, laid their Crowns on the Altar, after their third Coronation at Worcester, vowing they would never wear them again. What the occasion of this vow was, nobody has told us; and Lord Lyttelton does not even guess at the reason.[105]Du Cange, Gloss. in voceCambellanus.[106]P. 222.[107]TheDispensatoresshould seem to be something like our Gentlemen of the Buttery, Pantry, &c.; or such as delivered out provisions of various sorts in their several provinces.[108]TheCubiculariiI have already supposed to mean the inferior Officers of the Bed-chamber.[109]ThePincernæ, Butlers,—"Pincerna, qui Vinum Convivis miscet;" Du Cange in voce: andPincernare, he says, is "Vinum prægustare priusquam Principi propinetur;" Idem in voce. So that it seems to be what we callA Yeoman of the Mouth.[110]William of Malmesbury; "Æstimabantur denarii fere ad centum millia libras," p. 179.[111]The breach of his oath to Matilda.[112]Quâ nunquam fuerat splendidiorin Angliâmultitudine, magnitudine, auro, argento, gemmis, Vestibus, omnimodâ dapsilitate.Henry of Huntingdon, Lib. viii.[113]Lord Lyttelton, from John of Salisbury.[114]Fitzstephen.[115]Idem. Vide Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 483.[116]Juncareis properly, to strew with rushes.[117]Blount's Jocular Tenures.[118]Jam quippe Curiæ solennes, et ornatus Regii Schematis prorsus evanuerant. Annals of Waverly.[119]Lord Lyttelton.[120]Lord Lyttelton.[121]Lord Lyttelton.[122]Lord Lyttelton.[123]Constable or Governor of Colchester Castle.[124]The daughter was educated by Henry with all the affection he owed to the memory of her father, and was afterwards married to a Nobleman of great distinction.[125]Lord Lyttelton.[126]A very similar circumstance happened in our times in Poland. The King, anno 1771, being shot at with arrows by the Regicides, H. Butzau, a Hussar, interposed, and received the arrows in his own breast, of which wounds he died. The King erected a monument (1773) to his memory. See the public prints of the years 1771 and 1773.[127]Speed, p. 519.[128]i.e.Short Mantle.—"Ab Infantiâ vocabatur HenricusCurtmantell, nam iste primus omniumcurta mantellaab Andegaviâ (Anjou) in Angliam transvexit." Brompton, p. 1150.[129]Vide note to vol. iii. octavo.[130]Camden's Remains, p. 194.[131]Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 40.[132]He was not then Archbishop.[133]Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 311.[134]Gervas. Dorob. inter Decem Scriptores, col. 1366.[135]From Brady's History, p. 309, who cites Gervas. Dorob. col. 1410.[136]Brady, 330; A. D. 1177.[137]Consult Brady, who gives authorities, p. 344.[138]Ibid.[139]"Numero et Pondere." Brompton.[140]"Præter Utensilia, et Jocalia, et Lapides pretiosos." Matthew Paris.[141]In passing between Cyprus and Rhodes, in his Expedition to the Holy War, three of his Ships were lost, and among other persons that perished was the Vice-Chancellor, who had the Great Seal in his custody, and was afterwards found with it about his neck. Brompton. This was the manner in which the Seal was formerly carried by the Chancellor himself—"circacujusCollum suspensumRegis Sigillum postea repertum est," are Brompton's words.[142]Sir Richard Baker, p. 73.[143]Consult the Monkish Historians.[144]Sir Richard Baker reckons this no more than a voluntary contribution, forgetting that it was one of the established NormanFeudal Aids, though now first brought forward since the Conquest.[145]Rymer's Fœdera, tom. viii. p. 610.—From Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 70.[146]Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 71.[147]Idem, p. 69.[148]Idem, pp. 22, 23.[149]Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, No369, corrected by No642.[150]By white lights I understand tallow candles, they being so distinguished from wax in other places: which last, I presume, at that time were yellow.[151]In the time of Henry the Eighth (as in some cases in these Orders) they used stoppages of wages in lieu of imprisonment. This was calledchecquing. Hence, I apprehend, the office of a Clerk of the Cheque.[152]Of this Office, and that of the Esquires of the Body, see Mr. Pegge's Curialia, Part I.[153]No369 readsRayClothing.[154]FortèPrickets.[155]Sic: but query if not Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber; they not being otherwise mentioned in either copy.[156]See the "Curialia," Part III.[157]Sic lego.[158]Toolsin No. 642, in Bib. Harl.[159]i. e.granted them during non-age.[160]FortèTournois.[161]Sic.[162]Harleian MSS. 642, p. 177.—Rigid Orders regarding Offenders, p. 97. b.[163]Rectiùs, No. 642 readsService.[164]See the "Curialia," Part V.[165]Shawms.[166]i. e.Maunday Thursday.[167]Perhaps Perils.[168]Lex Parliamentaria.[169]Ibid. p. 195.[170]Ibid. 197.[171]Ibid. 301.[172]See Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, vol. i. p. 51.[173]Leigh's Choice Observations.[174]Leigh's Choice Observations, p. 151.[175]Churchill, in his Divi Britannici, gives a Lion and a Griffin.[176]Vide Camden's Remains.[177]Chronicle, p. 693.[178]Mortimer's Dictionary, in voceSacred.[179]Mortimer's Dictionary.[180]Platina.[181]Bolingbroke, on the Study of History, p. 22.[182]Obiit 1214. Query if not the same as Alphonsus above?[183]Warton's History of English Poetry, p. 133.[184]See the story at large in Granger, from Dr. Charles Goodall's Works.[185]See Mezeray. The name of this person was Lancinet.[186]Browne's "Adenochoiradelogia," 1684. See hereafter, under Charles II.[187]Davies, ii. 181.[188]Louis XVI. of France went through this ceremony, as appears from the Formule of his Coronation, published at the time, A. D. 1775. Louis XV. touched no less than 2000 persons, and Louis XIV. upwards of 2500.Gemelli(the famous Traveller) gives an account of 1600 persons being presented for this purpose to Louis XIV. on Easter Sunday 1686. Every Frenchman received 15 sous, and every Foreigner 30.In "De mirabili Strumas Sanandi vi solis Galliæ Regibus Christianissimis Divinitus concessa. Authore Andreâ Laurentio, Regis Consiliario et Medico Primario, 1609," is a very curious Print, representing King Henry IV. touching for the Evil; in which are introduced many Patients and Officers of the Court.The French confined their expression to the wordTouch, though we use the termHeal.[189]See Browne.[190]Dr. Plot, in his Natural History of Oxfordshire, c. 10, § 125, Plate 16, No. 5, gives a Drawing of the Touch-piece, supposed to have been given by Edward the Confessor. The ribbon, he says, was white.