“I hear that you inquired last evening when our ship would sail. I am directed by the envoy to tell you, that if, within six days, the imperial permission be not received for the mission to go to Hué, the vessel will then sail.“The envoy does not act inconsiderately, as deeming this an affair of a trivial nature: but he is necessitated to leave, because the business confided to him, in other places, will not admit of a long delay.“Nor does he consider it a thing of small import, that the minister of commerce, &c., refuses to report his arrival to the emperor, or to afford him the means of presenting the letter.”
“I hear that you inquired last evening when our ship would sail. I am directed by the envoy to tell you, that if, within six days, the imperial permission be not received for the mission to go to Hué, the vessel will then sail.
“The envoy does not act inconsiderately, as deeming this an affair of a trivial nature: but he is necessitated to leave, because the business confided to him, in other places, will not admit of a long delay.
“Nor does he consider it a thing of small import, that the minister of commerce, &c., refuses to report his arrival to the emperor, or to afford him the means of presenting the letter.”
In reply, the two deputies who had first arrived, (for the othertwo, though not yet on their way for Hué, did not appear,) returned to their former position, that they were desirous of bringing the business to an amicable and satisfactory conclusion, but were prevented by the obstinacy of the envoy. If a translation of the President’s letter, and a complete statement of the objects of the mission, were delivered to them, then some conclusion might be come to.
They were told it was useless talking thus, as the determination of the envoy had already been communicated to them. Should the envoy go to Hué, on his arrival there, the minister might receive a copy of the President’s letter, and what explanations he might desire as to the objects of the mission. Similar conversation was kept up for a few minutes, during which the deputies received a written paper from the other two, who were within. They then wrote, that “the President, being elected and promoted by the people, and not possessing the actual title of king, it behooved him to write in a manner properly decorous and respectful; on which account it was requisite for the translation to be examined, in order to expunge improper words.”
In reply to this insulting language, they were told that the President was inferior to no king or emperor, and were then left.
DEPUTIES’ FALSEHOODS.
In consequence of the insult thus offered to the President, Mr. Morrison again went on shore in the afternoon, in company with Mr. Fowler, for the purpose either of obtaining an apology, or of handing the deputies, for the information of the minister, a protest from the envoy against the adoption of such language. They now withdrew what they had said in the morning; and, having previously torn up the paper on which they had written, they denied that they had said what was attributed to them. “The other day,” said they, “you told us that your President is elected by the people; we asked, therefore, whether he was really a king or not: and letters, we said, should be humble and decorous.”
Had there been any doubt (which there was not) of the real sense of what they said in the morning, the total incoherency of what they now advanced would afford strong presumption against its truth; for who could write in one sentence, the question, “Whether or not the President is a real king;” and the assertion that “letters should be humble and decorous,” with other than the insulting views attributed to them in the morning? But, as theydenied having spoken by command of their master the minister, and wholly disclaimed any intention of insult, the apology was thought sufficient, and the envoy’s protest was not handed to them. They were again told that, though the President did not bear the title of king, yet he was equal to any king or emperor, and was so acknowledged by all with whom the United States had intercourse.
This point being set to rest, a list of the refreshments, which had been received from them at different times, was handed to them, with a request that they would say whether it was correct or not. They were then told, that if the business of the mission were to end unsuccessfully, the refreshments they had sent could not be accepted as presents, but must be paid for. This they strenuously resisted, saying, repeatedly, that the things were of small value. “Nothing,” they were answered, “of the smallest value, could be accepted, if the mission ended without going to Hué. Should the mission proceed thither, they would be accepted as tokens of a friendly disposition between the two countries; but otherwise, no friendly intercourse being established, every thing must be paid for.”
As the feast, when brought on board, had been represented as coming from the emperor, it was now asked how that could be the case, since the emperor was not yet apprized of the vessel’s arrival? The deputies replied, that it was customary to present such refreshments to foreign vessels on their arrival; therefore it was considered as coming from the emperor, although prepared by the provincial officers, at the direction of the minister.
They were then asked what the minister’s object was in thus delaying the business of the mission, and refusing to report to the emperor. They replied, as usual, that their wish was to expedite, not to retard the business of the mission; which was hindered, they said, only by the envoy’s refusal to act according to their advice. It was argued, that if any one had business with them, he would not stay to explain his business to their servants, but would require to speak with themselves at once. Arguments, however, proved useless. They either could or would not comprehend them. The two deputies, who were returning to Hué, had not left, but were to start the same evening.
