In de nieuwe commissie, gelijk in de burgerwacht zelf, waren dus twee richtingen vertegenwoordigd. Ziehier hoeCartwrightze onderscheidt.„The liberal party is the least numerous, and its leaders,withthe exception ofM.de Celles, Stassartand one or two others, neither of family, nor influence, nor property, but are chiefly young men who idolizeM.de Potter as their divinity, and certain lawyers who are editors or scribblers in theCourrier des Pays-Bas. They are of the school ofM.Lafayette, and I believe them to be ready to go any lengths rather than to be ruled any longer by the present dynasty.—The catholic party137)consists of all the nobles and persons of wealth and influence in the country, the most respectable inhabitants concerned in trade, and the clergy. They wish that Belgium should have its own independent institutions, but certainly do not desire to withdraw their allegiance to the House of Nassau.... The desire to repel any attempt to introduce troops into the town before the separation was satisfactorily decided has been the common tie which kept them perfectly united to all appearance so long as Prince Frederick remained at Vilvorde. The decision therefore which the government has taken to withdraw the troops from the immediate neighbourhood of the town has certainly been very judicious, and is already shewing its effects, for it has not only removed out of the way of the leaders of this insurrection the power of sounding the alarm, with which they at pleasure increased the excitement among the people and rallied the spirits of those who were inclined to relax in their ardour for the revolutionary cause, but by taking from the inhabitants all necessity for thinking of further defence, has left them to quarrel among themselves, and indeedevident symptoms of dissentions have already manifested themselves within these two days.... The liberals or violent party hold the rabble in their pay and may put them in motion at pleasure.... Only last night an attempt was made to burn an hospital where there are a few sick soldiers, and the principal surgeon is a Dutchman. A thousand men of the lowest class have been enrolled very improperly in the Burghers guard and receive a florin eachper diem.... The town is now beginning to feel the evil effects of the revolt, commerce is at a complete stand and the retail trade has suffered most severely from the alarmwhichhas induced hundreds of families to leave the place. The Bank up to yesterday refused to change their own bills at any other rate than giving only one fifth in cash, so that a person presenting a bill for 500 florins only obtained 100 florins in money and the rest in bank bills. This want of money has caused the most serious inconvenience, and if matters remainin statu quofor a week or two longer, great apprehensions are entertained that several bankruptcies will declare themselves in different parts of the country.... A change must take place, and I am inclined to think from the best information that one of the two following cases will occur shortly. Either the catholic party will upon finding the excitement abating take the first plausible pretext of declaring themselves content to await the result of the only legal mode of settling the question of separation;—or the liberals will with the aid of the rabble carry their point and declare for France. The object of this party is to establish the independence of Belgium under the protection of France, but few of the nobles, manufacturers or persons connected with trade being in favor of it, I cannot believe it will be attempted in any earnest. The leaders complain of having been but badly seconded by the towns in Belgium with exceptionof Louvain and Liege, where the insurrection has been complete. Antwerp has decided on an address to the King, and Ghent is expected to follow the example”138).
Den 14denSeptember schrijftCartwrightals volgt:
„A most violent struggle is at this moment going on between the two parties in the council at theHôtel de Ville. Since Sunday morning139)the liberals have three several times attempted to proclaim a Provisional Government, which has only failed through the resolution withwhich it was met by the Barons d'Hooghvorst140)and their adherents. In the terms of a proclamation, issued by thecommission de sûreté, the liberals saw an inclination to return to order, which but ill accorded with their views, and they have consequently been directing all their efforts to overturn that commission141).... Such a step as proclaiming a Provisional Government at the moment the King's speech142)might be expected to arrive, could only have been pressed by a party resolved to carry matters to extremities, and who feared to find in that document a communication which might satisfy the public mind. The nature, impolicy and folly of such a measure were set forth in their true light, and the moderate party prevailed on the council to reject the proposition.... The moderate party would desire nothing better than to find some door open to them, by which they could with consistency get out of this scrape, and much as I am convinced they wish it, they still profess that they never will abandon the cause in which they have embarked, until some satisfactory assurance be given by the King, that the separation shall haveH. M.'s consent.... The Barons d'Hooghvorst are very popular with the respectable inhabitants, among whom they have a very large party, and by whom they are very much respected, and were they to receive on the part of the King any assurance which they might offer to their party as perfectlysatisfactory, I am convinced it is not only in their power to do so, but that they would instantly reestablish the King's government and authority.... There is such a dread that the crisis will be attended with tumult and disorder of the most vicious descriptions, in case the liberal party succeed in their schemes, that hundreds of persons have been leaving the town yesterday and to-day, and among them many of the Bourgeois themselves. The nobility evidently desire to quit the town from the fear that they may be considered as countenancing the revolt, and they have all either retired to the country, or have proceeded to the Hague.... Arms continue to arrive from Liege, and quantities of pikes are making to arm the rabble in case of force being used. The colliers from theneighbourhoodof Mons, known under the name of the Borains, alone amount to 15.000 men, all too willingly to lend their assistance when called upon.”