[191]Stowe's Annals, p. 98.[192]See the "Decem Scriptores."[193]Mr. Browne likewise believes that several blind persons were restored to sight by King Charles II.[194]See Davies, ii. 180.[195]Barnes's History, b. ii. ch. 7. sect. 5.[196]Book iv. p. 154.[197]Id. in eod.[198]In the Ceremonial, the King crossed the Sore of the Sick Person, with anAngel-Noble.[199]Polydore Vergil, p. 143. Basil edit 1546.[200]The late truly venerable Bishop Percy.[201]Notes to p. 334.—This Ceremony of consecrating theCramp-Ringswill be added to this account of the King's Evil. See Appendix, No. III.[202]Fuller's Church History of Britain, book vii. p. 425.[203]Browne, book iii. p. 124.[204]Browne in eod.; and Tooker's "Charisma," ch. 6.[205]Strype's Annals, iv. p. 394.[206]Davies, ii. 179.[207]By a Proclamation, March 25, 1616, it appears that the Kings of England would not permit patients to approach them during the summer.[208]The following interesting remarks on this subject were communicated to Mr. Nichols, in 1781, by the learned and very ingenious Dr. Aikin. "Though the superstitious notions respecting the cure of the King's Evil by the Touch of our English Kings are probably at present entirely eradicated, it is still a curious and not uninstructive object of enquiry, by what means they were so long supported, and by what kind of evidence they have been able to gain credit even in the dawning of a more enlightened period. The testimony of Richard Wiseman, Serjeant-Surgeon to King Charles I. has been alleged as one of the strongest and most unexceptionable in favour of the Touch. He was a man of the greatest eminence in his profession; and his Works (collected in a folio volume, intituled, "Several Chirurgical Treatises, by Richard Wiseman, Serjeant-Chirurgeon, 1676") bear all the marks of an honest and upright disposition in their author. On the subject of the Royal Touch he delivers himself in the following strong and unequivocal terms: 'I myself have been a frequent eye-witness of many hundreds of cures performed by his Majesty's Touch alone, without any assistance of Chirurgery; and those many of them such as had tired out the endeavours of able Chirurgeons before they came thither. It were endless to recite what I myself have seen, and what I have received acknowledgments of by letter, not only from the several parts of the Nation, but also from Ireland, Scotland, Jersey, and Guernsey.' The question which will naturally arise upon this passage is, Did Wiseman really believe what he asserted, or was he knowingly promoting an imposture? Both suppositions have their difficulties; yet both are in some degree probable. His warm attachment to the Royal Family, and early prejudices, might in some measure make his faith preponderate against his judgment; and, on the other hand, certain passages in his treatise necessarily shew a consciousness of collusion and fraudulent pretensions. It was his business, as Serjeant-surgeon, to select such afflicted objects as were proper to be presented for the Royal Touch. In the history of the disease, relating its various states and appearances, he says, 'Those which we present to his Majesty are chiefly such as have this kind of tumour about themusculus mastoideus, or neck, with whatever other circumstances they are accompanied; nor are we difficult in admitting the thick-chapped upper lips, and eyes affected with alippitudo;in other cases we give our judgment more warily.' Here is a selection of the slightest cases, and a manifest doubt expressed concerning the success in more inveterate ones. A little below, observing that thestrumæwill often be suppurated, or resolved unexpectedly from accidental ferments, he says, 'In case of the King's Touch, the resolution doth often happen where our endeavours have signified nothing; yea, the verygummata;insomuch that I am cautious of predicting concerning them (though they appear never so bad) till 14 days be over.' From this we learn, that the Touch was by no means infallible, and that the pretence of its succeeding was not given up till a fortnight had passed without any change for the better. Indeed it appears very plain, that the worst kind of cases were seldom or never offered the Touch; for in no disease does Wiseman produce more observations from his practice of difficult and dangerous chirurgical treatment, and in not one of these did he call in the assistance of the Royal Hand. It was indeed proposed in a single instance, but under such circumstances as furnish a stronger proof of imposture than any thing hitherto related. A young gentlewoman had an obstinate scrophulous tumour in the right side of the neck, under the maxilla. Wiseman applied a large caustic to it, brought it to suppuration, treated it with escharotics, and cured it. 'About a year after,' he says, 'I saw her again in town, and felt a small gland, of the bigness of a lupin, lying lower on that side of the neck. I would have persuaded her to admit of a resolvent emplaster, and to be touched; but she did not, as she said, believe it to be the King's Evil.' Here, after allowing his patient to undergo a course of very severe surgery, he is willing to trust the relics of the disease to the Royal Touch, assisted by a resolving plaster; but the complaint was now too trifling to engage her attention. Surely the greatest opponent of the Touch will not place it in a more contemptible light!"[209]By a Proclamation, June 18, 1626, it is ordered, that no one shall apply for this purpose, who does not bring a certificate that he was never touched before; a regulation which undoubtedly arose from some supposed patients, who had attempted to receive the bit of gold more than once.[210]Rymer, tom, xviii. p. 118.[211]Id. p. 1023.[212]Browne, book iii. p. 135.[213]Sir Kenelm Digby informed Mons. Monconys, that if the person had lost the piece of gold, the complaint immediately returned.[214]Browne, book iii. p. 109.[215]One of these is still preserved in a frame in the Vestry of St. Martin's Church at Leicester, placed there by the Rev. Samuel Carte, Vicar of that Parish, and brother of Mr. Thomas Carte the Historian.[216]Browne, book iii. p. 126.[217]The Ceremony used in this Reign is given in the Appendix, No. II.[218]Observations on the Statutes.[219]Published by Command of King Charles II.; and printed by Henry Hills, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for his Household and Chapel, 1686.[220]"Ritualia Varia," in the British Museum.