ENVOY’S LETTER.
January thirtieth.The deputies appearing to act under specific orders, from which they could not deviate in the least, theenvoy now addressed a letter to the minister of commerce, specifying the objects of the mission, and enclosing a copy of the President’s letter, with a Chinese translation of it. The following are copies of the documents:—
Letter from Edmund Roberts, Esq., special envoy from the United States of America, to the Cochin-Chinese minister of foreign affairs, commerce, &c.:—“Edmund Roberts, special envoy from the United States of America, desires to inform your excellency, that he wrote, on the eighteenth of the present month, acquainting your excellency with the wish entertained by the President of the United States to open a friendly intercourse with the emperor of Cochin-China; and with his consequent appointment of myself to be the bearer of a letter which I am to present to his majesty; having, at the same time, full powers to treat, on behalf of the President, for the important objects which he has in view.“I have now the pleasure to enclose copies of the original, and a translation in Chinese, of the President’s letter to the emperor, for your excellency’s inspection. The important objects of the President, mentioned in the letter, are solely to ascertain, if the emperor is willing to admit the American commercial intercourse on the same terms as those of the most favoured nations; or on what conditions he will admit it, and into what ports. No exclusive privileges are asked for. And the envoy is not charged with any other matter or thing, excepting to establish a suitable commercial treaty between the two nations. These are the only objects of the mission.“Had your excellency sent a written answer, requesting the above information, the envoy would have given these particulars previously; but certain persons inquired the object of the vessel’s coming, and asked for a copy of the President’s letter, to whom this information could not be given, as they could show no document or authority from your excellency.“The envoy has already been here some time, and will be unable to delay much longer. He therefore requests your excellency to provide the means for himself, and others who are to accompany him, to proceed to Hué speedily. For unless, within seven days,permission be received, from the emperor, to proceed thither at once, the vessel must go to sea.“Signed and sealed on board the U. S. ship-of-war Peacock, in the roadstead of Vung-lam, in the province of Fooyan, this thirtieth day of January, A. D., 1833, and of independence, the fifty-seventh.(Signed,)“EDMUND ROBERTS.”
Letter from Edmund Roberts, Esq., special envoy from the United States of America, to the Cochin-Chinese minister of foreign affairs, commerce, &c.:—
“Edmund Roberts, special envoy from the United States of America, desires to inform your excellency, that he wrote, on the eighteenth of the present month, acquainting your excellency with the wish entertained by the President of the United States to open a friendly intercourse with the emperor of Cochin-China; and with his consequent appointment of myself to be the bearer of a letter which I am to present to his majesty; having, at the same time, full powers to treat, on behalf of the President, for the important objects which he has in view.
“I have now the pleasure to enclose copies of the original, and a translation in Chinese, of the President’s letter to the emperor, for your excellency’s inspection. The important objects of the President, mentioned in the letter, are solely to ascertain, if the emperor is willing to admit the American commercial intercourse on the same terms as those of the most favoured nations; or on what conditions he will admit it, and into what ports. No exclusive privileges are asked for. And the envoy is not charged with any other matter or thing, excepting to establish a suitable commercial treaty between the two nations. These are the only objects of the mission.
“Had your excellency sent a written answer, requesting the above information, the envoy would have given these particulars previously; but certain persons inquired the object of the vessel’s coming, and asked for a copy of the President’s letter, to whom this information could not be given, as they could show no document or authority from your excellency.
“The envoy has already been here some time, and will be unable to delay much longer. He therefore requests your excellency to provide the means for himself, and others who are to accompany him, to proceed to Hué speedily. For unless, within seven days,permission be received, from the emperor, to proceed thither at once, the vessel must go to sea.
“Signed and sealed on board the U. S. ship-of-war Peacock, in the roadstead of Vung-lam, in the province of Fooyan, this thirtieth day of January, A. D., 1833, and of independence, the fifty-seventh.
(Signed,)“EDMUND ROBERTS.”
“Andrew Jackson, President of the United States of America, to his majesty the emperor of Cochin-China:—“Great and good friend—“This will be delivered to your majesty by Edmund Roberts, a respectable citizen of these United States, who has been appointed special agent, on the part of this government, to transact important business with your majesty. I pray your majesty to protect him in the exercise of the duties which are thus confided to him, and to treat him with kindness and confidence; placing entire reliance upon what he shall say to you in our behalf, especially when he shall repeat the assurances of our perfect amity and good will towards your majesty. I pray God to have you, great and good friend, under his safe and holy keeping.“Written at the city of Washington, the twentieth day of January, A. D. 1833, and in the fifty-sixth year of independence.“Your good and faithful friend,(Signed)“ANDREW JACKSON.”“By the President.(Signed)“Edward Livingston, Sec’ry of State.”“The foregoing is a true copy of the original now in my possession.(Signed)“Edmund Roberts.”