Cartwright17 September:„The King's speech reached Brussels on the evening of the 14thand has not had the effect of satisfying either party. On the same day it was received, a dinner was given by the sections to the deputation from Liege143)aswellas the officers of the Liegeois guard, of whom about 150 still remain at Brussels, the rest having been found too disorderly and inclined to mischief to render them a desirable aid in the unsettled state of the town, and were consequently sent back to Liege the end of last week. This dinner wasattendedby the staff of theGarde Bourgeoise, but the Barons d'Hooghvorst, and most of the moderate party, were not present. About six, the staff retired on account of their duties at theHôtel de Ville, when the commander of the Liegeois,Monsieur Rogier, an attorney, was called to the chair.Soon afterwards he announced the receipt of the King's speech, which he read aloud to the company, but every sentence was received with strong marks of disapprobation, which increased as he proceeded, until at length, when he read the last paragraph but one, wherein the King declares he will not yield to faction144), an uproar ensued which beggars all description. My informant, who is an officer of theGarde Bourgeoiseand was present from motives of curiosity, told me that the cries ofaux armes, vive la liberté, à bas le Roiresounded on all sides. Swords were unsheathed and the tumult and exaltation so great that for many minutes the President could not proceed, and when at length he terminated, the speech was burnt amidst the acclamations of the company.Monsieur Jottrand, one of the editors of theCourrier, then addressed the assembly and said that thoughtheKing in the commencement of his speech had spokenen Rodomont145), he had in the sequel given proofs of a better disposition by proposing the two points for the immediate discussion of the States General146), and he recommended that the result of that discussion should be awaited with patience.Monsieur Claes, another of the editors of that paper, supportedMonsieur Jottrand, and though this opinionwas evidently participated but by very few, some sort of order was by degrees reestablished. Whilst this scene was in full force, the people had collected in the neighbourhood of theHôtel de Villeto the number of several hundreds, and instigated by secret agents, burnt the King's speech, and evinced such a disposition to riot as to render it expedient to beat thegénérale. TheGarde Bourgeoisein a few minutes mustered 2000 strong, in time to prevent some incendiaries from setting fire to the theatre, and in an hour afterwards the effervescence was completely subdued.
Thecommission de sûretéremaineden permanenceduring the night, and on Wednesday morning four deputies from each section were summoned to theHôtel de Ville, to deliberate on the measures to be adopted consequent upon the King's speech. To this meeting were also cited the deputations from Liege, Luxemburg and other towns, now at Brussels.... When CountMerodein the name of thecommission de sûretéproposed to send an instruction to their members at the States General to press the separation as necessary, to be declared without loss of time, and to put them in possession of the impression produced by the King's speech, the deputies from Liege strongly opposed such a proceeding. They insisted that a Provisional Government should be declaredforthwith,—that all further transactions with the King's Government were useless and absurd, and that the Bruxellois were deceiving the expectations of the rest of Belgium by the slow and cautious course they were disposed to follow. The Bruxellois declared that their desire and intention was to keep within what they considered thevoie légale; that their deputies being at the Hague, they were willing to await the result of their efforts before they took any further step, but that they wished to send them an exposéof their views, that they might be laid before the King, to proveH. M.the necessity of recommending to the States General that the separation should be promptly settled. The Liegeois, supported by the deputies from all the other towns, declared that they were extremely dissatisfied with the conduct of the Bruxellois, who if they would not of their own accord take more decided measures, should be made to adopt them by extraordinary means; and they then attempted to intimidate them by threatening them not only to summon a force from Liege and other towns to impel them forward, but to let loose upon them the population from the Borinage.... A violent dispute followed, but the Bruxellois remained firm, and the result was that the Liegeois and their adherents, finding they could not carry their point, seceded from the meeting. Only one of the deputies of the sections of Brussels followed them, and that wasMonsieur Ducpétiaux, an intimate friend ofMonsieurde Potterand a violent liberal.... The Liegeois and their friends, when they seceded, retired to theHôtel de la Paix, the inn where they had dined the day previous, and there drew up another address, which directs the deputies to return if they cannot in the Chamber establish the principle of the separation immediately....
It was always expected that disturbances would be fomented on Tuesday night, and it is now beyond doubt evident that the dinner given on the very day the speech was to be received at Brussels, and the attempts at disturbances instigated by secret agents, whothemselvesburnt the speech to excite the rabble, were parts of a deep plan to throw the town into confusion in the midst of which the Provisional Government was to be established, and it is a matter of some consequence that notwithstanding every effort was used to ensure the success of the object inview, the wild schemes of the violent party completely failed. The language against the Royal Family and the general tone which prevailed at the dinner disgusted even many of the most furious liberals, and at theHôtel de Ville, Monsieur Jottrand, ClaesandRemi, who have hitherto been regarded as advocates for the violent party, sided completely with the moderates.
The liberals are becoming more exasperated every day, and now are completely led byMonsieur Ducpétiauxand the deputation from Liege, composed chiefly of young men of the most exaggerated opinions. They have since Tuesday formed two clubs, one at theHôtel de la PaixwithMonsieur Rogierpresident andMonsieur Ducpétiauxvice-president, and the other at theHôtel de Bavière, where I am told the language used is equal to any in the times of the French Revolution, and yesterday at the fermer they voted an address to thecommission de sûretéto engage that body to proclaim a Provisional Government.... Not a night passes without attempts of some kind to create disorders, and yesterday evening a mob of at least 2000 persons remained for some hours collected in front of theHôtel de Ville.... There is an open rupture between the two parties since Tuesday, and the struggle is most tremendous. Although at the meeting at theHôtel de Villeon that day, the moderate party were well supported and carried their point, they have by the intrigues and mischievous efforts of their adversaries very great difficulty in maintaining their ascendancy, and unless they receive some moral support by favorable intelligence from the Hague, they will probably fall, for they are losing ground among the populace every hour. I cannot form an idea what they will do when pressed to the last, but I shall never be surprised to learn that a majority of the Bourgeoisie have made an overture to the troopsto enter the town, sooner than cooperate in establishing a Provisional Government147). The crisis is working its way very rapidly.”
Cartwright19 September:„The Committee of Public Safety as yet maintains its ground, and firmly resists the project of the liberals to proclaim a Provisional Government, but the moderate party is so undermined, it is very probable the present fabric will fall within 48 hours.... Were the King to support the moderates at this moment by issuing a proclamation thanking the Garde Bourgeoise for the tranquillity they had maintained and protection they had given to private property,—wereH. M.to declare frankly He would take into immediate consideration their grievances,—and were He to follow this up by an amnesty, I am very much inclined to think from all I hearin various quarters, thatH. M.would find a large portion of the inhabitants well disposed to receive his troops, provided they were Belgians. So many persons even among the moderate party stand committed for having been impelled by the force of circumstances beyond what they at first conceived possible, and from this insurrection having taken a much more serious turn than they ever contemplated, that they now want some assurance they may not consider themselves as compromised with the Government, and till they obtain some sort of support as I have hinted at above, they will still cling to the machine as long as it is in motion....”