[80]Ingulph. ubi supra.
[80]Ingulph. ubi supra.
[81]Princeps. Ingulphus, in eod.
[81]Princeps. Ingulphus, in eod.
[82]This, I suppose, led Sir John into the above supposition about the Quarter-Waiters.
[82]This, I suppose, led Sir John into the above supposition about the Quarter-Waiters.
[83]Spelman's Life of Alfred, edit. Hearne, p. 198.
[83]Spelman's Life of Alfred, edit. Hearne, p. 198.
[84]Erant autem in Thesauro 60 Mille Libræ Argenti. Lib. vi.
[84]Erant autem in Thesauro 60 Mille Libræ Argenti. Lib. vi.
[85]Introduction to the Life of Henry II. The Reader may see his Lordship's grounds of computation in a long note on this passage. The Saxon Chronicle says, the King's Treasures weredifficiles numeratu, p. 192.
[85]Introduction to the Life of Henry II. The Reader may see his Lordship's grounds of computation in a long note on this passage. The Saxon Chronicle says, the King's Treasures weredifficiles numeratu, p. 192.
[86]Lord Lyttelton calling him Ralph Flambard, a Norman. Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 87, where his character may be seen at large.
[86]Lord Lyttelton calling him Ralph Flambard, a Norman. Life of Henry II. vol. i. p. 87, where his character may be seen at large.
[87]The Saxon Chronicle says but Eleven.
[87]The Saxon Chronicle says but Eleven.
[88]Matthew Paris.
[88]Matthew Paris.
[89]Saxon Chronicle.
[89]Saxon Chronicle.
[90]"Per Vultum di Lucca." See Lord Lyttelton's note, vol. i. p. 424, octavo. I have seen a private letter from his Lordship in defence of his opinion.
[90]"Per Vultum di Lucca." See Lord Lyttelton's note, vol. i. p. 424, octavo. I have seen a private letter from his Lordship in defence of his opinion.
[91]Higden.
[91]Higden.
[92]"Ipse namque, et qui ei famulabantur (says Matthew Paris) omnia rapiebant, omnia conterebant, et subvertebant. Adulteria violenter, etimpunècommittebant, quicquid fraudis et nequitiæ antea non erat, his temporibus pullulavit." Henry of Huntingdon uses nearly the same, but rather stronger, expressions.
[92]"Ipse namque, et qui ei famulabantur (says Matthew Paris) omnia rapiebant, omnia conterebant, et subvertebant. Adulteria violenter, etimpunècommittebant, quicquid fraudis et nequitiæ antea non erat, his temporibus pullulavit." Henry of Huntingdon uses nearly the same, but rather stronger, expressions.
[93]Introduction to History of Henry II.
[93]Introduction to History of Henry II.
[94]Saxon Chronicle, p. 237.
[94]Saxon Chronicle, p. 237.
[95]Morem fratris sui Willielmi Regis secutus. Eadmer.
[95]Morem fratris sui Willielmi Regis secutus. Eadmer.
[96]Aide à Fille marier.
[96]Aide à Fille marier.
[97]Polydore Vergil.
[97]Polydore Vergil.
[98]Eadmer.
[98]Eadmer.
[99]Lord Lyttelton.
[99]Lord Lyttelton.
[100]Introduction to Life of Henry II.
[100]Introduction to Life of Henry II.
[101]Matthew Paris.
[101]Matthew Paris.
[102]Eadmer.
[102]Eadmer.
[103]Eadmer.
[103]Eadmer.