“Andrew Jackson, President of the United States of America, to his majesty the emperor of Cochin-China:—
“Great and good friend—
“This will be delivered to your majesty by Edmund Roberts, a respectable citizen of these United States, who has been appointed special agent, on the part of this government, to transact important business with your majesty. I pray your majesty to protect him in the exercise of the duties which are thus confided to him, and to treat him with kindness and confidence; placing entire reliance upon what he shall say to you in our behalf, especially when he shall repeat the assurances of our perfect amity and good will towards your majesty. I pray God to have you, great and good friend, under his safe and holy keeping.
“Written at the city of Washington, the twentieth day of January, A. D. 1833, and in the fifty-sixth year of independence.
“Your good and faithful friend,
(Signed)“ANDREW JACKSON.”
“By the President.
(Signed)“Edward Livingston, Sec’ry of State.”
“The foregoing is a true copy of the original now in my possession.
(Signed)“Edmund Roberts.”
INCREASING DEMANDS.
These documents being completed, the packet was sealed up, and taken on shore by Mr. Morrison; but now a new and unexpected difficulty arose. The letter (which, they were told, though addressed to the minister, was intended to be seen by the emperor) must be opened, submitted to their inspection, and corrected entirely according to their taste, ere they would receive or forward it.
This unheard-of and arrogant requisition was strongly objected to. “What is the cause,” they were asked, “of such behaviour?Here are four officers of whose names and rank we are equally ignorant. (For their rank they had evaded telling, when asked, and their names, though told by two of them, were not suffered to be written down.) These officers require full information, respecting the objects of our mission, and refuse to forward our official letters. In no other country, we have been to, is an envoy thus treated.”
With the deputies, however, nothing that could be said was of any use. They acted apparently on specific and peremptory orders, and evinced a total disregard for every thing but a complete concession to all their demands. On the present occasion they refused to write an answer to what was said to them. Through the interpreter they repeated the same language they had before so often used, respecting their own and the minister’s anxiety to conclude the business of the mission satisfactorily; the necessity of conforming to the customs and etiquette of the country, and the obstinacy of the envoy, &c.
“Were a letter,” they were asked, “sent to you, would a copy be first shown to your servants?”
“No,” they replied, “but the case is not parallel. Your envoy is like one standing at the door of a house.”
“Admitting that, suppose me coming to the door of your house, on business with you, should I have to inform your servants what my business was before I could enter?”
The quick little interpreter, Miguel, said that this was agreeable to reason, a point which the deputies were less ready to admit. They could not allow the comparison. “Such,” said they, “are our laws. They must be implicitly obeyed.”
“Had there been an imperial order,” it was resumed, “or a written answer from the minister, then the business of the mission might be communicated to you; but how can it be communicated to persons of whose names and rank we are ignorant? The objects of the mission have, therefore, been stated in the letter, which it will be well for you to forward. This obstinacy in requiring to know our objects is insulting.”
Mr. Morrison was now pressed to return to the ship, to receive the envoy’s permission for them to see the contents of the packet, and correct the phraseology of the letters. Finding them determined not to receive it as it was, he accordingly left, after havingrepeated the necessity of paying for their presents, should their continual opposition cause the failure of the mission. They appeared personally desirous of conciliation, though their national vanity and prejudices would not suffer them to see any thing absurd or improper in the conduct which their orders obliged them to adopt.