Op den dag dat dezedépêchegeschreven werd, Zondag 19 September, had een in zichzelf nietig voorval plaats, dat de breuk tusschen de twee partijen verhaastte. De Luikenaars maakten dien dag, bij een eigenmachtig uitgevoerdeverkenning naar den kant van Tervueren, vier paarden van de maréchaussée van Prins Frederik buit; de veiligheidscommissie en de krijgsraad zonden deze paarden terug, verontschuldigden zich bij den prins, en waarschuwden bij proclamatie tegen alle dergelijk bedrijf148).„The Liegeois and liberals were much displeased at the proclamation, as well as at the approbation it met with from the generality of the Burghers and better disposed persons, and raising a cry that the moderates wished to betray the people, about half past six on Sunday evening, 30 of them, with colours flying and drum beating, forced their way into theHôtel de Ville, and entered the room where the council of theGarde Bourgeoisewas holding its sittings. They insisted that the person who had drawn up the proclamation should be delivered up to them.Monsieurd'Hooghvorst refused to accede to their demand, seized their colour, upbraided them with their disorderly conduct, and after a warm altercation they retired, probably from not being in sufficient numbers effectually to resist the threat made to turn them out by force. They then went to their quarters, but the rabble, who had been during the whole day in front of theHôtel de Ville, remained there in considerable numbers all the evening, continually repeating the cry, that they were betrayed by their leaders, and that they wanted arms to march to Vilvorde and attack the troops. They were prompted to this movement by the Liegeois and some secret agents, who have been very busy here, since the commencement of this insurrection, and about one o'clock in the morning of the 20ththey became so riotous, that theGarde Bourgeoisefired on them, killed two and wounded several, when the rest dispersed. About seven they returned in greater numbers with the Liegeois to support them, and made a sudden attack on the post at theHôtel de Ville; they disarmed the guard, made themselves master of that building without any difficulty, and seized what arms they could find there, which consisted in a few cases of muskets and several pikes. They then separated themselves into different parties, to attempt and disarm other posts, and in some instances they succeeded. The rest of the 20ththey passed in parading the town in different detachments in good order, trying to enrol men, as they said, to attack the troops at Vilvorde. I met one of these detachments, consisting of about 200 men, marching very regularly, and followed by 300 or 400 of the rabble, who, could they have procured arms, would have fallen into the ranks.Monsieur Ducpétiaux, the most violent liberal leader, was in the ranks, performing the duties of a soldier. TheGarde Bourgeoise, with the exception of those who had been disarmed, occupied several posts in force throughout the day, but they neither interfered actively to suppress the movement of the Liegeois and their followers, nor were they at all molested by them. Nothing was heard of the Committee of Public Safety, nor of the council of theGarde Bourgeoisefrom the moment theHôtel de Villewas entered by the populace, and this movement so far succeeded in one of its objects, that it overturned the authorities against whom it was directed. Though there was in fact no authority in existence since the 20thand 21st, those days nevertheless passed quietly, with the exception of the agitation resulting from such a state of confusion, but there was no attempt at pillage or tumult. Great alarm certainly pervaded the town; all the shops were shut, and no business whatever was doneby the merchants, bankers, or tradesmen. The night of the 20thwas perfectly quiet.
About the middle of the 20th, a list was circulated with the names of the eight following individuals as members of a Provisional Government: Countd'Oultremont, of Liege; Countde Mérode(Brussels),MM.de Stassart(Namur),Gendebien(Mons),van de Weyer(Brussels),Raikem(Liege),van Meenen(Louvain),de Potter(Bruges).—I believe it may be considered certain, that this list emanated from the liberal club at theSalle de St. Georges149), and seems merely to have been a project put forward by the liberals, in the hopes it would be supported and sanctioned by the sections, and the individuals therein named would instantly come forward and act. On the morning of the 21st, lists with the names of the eight individuals above mentioned were sent from theHôtel de Ville(which was in possession of the liberals) to the commander of each of the different sections, for the purpose of being approved by them, but the chief of one assured me that not a single individual in his section signed the same, and I believe but few signatures were affixed to this project.
Monsieurvan der Fosse,governor of the province, left the town on the evening of the 20thso soon as he heard of the attempt to form a Provisional Government, which failed, there being no one of sufficient courage at that moment to put himself at its head, and though the arrival ofMonsieurde Potterwas announced for theevening of the 20thto give the finishing stroke to the plan, he never made his appearance.Monsieurd'Hooghvorst, the commander, convoked the sections of the GardeBourgeoise on the morning of the 21stand went round to each separately, to entreat them in the state the town then was, to remain firm to their duty; to protect the public tranquillity, and their own property; that what passed beyond the walls did not concern them; that the Countvan der Meerehad taken the command of a free corps which had been formed, and whatever he and his followers chose to undertake, would rest solely upon their ownresponsibility. Several of the respectable Burghers on hearing this appeal, consented to continue their services a short time longer.Monsieurd'Hooghvorstto preserve order as much as possible amidst the anarchy which reigned in the town, established himself again at theHôtel de Villeon the evening of the 21st, and remained till he resigned on the 22nd, but he was alone and unaided by anyone, and totally without a shadow of power. The free corps was to have acted as partizans in bands of 50 or 100 each, but was never effected150), because the attention of the Liegeois was directed shortly afterwards to more serious matters.
About two o'clock on the evening of the 21sta sudden alarm was given, that a detachment of dragoons had been seen within a short distance of one of the gates of the town, thePorte deSchaerbeek. The tocsin was immediately sounded and, without exaggeration, in avery fewminutes the whole population was in motion. The few cannon in the town were drawn by men to the different gates, the streets were unpaved, barricades erected, and every measure put in force which could at all contribute towards a determined resistance. The barriers were instantly closed, and persons who wished toentersearched.