[104]Pro more, as the Monkish writers say: though Henry I. does not appear to have confined himself to keep the Feast of Christmas at one place. According to the Saxon Chronicle, William I. had stated places for each Feast; and on these occasions the Kings wore their Crowns. "Ter gessit [Willielmus] suam Coronam singulis annis quoties esset in Angliâ; adPaschaeam gessit inWinchester;ad Pentecosten inWestminster;et adNatalesinGloucester." Chronic. Saxon. p. 190. So before anno 1085 "Rexinduta Coronatenuit Curiam inWinchesteradPascha, atque ita Itinera instituit ut esset adPentecostenapudWestminster;ubi armis militaribus honoravit filium suum Henricum;" p. 187.William Rufus was not so uniform. He sometimes held his Court at one, and sometimes at another; but for the most part the Easter-Court at Winchester, as his Father had done. At Whitsuntide 1099, he kept his Court for the first time in his new Hall at Westminster (Saxon Chronicle); for which purpose, I suppose, he built it. Henry I. was not regular in the places where he kept his Court, but it was held oftener in Westminster Hall than any where else, perhaps on account of its novelty and convenience in point of magnitude, or for greater magnificence. The custom of wearing the Crown during the celebration of the great Festivals was much left off, however, after Henry II. It is said to have grown by degrees into disuse after Henry II. and his Queen, 1136, laid their Crowns on the Altar, after their third Coronation at Worcester, vowing they would never wear them again. What the occasion of this vow was, nobody has told us; and Lord Lyttelton does not even guess at the reason.
[104]Pro more, as the Monkish writers say: though Henry I. does not appear to have confined himself to keep the Feast of Christmas at one place. According to the Saxon Chronicle, William I. had stated places for each Feast; and on these occasions the Kings wore their Crowns. "Ter gessit [Willielmus] suam Coronam singulis annis quoties esset in Angliâ; adPaschaeam gessit inWinchester;ad Pentecosten inWestminster;et adNatalesinGloucester." Chronic. Saxon. p. 190. So before anno 1085 "Rexinduta Coronatenuit Curiam inWinchesteradPascha, atque ita Itinera instituit ut esset adPentecostenapudWestminster;ubi armis militaribus honoravit filium suum Henricum;" p. 187.
William Rufus was not so uniform. He sometimes held his Court at one, and sometimes at another; but for the most part the Easter-Court at Winchester, as his Father had done. At Whitsuntide 1099, he kept his Court for the first time in his new Hall at Westminster (Saxon Chronicle); for which purpose, I suppose, he built it. Henry I. was not regular in the places where he kept his Court, but it was held oftener in Westminster Hall than any where else, perhaps on account of its novelty and convenience in point of magnitude, or for greater magnificence. The custom of wearing the Crown during the celebration of the great Festivals was much left off, however, after Henry II. It is said to have grown by degrees into disuse after Henry II. and his Queen, 1136, laid their Crowns on the Altar, after their third Coronation at Worcester, vowing they would never wear them again. What the occasion of this vow was, nobody has told us; and Lord Lyttelton does not even guess at the reason.
[105]Du Cange, Gloss. in voceCambellanus.
[105]Du Cange, Gloss. in voceCambellanus.
[106]P. 222.
[106]P. 222.
[107]TheDispensatoresshould seem to be something like our Gentlemen of the Buttery, Pantry, &c.; or such as delivered out provisions of various sorts in their several provinces.
[107]TheDispensatoresshould seem to be something like our Gentlemen of the Buttery, Pantry, &c.; or such as delivered out provisions of various sorts in their several provinces.
[108]TheCubiculariiI have already supposed to mean the inferior Officers of the Bed-chamber.
[108]TheCubiculariiI have already supposed to mean the inferior Officers of the Bed-chamber.
[109]ThePincernæ, Butlers,—"Pincerna, qui Vinum Convivis miscet;" Du Cange in voce: andPincernare, he says, is "Vinum prægustare priusquam Principi propinetur;" Idem in voce. So that it seems to be what we callA Yeoman of the Mouth.
[109]ThePincernæ, Butlers,—"Pincerna, qui Vinum Convivis miscet;" Du Cange in voce: andPincernare, he says, is "Vinum prægustare priusquam Principi propinetur;" Idem in voce. So that it seems to be what we callA Yeoman of the Mouth.
[110]William of Malmesbury; "Æstimabantur denarii fere ad centum millia libras," p. 179.
[110]William of Malmesbury; "Æstimabantur denarii fere ad centum millia libras," p. 179.
[111]The breach of his oath to Matilda.
[111]The breach of his oath to Matilda.
[112]Quâ nunquam fuerat splendidiorin Angliâmultitudine, magnitudine, auro, argento, gemmis, Vestibus, omnimodâ dapsilitate.Henry of Huntingdon, Lib. viii.
[112]Quâ nunquam fuerat splendidiorin Angliâmultitudine, magnitudine, auro, argento, gemmis, Vestibus, omnimodâ dapsilitate.
Henry of Huntingdon, Lib. viii.
[113]Lord Lyttelton, from John of Salisbury.
[113]Lord Lyttelton, from John of Salisbury.
[114]Fitzstephen.
[114]Fitzstephen.
[115]Idem. Vide Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 483.
[115]Idem. Vide Lord Lyttelton's Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 483.
[116]Juncareis properly, to strew with rushes.
[116]Juncareis properly, to strew with rushes.
[117]Blount's Jocular Tenures.
[117]Blount's Jocular Tenures.
[118]Jam quippe Curiæ solennes, et ornatus Regii Schematis prorsus evanuerant. Annals of Waverly.
[118]Jam quippe Curiæ solennes, et ornatus Regii Schematis prorsus evanuerant. Annals of Waverly.
[119]Lord Lyttelton.
[119]Lord Lyttelton.
[120]Lord Lyttelton.
[120]Lord Lyttelton.
[121]Lord Lyttelton.
[121]Lord Lyttelton.
[122]Lord Lyttelton.
[122]Lord Lyttelton.
[123]Constable or Governor of Colchester Castle.
[123]Constable or Governor of Colchester Castle.
[124]The daughter was educated by Henry with all the affection he owed to the memory of her father, and was afterwards married to a Nobleman of great distinction.