In the evening Mr. Morrison again went on shore, with Chinese copies of the President’s letter to the emperor, and the envoy’s letter to the minister. Having required that the crowd of attendants, who usually stood round, listening to the conversation, should be dismissed, the envoy’s letter was shown to the deputies. They immediately proceeded to criticise every word and sentence, making several alterations and corrections, which, though of small importance, and generally unobjectionable, occupied considerable time. During the conversation, which the remarks, made on various parts of the letter, occasioned, the interpreter Miguel, apparently of his own accord, though probably prompted by his employers, remarked, that the President was equal to aking; but that the emperor was superior to a king. The natural inference, that the emperor of Cochin-China is superior to the President of the United States, he left to be deduced by others. The remark arose from an endeavour, on the part of the deputies, to have the President’s title placed lower than that of the emperor; not, they would have it believed, from an idea of inequality, but on account of the humbler style, which they insisted, the writing party must adopt in speaking of themselves. The envoy, it was answered, had taken that station, which courtesy to the person he addressed, required; but to place the President lower than the emperor, was a point of a different nature—a point which courtesy did not require, and which, the President and emperor being in every respect equal in rank, could never be complied with. Having at length concluded with the letter to the minister, every correction which could be considered derogatory or mean having been rejected, the deputies now desired to see a copy of the President’s letter. This was for some time objected to; and the impropriety of the demand, as well as the unpleasantness of compliance pointed out. They were resolved, however, to see it, and at length it was shown to them; but as they were proceeding to make alterations in it also, they were stopped, and told that the President’s letter couldnot be altered. Without making alterations in it, they insisted that the letter could not be forwarded; nor would they consent to receive it at all, unless, after seeing every correction made in both letters that they wished, the packet should be sealed before their eyes. They were told this want of confidence was offensive, and required a similar discredit of their authority, as their names and rank were unknown, and they had shown no credentials. They thereupon stated their names and rank, said they had no credentials; and argued that they too had been shown no credentials by the envoy. The envoy, it was replied, would show his powers to the proper individuals in fit time and place.
They still insisted on correcting the President’s letter. Mr. Morrison therefore returned, about nine, P. M., leaving the sealed package, addressed to the minister, in charge of the deputies.
REMONSTRANCE.
January thirty-first.Mr. Morrison, having made a copy of the envoy’s letter to the minister, with the corrections which were last night agreed to, as being immaterial, repaired on shore, in the forenoon, with authority to make such trivial alterations, in the translation of the President’s letter, as the deputies might desire. He first inquired if the packet that was left on shore had been sent to the minister; and was answered, that, not being corrected, it could not be forwarded. The deputies then repeated their unchanging expressions of a desire, on the part of the minister who had sent them, to arrange matters speedily, and on a friendly footing. Such conversation being little likely to lead to any good result, it was avoided; and they were requested, as they would not forward the packet, to return it. This was accordingly done; and the envelope being removed, the translation of the President’s letter was laid before them, accompanied with a remonstrance against their conduct, in insisting that it should be altered before they would forward it. About two hours were now spent in objecting to particular words and sentences, either as being improper and contrary to etiquette, or as being unintelligible. They also made particular inquiries respecting the original letter, whether it was sealed or not, and whether the Chinese translation was signed by the President. They put some questions, also, respecting the signature of the Secretary of State, what was his rank, &c.; and asked if the original letter was kept on board; and if the one shown to them was only a copy. When told, “of course,” they said, “that is right.”
Among other points, they professed not to understand the expression, “Great and good friend;” and they interpreted it according to their preconceived ideas, as a “request for a friendly intercourse.” The expression was explained to them, and shown to be perfectly intelligible, (for it was only their astonishment at such familiar language, that prevented their understanding it.) But still they considered it quite inadmissible; the common wordyew, a friend, was unsuitable and improper between two great powers. The only thing that would satisfy such hairbreadth distinguishers, was to say, “Your country and mine have amicable intercourse.” Wherever the simple andcommonwordI(wo) occurred, it became necessary to substitute some other word, having a similar meaning, (as pun.) And forheorhim, (ta,) referring to the envoy, they required in substitution of kae-yuen, “the said officer.” Where the President says, “I pray your majesty to protect him, and to treat him with kindness and confidence,” they wished to introduce a request for “deep condescension” on the part of the emperor, which was rejected; and, to satisfy them, a slight change was made in the phraseology of the translation, but without permitting any thing servile. The President’s letter concludes with this expression:—“I pray God to have you always, great and good friend, under his safe and holy keeping.” This they wished to change into a prayer to “imperial heaven, for the continual peace of your majesty’s sacred person.” In opposition to this proposed change, which would present the President in the light of an idolater, the Christian notion of the Deity, as “one God, the Supreme Ruler of heaven and earth, of the nations and their sovereigns,” was explained to them; and the divinity of heaven and earth, believed by the Chinese and Cochin-Chinese, was denied. They then proposed, by another change of the term used to express the Deity, to make the President pray to the “Gods of heaven.” But this point they were obliged also to give up.