An opinion instantly became general that the town was to be immediately attacked, unless the inhabitants made an entire submission, and the preparations for defence proved that there was a fixed resolution to use every effort to repulse a forcible entry, if attempted on the part of the army. The Liegeois gave the greatest impulse to this movement, made every exertion to increase the excitement, and shewed an almost incredible zeal and activity in the cause in which they had embarked. About an hour after the alarm was first given, they left the town with some other associates to reconnoitre, and having fallen in with some dragoons on the road to Vilvorde, a few men were lost on each side. They returned to the town about eight in the evening, and it being evident that a strong force was advancing upon Brussels, all means were employed to arm the rabble, which shewed itself in great numbers. During the night many domiciliary visits were made to obtain some muskets from the Burghers, others were seized by force, and in the end there were very few of the inhabitants, originally composing the Burghers Guard, who retained them on the 22nd. Advice was sent off to Liege, Louvain, Wavre, the Borinage for assistance, and the tocsin was sounded in all the villages in the immediate neighbourhood of Brussels, which brought in some hundreds of men.
On the 22nd, about one in the morning, an alarm was sounded, and the people were instantly under arms, but on parties being sent out, it proved unfounded. About eight o'clock 2000 men went out of the town to attack the advanced posts, which were within a league of Brussels at a village called Dieghem, and some skirmishing took place, when the rebels killed a few of the military, but lost more themselves and about 20 prisoners. They remained in advance of the towntill evening. The proclamation of the Prince Frederick151)announcing the King's decision that His troops should proceed to occupy the town, became generally known in the course of the morning, and many of the Burghers declared themselves satisfied with the terms in which the amnesty was offered to all but the leaders who had fomented the insurrection152). Baron d'Hooghvorst resigned the command of the Guard, and declared he should thenceforth only serve as a simple soldier to aid in preserving order; and all that was moderate and respectable immediately followed his example. The command was then assumed by aMonsieurPletinckx, a man of the most violent principles, who is the proprietor of theHôtel de la Paix, where the dinner was given on the 14thto the Liegeois, and the liberal club was first established.
The agitation and anxiety was intense during the 22nd, the barricades and breastworks were multiplied and strengthened, and every street was filled with groups of rabble who wandered two and three together through the town, armed with muskets taken from the Burghers. Aid also arrived from various quarters, and I saw one party enter from Louvain consisting of about 300 men of a resolute appearance, chiefly of the class of peasants, well armed and marching as if perfectly disciplined. The town wasliterallyswarming with persons of this description, generally dresseden sarran, which is the custom of the peasantry of Belgium.
The night was perfectly quiet.—The morning of the23rdthe troops were discovered drawn up on the heights in the neighbourhood, and about a quarter after eight the first shot was fired from the Boulevard adjoining thePorte de Louvain, and was returned by the artillery in position opposite that gate, which sent a few shots into the lower part of the town. The troops then commenced the attack on the upper part of the town by marching to the gates of Schaerbeek, Louvain and Namur at about the same moment, and they entered at each without much difficulty. At a quarter before nine theChasseursof the Guard entered the Park; they dispersed themselves through the trees, and the Park was occupied with hardly any opposition. So far I was an eye-witness, but in a short time afterwards heavy firing commenced on all sides, which lasted till night put an end to it.
On the 24ththe firing commenced at eight, and was if anything more heavy than on the 23rd. It continued occasionally during the night, and yesterday153)commenced at dawn, and lasted without intermission till sunset, though at times more slack than on theprecedingdays.
During those three days I was completely cut off from all communication beyond the house154)by the warm contest which was incessantly carried on, before the very door, between the troops and the people, and finding that no apparent advantage was gained by either party, and being naturally very anxious to obtain a correct account for your Lordships information of what was passing around me, I determined on removing from the Embassy, which I accordingly did early this morning. It was only then that I became fully aware of the lamentable state of things in Brussels, as I now give them to your Lordship.
After three days contest without a minutes interruption, the troops not only do not make any progress, but they are not masters of as much ground as they were on the first day. They now have possession of the two Palaces which front the Park, the Park itself, and the three gates in the upper town, two of which are very near the Park. They have also the Boulevards from thePorte deSchaerbeekto thePorte de Namur, but they have nothing besides. The Place Royale which commands one entrance into the Park from the lower town, and theRue Royale Neuve, which leads from the Park to thePorte deSchaerbeek, both most important points as they would give to the troops entire possession of the upper town, are still in the hands of the people, and every attempt to carry them has entirely failed. The entrance from the Park to thePlace Royaleis barricaded, with two cannon to defend it. All the windows of the houses adjoining on the place are filled with men, who keep up an eternal, and too effective fire on any of the military who come within their view. This is the system followed in every part, and the perseverance and determined spirit with which it is pursued, makes it very difficult to think that the troops will ever be able to subdue it, and if at all, without an immense loss of lives.
I have not yet been able to ascertain the exact amount of the military killed and wounded up to this moment, but from the nature of the contest, I fear it must be very considerable. Those who are dangerously wounded are taken to the Palaces, and the rest to this place155)orMalinesand Antwerp. The people fight with most desperate resolution; they took on the 24thtwo pieces of cannon by rushing out upon them in vast numbers and overpowering the men who were with them; but these cannon wereretaken yesterday. An officer of the Lancers156)who was sent in on Friday with a flag of truce was seized by the people, ill-treated in every way, almost dragged to the Hôtel de Ville, where he was retained as a prisoner. Several of the troops were made prisoners at the commencement, when they entered the town without sufficient caution. The town has been on fire various times, and in some instances the fire did not arise from accident, but was laid intentionally by the populace. On Thursday the rabble, to shew their detestation of the Dutch nation, set fire to a Dutch school, which extended to a riding house adjoining, and it was entirely consumed. A whole street has been burned near the Porte de Schaerbeek, and not a day passes without some terrible conflagration. This day as I was leaving the town, another fire manifested itself and appeared very extensive.