[124]The daughter was educated by Henry with all the affection he owed to the memory of her father, and was afterwards married to a Nobleman of great distinction.
[125]Lord Lyttelton.
[125]Lord Lyttelton.
[126]A very similar circumstance happened in our times in Poland. The King, anno 1771, being shot at with arrows by the Regicides, H. Butzau, a Hussar, interposed, and received the arrows in his own breast, of which wounds he died. The King erected a monument (1773) to his memory. See the public prints of the years 1771 and 1773.
[126]A very similar circumstance happened in our times in Poland. The King, anno 1771, being shot at with arrows by the Regicides, H. Butzau, a Hussar, interposed, and received the arrows in his own breast, of which wounds he died. The King erected a monument (1773) to his memory. See the public prints of the years 1771 and 1773.
[127]Speed, p. 519.
[127]Speed, p. 519.
[128]i.e.Short Mantle.—"Ab Infantiâ vocabatur HenricusCurtmantell, nam iste primus omniumcurta mantellaab Andegaviâ (Anjou) in Angliam transvexit." Brompton, p. 1150.
[128]i.e.Short Mantle.—"Ab Infantiâ vocabatur HenricusCurtmantell, nam iste primus omniumcurta mantellaab Andegaviâ (Anjou) in Angliam transvexit." Brompton, p. 1150.
[129]Vide note to vol. iii. octavo.
[129]Vide note to vol. iii. octavo.
[130]Camden's Remains, p. 194.
[130]Camden's Remains, p. 194.
[131]Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 40.
[131]Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 40.
[132]He was not then Archbishop.
[132]He was not then Archbishop.
[133]Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 311.
[133]Life of Henry II. vol. iii. p. 311.
[134]Gervas. Dorob. inter Decem Scriptores, col. 1366.
[134]Gervas. Dorob. inter Decem Scriptores, col. 1366.
[135]From Brady's History, p. 309, who cites Gervas. Dorob. col. 1410.
[135]From Brady's History, p. 309, who cites Gervas. Dorob. col. 1410.
[136]Brady, 330; A. D. 1177.
[136]Brady, 330; A. D. 1177.
[137]Consult Brady, who gives authorities, p. 344.
[137]Consult Brady, who gives authorities, p. 344.
[138]Ibid.
[138]Ibid.
[139]"Numero et Pondere." Brompton.
[139]"Numero et Pondere." Brompton.
[140]"Præter Utensilia, et Jocalia, et Lapides pretiosos." Matthew Paris.
[140]"Præter Utensilia, et Jocalia, et Lapides pretiosos." Matthew Paris.
[141]In passing between Cyprus and Rhodes, in his Expedition to the Holy War, three of his Ships were lost, and among other persons that perished was the Vice-Chancellor, who had the Great Seal in his custody, and was afterwards found with it about his neck. Brompton. This was the manner in which the Seal was formerly carried by the Chancellor himself—"circacujusCollum suspensumRegis Sigillum postea repertum est," are Brompton's words.
[141]In passing between Cyprus and Rhodes, in his Expedition to the Holy War, three of his Ships were lost, and among other persons that perished was the Vice-Chancellor, who had the Great Seal in his custody, and was afterwards found with it about his neck. Brompton. This was the manner in which the Seal was formerly carried by the Chancellor himself—"circacujusCollum suspensumRegis Sigillum postea repertum est," are Brompton's words.
[142]Sir Richard Baker, p. 73.
[142]Sir Richard Baker, p. 73.
[143]Consult the Monkish Historians.
[143]Consult the Monkish Historians.
[144]Sir Richard Baker reckons this no more than a voluntary contribution, forgetting that it was one of the established NormanFeudal Aids, though now first brought forward since the Conquest.
[144]Sir Richard Baker reckons this no more than a voluntary contribution, forgetting that it was one of the established NormanFeudal Aids, though now first brought forward since the Conquest.
[145]Rymer's Fœdera, tom. viii. p. 610.—From Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 70.
[145]Rymer's Fœdera, tom. viii. p. 610.—From Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 70.
[146]Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 71.
[146]Madox's MSS. n. 4486, p. 71.
[147]Idem, p. 69.
[147]Idem, p. 69.
[148]Idem, pp. 22, 23.
[148]Idem, pp. 22, 23.
[149]Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, No369, corrected by No642.
[149]Harleian MSS. in the British Museum, No369, corrected by No642.
[150]By white lights I understand tallow candles, they being so distinguished from wax in other places: which last, I presume, at that time were yellow.
[150]By white lights I understand tallow candles, they being so distinguished from wax in other places: which last, I presume, at that time were yellow.
[151]In the time of Henry the Eighth (as in some cases in these Orders) they used stoppages of wages in lieu of imprisonment. This was calledchecquing. Hence, I apprehend, the office of a Clerk of the Cheque.
[151]In the time of Henry the Eighth (as in some cases in these Orders) they used stoppages of wages in lieu of imprisonment. This was calledchecquing. Hence, I apprehend, the office of a Clerk of the Cheque.
[152]Of this Office, and that of the Esquires of the Body, see Mr. Pegge's Curialia, Part I.
[152]Of this Office, and that of the Esquires of the Body, see Mr. Pegge's Curialia, Part I.
[153]No369 readsRayClothing.
[153]No369 readsRayClothing.
[154]FortèPrickets.
[154]FortèPrickets.
[155]Sic: but query if not Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber; they not being otherwise mentioned in either copy.
[155]Sic: but query if not Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber; they not being otherwise mentioned in either copy.
[156]See the "Curialia," Part III.