Having thus gone over the whole letter, without the admission of any degrading terms, though some expressions which they wished to have adopted were still of a doubtful nature, they were informed, that if, after consideration, it should appear right to make the proposed alterations, a copy would be taken on shore in the evening. As they insisted on having the packet closed before their eyes, it was agreed that the despatch should then be sealed up,and given them to forward to the minister. But they were not yet satisfied. After suffering the letter to the minister to pass muster, (which they did with some reluctance,) they re-examined the President’s letter, and pointed out how much the words, emperor, Cochin-China, &c., should, as indicative of respect, be elevated above the head margin of the page; and finally, they decided that it would be very improper for the President to address his letter simply to the emperor, (te che;) it must, they said, be transmitted eitherwith silent awe, (suh te,) orwith uplifted hands, (fung, or te shang)—terms in frequent use among the Chinese, and their humble imitators, the Cochin-Chinese, in addresses from subjects to their sovereigns. These expressions were, therefore, rejected, and Mr. Morrison returned on board, to consider the other expressions, and explain them to the envoy. They were told that a translation must be faithful to the original. They said it should give the sense without adhering to the words of the original. This was admitted; but if a different tone were adopted, they were told, the sense could not be preserved.
FRESH INTERROGATORIES.
Shortly after Mr. Morrison had reached the ship, he was followed by one of the deputies, the other being kept back probably by his liability to sea-sickness. The former came furnished with written directions, to which he at times referred, having neglected to gain satisfactory knowledge of twoimportantpoints, viz.:—whether there were any presents for the emperor, “as a token of sincerity;” and whether the envoy was prepared to submit to the etiquette of the court, at an audience of the emperor—this point being rendered very doubtful by the previous resistance shown to their numerous requisitions.
In reply to the first question, the deputy was told, that as the subject was not mentioned in the letter from the President, it was unnecessary to refer to it, before the conclusion of a treaty. Should the emperor desire any thing particular, it might be sent at his request.
Deputy.“The emperor’s coffers are full and overflowing, well provided with every thing curious and valuable; how can he desire any thing from you? But you have come to seek trade and intercourse. Although the emperor is tender and kind to strangers, and willing to admit them—yet, consider, if it appears well to come without presents and empty handed.”
Envoy.“My country asks no favours or ‘tenderness’ from any; but I desire to know how the emperor is willing to admit our merchants to trade; whether on the same footing as the Chinese, &c., or not. Our ships are found every where, but we seek favours from none.”
Dep.“I have heard that it is customary among the nations of the west, to send presents, when seeking intercourse with the dominions of others. On this account I ask the question, not because the emperor wants any thing.”
Envoy.“As the emperor does not want presents, why do you speak of them? Should a treaty be concluded, this is a minor matter, which can then be spoken of; but which does not require any previous attention.” To this the deputy assented.
The ceremony of presentation was easily dismissed, by informing the deputy, that nothing beyond a bow, as to the President, would be performed. The ceremony of the country was then asked. He said, that it was to make five prostrations, touching the ground with the forehead; and asked if five distinct bows would be acceded to without the prostrations. To this the envoy replied, yes; he would make five, ten, or as many bows as they desired; but the kneeling posture is becoming only in the worship of the Creator.
FARTHER DELAYS.
The deputy now urged the necessity of proper regard being paid to the elevation of the words emperor, Cochin-China, &c., and to the use of “humble and decorous expressions.” To this advice he endeavoured to give greater force, by saying, that in the correspondence held by the kings of An-nam, before the assumption of the present title of emperor, such humble phraseology was made use of. This argument would imply inferiority in the President, to one who bears the high title of emperor, and was, therefore, instantly repelled as insulting. The deputy denied its being insulting, maintained the propriety of his argument, and insisted on the use, at the commencement of the President’s letter, of one or other of the derogatory terms already mentioned, viz.: that the letter was sent with “silent awe,” or that it was presented with “uplifted hands.” He was admonished not to repeat so insulting a demand; for that the President stands on a footing of perfect equality with the highest emperor, and cannot, therefore, use any term that may make him appear in the light of one inferior to theemperor of Cochin-China. The same term, it was added, will be used as it is used in the letter from the envoy to the minster, which term implies equality, without any disrespectful arrogation of it. Such demands, he was told, far from being amicable, were of a very unfriendly nature.
In reply, he said, that unless this requisition was complied with, he and his fellow-officers dare not forward the despatch, enclosing the copy of the President’s letter, nor dare they, he added, forward the letter to the minister, without the President’s letter, although the mention made in it of the latter should be erased. As this determination left no alternative, but complete failure or dishonourable concessions, he was required to repeat the refusal, which he did more than once, and then returned to the shore.