This morning the firing recommenced about seven, and when I left the gate of Louvain at half after eleven, some artillery had been opened within forty paces of the Hôtel de Bellevue, which forms the corner house of the Place Royale and the Park, and which is filled from the cellar to the roof with the armed rabble.
The soldiers are now disheartened and many of the officiers of my acquaintance, and one or two indeed holding high rank in the army, with whom I conversed, are of opinion that either a negotiation would be attempted, or the troops drawn off in the evening to occupy a position on the heights beyond the town. They all agreed that unless some great advantage was gained in the course of the day, there would be little use in persevering in the contest....
I am told by an Englishman, who with difficultygot out of the lower town this morning, that the exasperation is intense, and is now gaining all classes, even the most respectable inhabitants; and all are equally infuriated at the ruin brought upon their town. The animosity and detestation of the Dutch, to whom the whole population join in attributing the melancholy results of this attack, are carried to such a pitch that it is impossible to say what horrid excesses may not be committed on any unfortunate individual of that nation upon whom they may lay their hands. To give your Lordship an instance of this feeling: my informant told me that on Friday evening hundreds of persons flocked in a tumult to the King's Church, where the service is performed in Dutch, and after one of them had ascended the pulpit and made a mockery of religion amidst the applauses of the multitude, the whole of the interior was totally demolished”(Cartwright26 September, geschreven uit Vilvoorde).
„In my last I stated that as I left the gate of Louvain at half after eleven on the 26th, some artillery had been placed within forty paces of theHôtel de Bellevueto dislodge if possible the rebels from that building. Within half an hour afterwards a most furious effort was made by the people to drive the troops from the Park, and the grenadiers lost 60 men in the space of half an hour in the stand they made against them. A piece of cannon was placed in theHôtel de Bellevue, from which were fired square pieces of iron, which have caused with few exceptions most incurable wounds. In the evening the fire was laid to a house next to the wing of the Palace usually inhabited by Prince Frederick, which soon gained that building, but fortunately by the exertions of the persons in the palace, aided by some soldiers, it wasextinguished.
Early in the evening preparations were made to carry a retreat into effect during the night. The wounded were removed from the palaces and by four in the morning yesterday every soldier was beyond the gates of the town....Monsieurd'Hooghvorst when he saw the resistance was firm, and would prove successful, went on the night of the 25thwith two others, to obtain from Prince Frederick the assurance that the troops should be withdrawn seven leagues from the town. The proposition was refused, and he then appears to have made this a pretext for again coming forward as the ostensible leader of the people. He and some others immediately established themselvesen permanenceat the Hôtel de Ville, and the next day they formed a Provisional Government157).... All parties have united, and this rebellion is now to become a national question. The moderates and better disposed inhabitants, who ten days since were actually begging for the entry of the troops, from the moment they saw the efforts of the armed populace were to be successful, and that the army would be repulsed, joined the cause, declared themselves, and they are now all identified with the liberals, and form but one party, and have but one object: to drive the troops back to Holland. This is their cry, and every moment confirms me more in the opinion, that a general rising cannot be prevented throughout the whole of the Netherlands properly so called”(Cartwright28 September, uit Vilvoorde).
Inderdaad was, nu de gematigde partij zich aansloot, binnen enkele dagen het grootste deel van België in opstand.De regeering immers was voor aller oogen verslagen; zij kon niemand meer tegen het geweld der omwentelingspartij beschermen. Niet ieder evenwel, die voor het oogenblik het gezag van het voorloopig bestuur erkende, beoogde voor de toekomst hetzelfde.Cartwright, die den 29stenSeptember te Brussel terugkeerde, onderscheidt vier partijen: een wil de inlijving bij Frankrijk, een de republiek, een het koningschap van eenOrleans, een dat van den Prins van Oranje158). De partij voor de republiek vormde, zoo al niet in de clubs te Brussel, dan toch in het land een zeer kleine minderheid. Machtiger was de partij die in den een of anderen vorm een nauwe aansluiting bij Frankrijk wenschte, maarLouis Philippe, doorGendebiennamens het voorloopig bestuur gepolst, wees de Belgen af: hij had de welwillendheid van Europa noodig voor de bevestiging van zijn eigen onvasten troon, was reeds in overleg getreden met de Engelsche regeering, en wilde in het Belgische vraagstuk niet handelen dan gezamenlijk met Engeland. Waarvan hij echter verzekering geven kon was dat Frankrijk, zelf van eenzijdige tusschenkomst afziende, zich evenzeer tegen eenzijdige tusschenkomst van anderen zou verzetten. In het bezit van deze toezegging, riep het voorloopig bestuur den 4denOctober een nationaal congres bijeen, en verklaarde dat de Belgische provinciën een zelfstandigen staat zouden uitmaken. Tegelijkertijd werd een commissie benoemd om een grondwet te ontwerpen; deze commissie besliste, in haar eerste zitting (12 October), met acht stemmen tegen één voor den monarchalen regeeringsvorm.