[156]See the "Curialia," Part III.
[157]Sic lego.
[157]Sic lego.
[158]Toolsin No. 642, in Bib. Harl.
[158]Toolsin No. 642, in Bib. Harl.
[159]i. e.granted them during non-age.
[159]i. e.granted them during non-age.
[160]FortèTournois.
[160]FortèTournois.
[161]Sic.
[161]Sic.
[162]Harleian MSS. 642, p. 177.—Rigid Orders regarding Offenders, p. 97. b.
[162]Harleian MSS. 642, p. 177.—Rigid Orders regarding Offenders, p. 97. b.
[163]Rectiùs, No. 642 readsService.
[163]Rectiùs, No. 642 readsService.
[164]See the "Curialia," Part V.
[164]See the "Curialia," Part V.
[165]Shawms.
[165]Shawms.
[166]i. e.Maunday Thursday.
[166]i. e.Maunday Thursday.
[167]Perhaps Perils.
[167]Perhaps Perils.
[168]Lex Parliamentaria.
[168]Lex Parliamentaria.
[169]Ibid. p. 195.
[169]Ibid. p. 195.
[170]Ibid. 197.
[170]Ibid. 197.
[171]Ibid. 301.
[171]Ibid. 301.
[172]See Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, vol. i. p. 51.
[172]See Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, vol. i. p. 51.
[173]Leigh's Choice Observations.
[173]Leigh's Choice Observations.
[174]Leigh's Choice Observations, p. 151.
[174]Leigh's Choice Observations, p. 151.
[175]Churchill, in his Divi Britannici, gives a Lion and a Griffin.
[175]Churchill, in his Divi Britannici, gives a Lion and a Griffin.
[176]Vide Camden's Remains.
[176]Vide Camden's Remains.
[177]Chronicle, p. 693.
[177]Chronicle, p. 693.
[178]Mortimer's Dictionary, in voceSacred.
[178]Mortimer's Dictionary, in voceSacred.
[179]Mortimer's Dictionary.
[179]Mortimer's Dictionary.
[180]Platina.
[180]Platina.
[181]Bolingbroke, on the Study of History, p. 22.
[181]Bolingbroke, on the Study of History, p. 22.
[182]Obiit 1214. Query if not the same as Alphonsus above?
[182]Obiit 1214. Query if not the same as Alphonsus above?
[183]Warton's History of English Poetry, p. 133.
[183]Warton's History of English Poetry, p. 133.
[184]See the story at large in Granger, from Dr. Charles Goodall's Works.
[184]See the story at large in Granger, from Dr. Charles Goodall's Works.
[185]See Mezeray. The name of this person was Lancinet.
[185]See Mezeray. The name of this person was Lancinet.
[186]Browne's "Adenochoiradelogia," 1684. See hereafter, under Charles II.
[186]Browne's "Adenochoiradelogia," 1684. See hereafter, under Charles II.
[187]Davies, ii. 181.
[187]Davies, ii. 181.
[188]Louis XVI. of France went through this ceremony, as appears from the Formule of his Coronation, published at the time, A. D. 1775. Louis XV. touched no less than 2000 persons, and Louis XIV. upwards of 2500.Gemelli(the famous Traveller) gives an account of 1600 persons being presented for this purpose to Louis XIV. on Easter Sunday 1686. Every Frenchman received 15 sous, and every Foreigner 30.In "De mirabili Strumas Sanandi vi solis Galliæ Regibus Christianissimis Divinitus concessa. Authore Andreâ Laurentio, Regis Consiliario et Medico Primario, 1609," is a very curious Print, representing King Henry IV. touching for the Evil; in which are introduced many Patients and Officers of the Court.The French confined their expression to the wordTouch, though we use the termHeal.
[188]Louis XVI. of France went through this ceremony, as appears from the Formule of his Coronation, published at the time, A. D. 1775. Louis XV. touched no less than 2000 persons, and Louis XIV. upwards of 2500.
Gemelli(the famous Traveller) gives an account of 1600 persons being presented for this purpose to Louis XIV. on Easter Sunday 1686. Every Frenchman received 15 sous, and every Foreigner 30.
In "De mirabili Strumas Sanandi vi solis Galliæ Regibus Christianissimis Divinitus concessa. Authore Andreâ Laurentio, Regis Consiliario et Medico Primario, 1609," is a very curious Print, representing King Henry IV. touching for the Evil; in which are introduced many Patients and Officers of the Court.
The French confined their expression to the wordTouch, though we use the termHeal.
[189]See Browne.
[189]See Browne.
[190]Dr. Plot, in his Natural History of Oxfordshire, c. 10, § 125, Plate 16, No. 5, gives a Drawing of the Touch-piece, supposed to have been given by Edward the Confessor. The ribbon, he says, was white.
[190]Dr. Plot, in his Natural History of Oxfordshire, c. 10, § 125, Plate 16, No. 5, gives a Drawing of the Touch-piece, supposed to have been given by Edward the Confessor. The ribbon, he says, was white.
[191]Stowe's Annals, p. 98.
[191]Stowe's Annals, p. 98.
[192]See the "Decem Scriptores."
[192]See the "Decem Scriptores."
[193]Mr. Browne likewise believes that several blind persons were restored to sight by King Charles II.
[193]Mr. Browne likewise believes that several blind persons were restored to sight by King Charles II.
[194]See Davies, ii. 180.
[194]See Davies, ii. 180.
[195]Barnes's History, b. ii. ch. 7. sect. 5.
[195]Barnes's History, b. ii. ch. 7. sect. 5.
[196]Book iv. p. 154.