Wie dan koning worden moest? De candidaat der gematigden, vanEmanueld'Hooghvorst bij voorbeeld, was de Prins van Oranje. Men dacht dat deze keus de meestekans had van door Europa te worden goedgekeurd, en dus een gunstigen invloed hebben kon op de voorwaarden der scheiding, waarmede Europa zich ging bemoeien. Van zijn kant scheen Willem I zijn zoon in bizondere betrekking tot de Belgen te willen brengen: hij zond hem, met den titel van tijdelijk bestuurder der Zuidelijke provinciën, naar het nog getrouwe Antwerpen. Maar ondanks de pogingen van een aanzienlijk deel der aristocratie, verwierp het Belgisch volksinstinct deze keus. Men achtte de scheiding onvolkomen, zoolang men niet ook elken band met het huis van Oranje had verbroken. Het is dunkt mij aan geen twijfel onderhevig, dat het volksinstinct hierin volkomen juist heeft gezien. Een Belgisch koningschap van den oudsten zoon van den koning van Holland ware een ding vol dubbelzinnigheden geweest. Een zendeling van den Engelschen consul te Oostende, de als geschiedschrijver der Belgische omwenteling bekend gewordenCharles White, had den 4denOctober een onderhoud met eenige leden van het voorloopig bestuur, waaronderMerode, en deelt als zijn indruk van het gevoerde gesprek mede, dat de houding vanLouis Philippezeker de kansen van den Prins van Oranje verbeterd heeft.„It is scarcely necessary to say”, vervolgt hij dan:„that he would be called upontorenounce Holland and become Belgian, even perhaps to religion”159). Dacht ook de prins er zoo over?—Andere dubbelzinnigheid: Willem I had België in zijn hart niet opgegeven, en had de zending van zijn zoon bedoeld als een laatste poging, om het onder zijn eigen gezag terug te brengen. Den 29stenSeptember had de Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal met 55 tegen 43 stemmen de vraag, „of de betrekkingen tusschen de twee groote afdeelingen vanhet koninkrijk ter bevordering van het gemeenschappelijk belang in vorm of aard zouden behooren te worden veranderd”, met ja beantwoord160); onder de neenzeggers waren 10 Belgen161), onder de jazeggers 14 Hollanders. Deze stemming was evenwel, na hetgeen te Brussel had plaats gehad, geheel onzuiver geweest. De scheiding was door een partij in België met de wapenen voltrokken; eigenlijk stemden de 10 Belgische neenzeggers meer tegen de democraten te Brussel dan tegen het beginsel eener administratieve scheiding van Noord en Zuid, terwijl een goed getal der 33 Hollandsche neenzeggers òf vóór men van verandering van betrekkingen sprak de Belgen tuchtigen wilde voor hetgeen men den moord te Brussel noemde, òf tegen stemde omdat men geheel van België af wilde zijn, en dus niet meer onder één dynastie en onder één grondwet met hen verkoos te leven. De geheele stemming, en de daarop gevolgde benoeming eener staatscommissie om de veranderingen in de grondwet te ontwerpen, „welke het algemeen belang en dat van elk der afdeelingen vorderen”, waren een slag in de lucht. „Nu te vragen”, zeide een der noordelijke sprekers, „zal België al dan niet met het oude Nederland vereenigd blijven? is eene daadzaak in overweging nemen, die reeds door het snoodste misdrijf is daargesteld, en die geenszins door eene uitspraak der Nederlandsche Regeering, maar alleen door het zwaard en vermoedelijk door de groote mogendheden zal beslist worden.”
Intusschen was op den onvasten grondslag der stemming van 29 September het gansche gestel der officieele positie van den Prins van Oranje te Antwerpen gebouwd. Hij zou „tijdelijk in 's Konings naam het bestuur waarnemen over alle die gedeelten der zuidelijke gewesten, waar hetgrondwettig gezag erkend werd”, met last om „de pogingen, die door welgezinde ingezetenen mochten worden aangewend, om die gedeelten, waar de orde gestoord was, onder het wettig gezag terug te brengen, door middelen van bevrediging zooveel mogelijk te bevorderen” (4 October). Als raadgevers had hij den hertog van Ursel, Gobbelschroy enLacostenevens zich, benevens de Belgische leden van den Raad vanStateen een aantal Belgische kamerleden. Onmiddellijk na zijn aankomst te Antwerpen vaardigde hij een proclamatie uit, waarbij hij, in afwachting van den arbeid der door den koning benoemde staatscommissie, reeds allerhande hervormingen voor België toezeide, als vrijheid van taal en van onderwijs (5 October). Dit alles moest dus, als het slaagde, op administratieve scheiding van Noord en Zuid onder één koning en één grondwet uitloopen; geheel iets anders dan de „onafhankelijkheid” die het voorloopig bestuur te Brussel den vorigen dag had geproclameerd. In den aanhef van 's konings besluit van den 4denOctober werd als eenige beweegreden tot de zending van den prins opgegeven „de belemmering, door den toestand der zuidelijke provinciën teweeggebracht in de werking van het algemeen bestuur uit de residentie 's-Gravenhage”. Het kon dus niemand verrassen, dat het voorloopig bestuur te Brussel weigerde den prins in zijn nieuwe hoedanigheid te erkennen. Zelfs de bizondere voorstanders van zijn persoon konden niet met zijn candidatuur voor den dag komen, zoolang hij gezag trachtte uit te oefenen op 's konings naam. De club in de St. Joriszaal te Brussel verklaarde zelfs alle Belgen die naar Antwerpen bij den prins zouden gaan voor verraders, en hun goederen voor verbeurd; het eenige lid dat er tegen sprak, werd lichamelijk mishandeld162). De Belgische kamerleden te Antwerpenbeduidden den prins dan ook spoedig, dat de ingeslagen weg zeker niet tot den troon van België leiden zou. Zij sloegen hem voor, dat een bijeenkomst van zoo mogelijk alle Belgische leden der Tweede Kamer, op 18 October te Antwerpen te houden, de onafhankelijkheid van België proclameeren en tegelijk een bestuur vestigen zou waarvan hij het souvereine hoofd zou zijn. De prins was geneigd aan te nemen163), doch niet zonder voorkennis van zijn vader, dien hij van het aanbod kennis gaf. Hij verliet zich op de tusschenkomst van de Brouckere164)bij het voorloopig bestuur, en vanDucpétiaux(die, bij den aanval op Brussel gevangen genomen, thans werd losgelaten) bij de club in de St. Joriszaal.—Den 16denlas de prins aanCartwright's konings antwoord voor; het machtigde hem de souvereiniteit, indien aangeboden, aan te nemen onder voorbehoud van de goedkeuring der mogendheden, en voorts onder beding dat Luxemburg geen deel van den Belgischen staat zou uitmaken, en dat Antwerpen en de andere plaatsen nog door 's konings troepen bezet, niet door die troepen ontruimd zouden worden dan na den definitieven afloop van alle te treffen regelingen165). Intusschen kon het aanbod, door de Belgischekamerleden den 10dengedaan, reeds niet meer door hen worden nagekomen. Dat aanbod was gedaan in een opwelling van wrevel over de juist bekend geworden bijeenroeping der Staten-Generaal van het geheele koninkrijk tegen 18 October te 's Gravenhage, terwijl volgens de grondwet thans een stad van het Zuiden aan de beurt zou geweest zijn, en men dus een vergadering te Antwerpen had verwacht. Het gansche plan had geen grond onder de voeten: het gezag van de Belgische leden der Staten-Generaal werd alleen nog in Limburg en te Antwerpen erkend. Overal elders gehoorzaamde men het voorloopig bestuur te Brussel en maakte men zich gereed tot de verkiezingen voor het Nationaal Congres. Indien de prins koning van België worden wilde, moest dáár zijn naam zegevieren. De kamerleden zelf hadden dus, toen 's konings brief aankwam, reeds van de vergadering te Antwerpen afgezien, en aangeraden liever moeite te doen voor een orangistische meerderheid in het Congres. In een ander opzicht was de toestand even onzuiver. België verwachtte dat de prins Holland opgeven zou, maar hij zelf had andere oogmerken166).—Cartwrightraadde den prins, nogmaals naar den Haag te schrijven eer hij verder ging, maar het was reeds te laat: de proclamatie, waarbij de prins de Belgen voor een onafhankelijk volk erkende en zich in de provinciën die hij bestuurde, „aan het hoofd stelde der beweging”, was geteekend. De hertog van Ursel, Gobbelschroy enLacostehadden den stap afgeraden enlieten hem nu alleen. De prins had zich overgegeven aan de kamerledende Celles, de Brouckereenle Hon, die tusschen Brussel en Antwerpen af en aan gingen en volhielden dat zijn kansen goed stonden:de Brouckerekwam zelfs eenmaal vertellen, dat hij den invloedrijkenCourrier des Pays-Basvoor den prins gewonnen had. De feiten beantwoordden niet aan deze voorspiegelingen. De toon te Brussel bleef volmaakt dezelfde als die sedert het gevecht van September geweest was, en het voorloopig bestuur beantwoordde 's prinsen stuk met een proclamatie, waarin hij gesommeerd werd op te geven of hij zich als Belgisch onderdaan beschouwde, in welk geval hij zich had te stellen onder de bevelen van het voorloopig bestuur. Een ander gevolg van het stuk van den prins was, dat Antwerpen alle kompas verloor, en niet wist of het zich houden zou aan den prins „die zich aan het hoofd der beweging stelde”, of aanChassé, die het gezag van den koning handhaafde. Doodelijk eindelijk was het voor den prins dat de koning, in een boodschap aan de Staten-Generaal, verklaarde dat de aanleidende oorzaken tot de proclamatie hem even onbekend waren als de gevolgen daarvan door hem konden berekend worden.„The Prince of Orange”, schrijftCartwrightden 22sten,„is now in a most unfortunate predicament, for I cannot name one individual about him who can give him wholesome advice. He is in fact quite alone and may be considered as placed in this embarassing position by the ill-judged advice of the Belgian deputies”. Den 24stenverliet de prins de stad, die vervolgens in oproer kwam en doorChasséwerd beschoten.
De Antwerpsche episode is een diep treurig en onnoodig nastuk geweest op de gebeurtenissen van September. De prins draagt voorzeker niet de geheele schuld. Ook de koning, die hem in een zoo dubbelzinnige positie hadgeplaatst, gaat niet vrij uit. Zijn besluit van 4 October erkende de omwenteling niet, en liet alles voortvloeien uit de vóór de nederlaag te Brussel door hem uitgevaardigde stukken. Het was zeer de vraag of deze houding nog tot iets leiden kon, maar zij was in ieder geval volkomen correct. Met zijn brief van den 13denevenwel verliet de koning zelf het gebied van de legaliteit. Beschouwde hij de door hem tegen den 18dente 's-Gravenhage uitgeschreven vergadering der Staten-Generaal als wettig, dan was er geen sprake van dat een Belgische vergadering de souvereiniteit over het Zuiden zou kunnen wegschenken. De prins evenwel ging nog veel verder dan de koning hem in zijn brief toestond: hij wachtte het aanbod der souvereiniteit niet af, maar deed een opzienbarende poging om zulk een aanbod uit te lokken. Zijn hierop gevolgde verloochening door Willem I, de allerheftigste afkeuring van zijn daad door het Noorden, zijn onmacht tegenoverChassé, de volslagen hulpeloosheid van zijn toestand, die geen uitweg overliet dan een vertrek naar den vreemde, maakten het den Belgen duidelijk dat men, door hem te kiezen, een groote dwaasheid zou begaan. Men zou zich, voor een niet te berekenen tijd, in een hoogst onzuivere verhouding hebben gesteld tegenover hetzelfde Noorden waarvan men zoo nadrukkelijk wenschte gescheiden te zijn. Iemand die op een wenkbrauwfronsen van den koning van Holland de vlucht nam, kon geen koning van België wezen. Het Congres, dat den 10denNovember bijeenkwam, sprak den 24stendaaraanvolgende met 161 tegen 28 stemmen167)de vervallenverklaring van het „huis Nassau” uit. Den 18denwas, met algemeene stemmen, de onafhankelijkheid van België geproclameerd; den 22stenhad de vergadering, met 174 tegen 13stemmen, den monarchalen regeeringsvorm aangenomen.