[196]Book iv. p. 154.
[197]Id. in eod.
[197]Id. in eod.
[198]In the Ceremonial, the King crossed the Sore of the Sick Person, with anAngel-Noble.
[198]In the Ceremonial, the King crossed the Sore of the Sick Person, with anAngel-Noble.
[199]Polydore Vergil, p. 143. Basil edit 1546.
[199]Polydore Vergil, p. 143. Basil edit 1546.
[200]The late truly venerable Bishop Percy.
[200]The late truly venerable Bishop Percy.
[201]Notes to p. 334.—This Ceremony of consecrating theCramp-Ringswill be added to this account of the King's Evil. See Appendix, No. III.
[201]Notes to p. 334.—This Ceremony of consecrating theCramp-Ringswill be added to this account of the King's Evil. See Appendix, No. III.
[202]Fuller's Church History of Britain, book vii. p. 425.
[202]Fuller's Church History of Britain, book vii. p. 425.
[203]Browne, book iii. p. 124.
[203]Browne, book iii. p. 124.
[204]Browne in eod.; and Tooker's "Charisma," ch. 6.
[204]Browne in eod.; and Tooker's "Charisma," ch. 6.
[205]Strype's Annals, iv. p. 394.
[205]Strype's Annals, iv. p. 394.
[206]Davies, ii. 179.
[206]Davies, ii. 179.
[207]By a Proclamation, March 25, 1616, it appears that the Kings of England would not permit patients to approach them during the summer.
[207]By a Proclamation, March 25, 1616, it appears that the Kings of England would not permit patients to approach them during the summer.
[208]The following interesting remarks on this subject were communicated to Mr. Nichols, in 1781, by the learned and very ingenious Dr. Aikin. "Though the superstitious notions respecting the cure of the King's Evil by the Touch of our English Kings are probably at present entirely eradicated, it is still a curious and not uninstructive object of enquiry, by what means they were so long supported, and by what kind of evidence they have been able to gain credit even in the dawning of a more enlightened period. The testimony of Richard Wiseman, Serjeant-Surgeon to King Charles I. has been alleged as one of the strongest and most unexceptionable in favour of the Touch. He was a man of the greatest eminence in his profession; and his Works (collected in a folio volume, intituled, "Several Chirurgical Treatises, by Richard Wiseman, Serjeant-Chirurgeon, 1676") bear all the marks of an honest and upright disposition in their author. On the subject of the Royal Touch he delivers himself in the following strong and unequivocal terms: 'I myself have been a frequent eye-witness of many hundreds of cures performed by his Majesty's Touch alone, without any assistance of Chirurgery; and those many of them such as had tired out the endeavours of able Chirurgeons before they came thither. It were endless to recite what I myself have seen, and what I have received acknowledgments of by letter, not only from the several parts of the Nation, but also from Ireland, Scotland, Jersey, and Guernsey.' The question which will naturally arise upon this passage is, Did Wiseman really believe what he asserted, or was he knowingly promoting an imposture? Both suppositions have their difficulties; yet both are in some degree probable. His warm attachment to the Royal Family, and early prejudices, might in some measure make his faith preponderate against his judgment; and, on the other hand, certain passages in his treatise necessarily shew a consciousness of collusion and fraudulent pretensions. It was his business, as Serjeant-surgeon, to select such afflicted objects as were proper to be presented for the Royal Touch. In the history of the disease, relating its various states and appearances, he says, 'Those which we present to his Majesty are chiefly such as have this kind of tumour about themusculus mastoideus, or neck, with whatever other circumstances they are accompanied; nor are we difficult in admitting the thick-chapped upper lips, and eyes affected with alippitudo;in other cases we give our judgment more warily.' Here is a selection of the slightest cases, and a manifest doubt expressed concerning the success in more inveterate ones. A little below, observing that thestrumæwill often be suppurated, or resolved unexpectedly from accidental ferments, he says, 'In case of the King's Touch, the resolution doth often happen where our endeavours have signified nothing; yea, the verygummata;insomuch that I am cautious of predicting concerning them (though they appear never so bad) till 14 days be over.' From this we learn, that the Touch was by no means infallible, and that the pretence of its succeeding was not given up till a fortnight had passed without any change for the better. Indeed it appears very plain, that the worst kind of cases were seldom or never offered the Touch; for in no disease does Wiseman produce more observations from his practice of difficult and dangerous chirurgical treatment, and in not one of these did he call in the assistance of the Royal Hand. It was indeed proposed in a single instance, but under such circumstances as furnish a stronger proof of imposture than any thing hitherto related. A young gentlewoman had an obstinate scrophulous tumour in the right side of the neck, under the maxilla. Wiseman applied a large caustic to it, brought it to suppuration, treated it with escharotics, and cured it. 'About a year after,' he says, 'I saw her again in town, and felt a small gland, of the bigness of a lupin, lying lower on that side of the neck. I would have persuaded her to admit of a resolvent emplaster, and to be touched; but she did not, as she said, believe it to be the King's Evil.' Here, after allowing his patient to undergo a course of very severe surgery, he is willing to trust the relics of the disease to the Royal Touch, assisted by a resolving plaster; but the complaint was now too trifling to engage her attention. Surely the greatest opponent of the Touch will not place it in a more contemptible light!"