Welken koning België nu kiezen zou, hing niet alleen van eigen voorkeur, maar ook van de goedkeuring van Europa af. Tegelijk met zijn besluit van 4 October had Willem I de hulp van de onderteekenaars der artikelen van Londen ingeroepen om de rust in de zuidelijke provinciën gewapenderhand te herstellen168). Maar het Europa van 1830 was dat van 1814 niet meer. Toen het verzoek van Willem I ontvangen werd, was Engeland reeds met Frankrijk overeengekomen, de Belgische zaak in gemeen overleg te regelen en zoo mogelijk zonder gewapende tusschenkomst. Engeland waarborgde zijn mede-onderteekenaars van 1814, dat België niet aan Frankrijk zou komen; het waarborgde Frankrijk, dat die mede-onderteekenaars niet eenzijdig in België zouden intervenieeren. Men gaf dus aan Willem I ten antwoord, dat niet de vier, maar de vijf mogendheden bereid waren de Belgische zaak te regelen langs vreedzamen weg169). Den 21stenOctober nam Willem I dit aanbod aan, en verzocht in de eerste plaats om de bemiddeling van een wapenstilstand170). Nadat de conferentie van Londen, die den 4denNovember haar werk begon, dezen wapenstilstand inderdaad bewerkt had, sprak zij 20 December het beginsel der „toekomstige onafhankelijkheid van België” uit en stelde 20 Januari 1831 de voorwaarden van scheiding tusschen België en Holland vast: herstel van Holland binnen de grenzen van 1790; de rest van het koninkrijk der Nederlanden zal, met uitzondering van het groothertogdom Luxemburg, een neutralen staat België vormen. Den 27stenJanuarisloeg de conferentie voor, dat deze staat België met 16/31 der Nederlandsche schuld zou worden belast, en bepaalde dat geen koning van België door de vijf mogendheden zou worden erkend, die de voorwaarden van 20–27 Januari niet aannam, en ook uit anderen hoofde door de mogendheden geschikt werd geoordeeld171). De conferentie kwam hierdoor in strijd met het Congres, dat reeds op Luxemburg, Maastricht en Staats-Vlaanderen aanspraak had gemaakt, en den 19denJanuari besloten had tot de koningskeuze over te gaan zonder de mogendheden om advies te vragen. Den 1stenFebruari protesteerde dus het Congres met 163 tegen 9 stemmen tegen de voorwaarden van 20 Januari; den 3denFebruari koos het den hertog vanNemourstot koning, niettegenstaandeLouis Philippevan te voren gewaarschuwd had dat hij zijn zoon niet zou kunnen geven; evenwel was de keuze hem welkom, in zooverre zij die van concurreerenden candidaat, den hertog vanLeuchtenberg, zoon vanEugène de Beauharnais, onmogelijk maakte. Den 7denFebruari weigerde de conferentie, den nieuwgekozen koning te erkennen. België had dus alles gedaan, om de mogendheden tegen zich in te nemen; tegelijk begon de langdurige regeeringloosheid haar gevolgen te doen gevoelen in een ergerlijke wanorde binnenslands. Velen in Europa gingen twijfelen aan de mogelijkheid van een onafhankelijken Belgischen staat; belustheid op een verdeeling van België maakte bedenkelijke vorderingen. Deze omstandigheden zijn gewis niet zonder invloed geweest op de houding van Willem I, die den 18denFebruari in de voorwaarden van 20–27 Januari gaaf toestemde.Hij erkende dus België's onafhankelijkheid (waartegen hij na de beslissing van 20 December nog had geprotesteerd), maar op het oogenblik, dat deze onafhankelijkheid twijfelachtig scheen te worden.
Toch is België uit de moeilijkheid gered: den 24stenFebruari koos het zich een regent; de orangistische bewegingen, die in Februari en Maart plaats hadden, werden gemakkelijk onderdrukt, en het inzicht der bestuurders (bovenal vanJoseph Lebeau) greep het eenig middel aan, om zich tegenover Europa in een betere positie te plaatsen. Tot dusver had men veel te uitsluitend heul gezocht bij Frankrijk, dat bij de vernietiging van het koninkrijk der Nederlanden een zoo duidelijk belang had; maar Frankrijk had Europa te ontzien. Een Fransche candidatuur was voor Europa onaannemelijk; die van een of ander Belgisch onderdaan zou nimmer alle Belgen vereenigd hebben. In April besloot het ministerie van den regent, de keus te bevorderen vanLeopold van Saksen-Coburg, nadat men zich verzekerd had, dat deze keus België den steun van Engeland bezorgen zou tot het verkrijgen van gunstiger voorwaarden dan die van Januari. Den 4denJuni werd, met 152 tegen 43 stemmen, prinsLeopoldtot koning van België verkozen; den 26stenJuni werden de door België verworpen voorwaarden van Januari door andere vervangen: de „achttien artikelen”, die de mogelijkheid openlieten eener verwerving van Luxemburg en Maastricht, en aan België alleen de schuld oplegden die het vóór de vereeniging had gedragen, benevens een aandeel in de sedert 1815 door het koninkrijk der Nederlanden aangegane schuld. Den 27stenJuni namLeopoldde kroon van België aan, op voorwaarde dat het Congres de achttien artikelen zou aannemen, wat het den 9denJuli met 126 stemmen tegen 70 deed; onmiddellijk kwamLeopoldover en aanvaardde de regeering.Het antwoord van Willem I was de tiendaagsche veldtocht, die tot een herziening der voorwaarden van 26 Juni leidde. Die veldtocht was een harde les, die België wel gebruiken kon: het overschatte niet weinig zijn eigen krachten. De aanneming der achttien artikelen door het Congres geschiedde op verzekering van den ministerLebeau, dat men zonder eenigen twijfel Maastricht en Luxemburg zou bekomen172); dat Willem I de artikelen zou afwijzen heette geen bezwaar: men had hem slechts te verslaan; Holland was „de lafste natie van Europa”173). De lafste natie gaf eerlang antwoord aan de... welbespraaktste. België, dat niet dan met moeite overreed was de achttien artikelen van Juni aan te nemen, moest zich nu tevreden stellen met de vier-en-twintig artikelen van 15 October, die haar slechts half Luxemburg bezorgden, en de grens in Limburg bepaalden gelijk die nu is. De kamer gehoorzaamde den 1stenNovember met 59 tegen 38 stemmen; den 15denNovember erkenden de mogendheden den Belgischen staat. Door Willem I opgehouden, die niet ophield aan een restauratie te denken, is Holland eerst acht jaar later hiertoe overgegaan.