[208]The following interesting remarks on this subject were communicated to Mr. Nichols, in 1781, by the learned and very ingenious Dr. Aikin. "Though the superstitious notions respecting the cure of the King's Evil by the Touch of our English Kings are probably at present entirely eradicated, it is still a curious and not uninstructive object of enquiry, by what means they were so long supported, and by what kind of evidence they have been able to gain credit even in the dawning of a more enlightened period. The testimony of Richard Wiseman, Serjeant-Surgeon to King Charles I. has been alleged as one of the strongest and most unexceptionable in favour of the Touch. He was a man of the greatest eminence in his profession; and his Works (collected in a folio volume, intituled, "Several Chirurgical Treatises, by Richard Wiseman, Serjeant-Chirurgeon, 1676") bear all the marks of an honest and upright disposition in their author. On the subject of the Royal Touch he delivers himself in the following strong and unequivocal terms: 'I myself have been a frequent eye-witness of many hundreds of cures performed by his Majesty's Touch alone, without any assistance of Chirurgery; and those many of them such as had tired out the endeavours of able Chirurgeons before they came thither. It were endless to recite what I myself have seen, and what I have received acknowledgments of by letter, not only from the several parts of the Nation, but also from Ireland, Scotland, Jersey, and Guernsey.' The question which will naturally arise upon this passage is, Did Wiseman really believe what he asserted, or was he knowingly promoting an imposture? Both suppositions have their difficulties; yet both are in some degree probable. His warm attachment to the Royal Family, and early prejudices, might in some measure make his faith preponderate against his judgment; and, on the other hand, certain passages in his treatise necessarily shew a consciousness of collusion and fraudulent pretensions. It was his business, as Serjeant-surgeon, to select such afflicted objects as were proper to be presented for the Royal Touch. In the history of the disease, relating its various states and appearances, he says, 'Those which we present to his Majesty are chiefly such as have this kind of tumour about themusculus mastoideus, or neck, with whatever other circumstances they are accompanied; nor are we difficult in admitting the thick-chapped upper lips, and eyes affected with alippitudo;in other cases we give our judgment more warily.' Here is a selection of the slightest cases, and a manifest doubt expressed concerning the success in more inveterate ones. A little below, observing that thestrumæwill often be suppurated, or resolved unexpectedly from accidental ferments, he says, 'In case of the King's Touch, the resolution doth often happen where our endeavours have signified nothing; yea, the verygummata;insomuch that I am cautious of predicting concerning them (though they appear never so bad) till 14 days be over.' From this we learn, that the Touch was by no means infallible, and that the pretence of its succeeding was not given up till a fortnight had passed without any change for the better. Indeed it appears very plain, that the worst kind of cases were seldom or never offered the Touch; for in no disease does Wiseman produce more observations from his practice of difficult and dangerous chirurgical treatment, and in not one of these did he call in the assistance of the Royal Hand. It was indeed proposed in a single instance, but under such circumstances as furnish a stronger proof of imposture than any thing hitherto related. A young gentlewoman had an obstinate scrophulous tumour in the right side of the neck, under the maxilla. Wiseman applied a large caustic to it, brought it to suppuration, treated it with escharotics, and cured it. 'About a year after,' he says, 'I saw her again in town, and felt a small gland, of the bigness of a lupin, lying lower on that side of the neck. I would have persuaded her to admit of a resolvent emplaster, and to be touched; but she did not, as she said, believe it to be the King's Evil.' Here, after allowing his patient to undergo a course of very severe surgery, he is willing to trust the relics of the disease to the Royal Touch, assisted by a resolving plaster; but the complaint was now too trifling to engage her attention. Surely the greatest opponent of the Touch will not place it in a more contemptible light!"
[209]By a Proclamation, June 18, 1626, it is ordered, that no one shall apply for this purpose, who does not bring a certificate that he was never touched before; a regulation which undoubtedly arose from some supposed patients, who had attempted to receive the bit of gold more than once.
[209]By a Proclamation, June 18, 1626, it is ordered, that no one shall apply for this purpose, who does not bring a certificate that he was never touched before; a regulation which undoubtedly arose from some supposed patients, who had attempted to receive the bit of gold more than once.
[210]Rymer, tom, xviii. p. 118.
[210]Rymer, tom, xviii. p. 118.
[211]Id. p. 1023.
[211]Id. p. 1023.
[212]Browne, book iii. p. 135.
[212]Browne, book iii. p. 135.
[213]Sir Kenelm Digby informed Mons. Monconys, that if the person had lost the piece of gold, the complaint immediately returned.
[213]Sir Kenelm Digby informed Mons. Monconys, that if the person had lost the piece of gold, the complaint immediately returned.
[214]Browne, book iii. p. 109.
[214]Browne, book iii. p. 109.
[215]One of these is still preserved in a frame in the Vestry of St. Martin's Church at Leicester, placed there by the Rev. Samuel Carte, Vicar of that Parish, and brother of Mr. Thomas Carte the Historian.
[215]One of these is still preserved in a frame in the Vestry of St. Martin's Church at Leicester, placed there by the Rev. Samuel Carte, Vicar of that Parish, and brother of Mr. Thomas Carte the Historian.
[216]Browne, book iii. p. 126.
[216]Browne, book iii. p. 126.
[217]The Ceremony used in this Reign is given in the Appendix, No. II.
[217]The Ceremony used in this Reign is given in the Appendix, No. II.
[218]Observations on the Statutes.
[218]Observations on the Statutes.
[219]Published by Command of King Charles II.; and printed by Henry Hills, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for his Household and Chapel, 1686.
[219]Published by Command of King Charles II.; and printed by Henry Hills, Printer to the King's Most Excellent Majesty, for his Household and Chapel, 1686.
[220]"Ritualia Varia," in the British Museum.
[220]"Ritualia Varia," in the British Museum.