SUSPENSION OF INTERCOURSE—FAILURE OF MISSION—DEPARTURE OF EMBASSY FROM VUNG-LAM BAY—ENVOY’S TITLES—MODE OF HUSKING RICE—TOMBS OF THE DEAD—FISHING BOATS—ABSENCE OF PRIESTS AND TEMPLES—SUPERSTITIONS—WILD ANIMALS—MANDARINS’ HOUSE—MODE OF TAKING LEAVE—GOVERNMENT OF COCHIN-CHINA—GRADES OF RANK.
SUSPENSION OF INTERCOURSE—FAILURE OF MISSION—DEPARTURE OF EMBASSY FROM VUNG-LAM BAY—ENVOY’S TITLES—MODE OF HUSKING RICE—TOMBS OF THE DEAD—FISHING BOATS—ABSENCE OF PRIESTS AND TEMPLES—SUPERSTITIONS—WILD ANIMALS—MANDARINS’ HOUSE—MODE OF TAKING LEAVE—GOVERNMENT OF COCHIN-CHINA—GRADES OF RANK.
Two days having elapsed, on the third of February, without any official intercourse with the shore, the junior deputy again appeared; his colleague still remaining on shore on account of sickness. The professed object of his coming, was a mere visit; therealone, to propose another word to be used at the commencement of the President’s letter, if the words previously suggested would not be adopted. This word was kin, implying reverence, solemnity, and veneration, &c., not differing materially from that which had before been proposed: it was also rejected. The expression as it already stood, contained, he was told, nothing disrespectful, and was a plain and simple version of the original. He was determined, however, that without the adoption of some derogatory expression, the letter should not be sent on to Hué; so that the business of the mission remained at a stand.
The deputy now shifted his position, as indeed none of his fellows scrupled to do when needful, by adopting a false assertion: “While on shore,” he said, “every word was assented to; why is the use of these words now refused?” This shows the convenient deafness or forgetfulness, which these little-minded politicians can assume, when occasion requires; for it had been specifically stated, that not a word would be altered without farther consideration, and the permission of the envoy.
Thus baffled, he said that the obstinate determination of the envoy left him at a loss in what way to act.
“There is but one way,” he was answered, “in which you can act. Take the President’s letter without these alterations. If you insist on them, the business of the mission is at an end. The vessel will, however, stay the time already mentioned, till she is quite ready to leave. But you must not suppose she can wait to receive farther refusals to fresh applications for permission to go to Hué.”
When leaving, it was carelessly said to him, that as he had said American vessels were at liberty to trade, he should give a copy of the regulations of commerce. This he refused.
The next day, some similar questions respecting commerce, which were asked during a short complimentary visit, were received uncourteously, and answered by the deputies with professions of ignorance.
FAILURE OF MISSION.
February seventh.Eight days having now elapsed since the return of the deputies to Hué, and nothing having been heard relative to the mission, the two remaining deputies were informed, that the vessel would go to sea on the morrow; and Mr. Morrison was about to pay a farewell visit, and urge the receipt of payment for the refreshments, at different times sent off, when the younger deputy came on board.
After a few compliments had passed, he was told, that if the wind were favourable, the ship would go to sea in the morning. He was asked, also, if there was any news.
The native Christian, Miguel, before interpreting what was said, asked if the ship would not wait till something was heard from Hué. But the deputy, who was more cautious of expressing his feelings, simply replied, that he had no news. Had he heard from Hué, he would immediately have come to report the news. He requested that no offence would be taken, nor any unpleasant feeling be entertained, on account of the manner in which the mission left; as the failure was entirely owing to the difference of custom in the two countries. He hoped that all unfriendliness would be dismissed, and that American vessels would frequent the Cochin-Chinese harbours, as much as if the mission had succeeded.
In reply to what he said respecting the difference of customs, he was told, that it could not be the custom of the country to exact professions of inferiority from other countries, as the minister had endeavoured to do in the present instance. The emperor, he said, would have used the same phraseology, as that proposed to beused in the letter, if addressing, by his envoy, the President of the United States. This, he was told, would not be desired in the United States; and, on the contrary, would only be subject to ridicule. He replied: “Thoughyoumight not require it,ourcustoms would!” It was rejoined: “Since you would adhere to your own customs, if on a mission to the United States, it stands to reason that the envoy of the United States should adhere to his customs here.”
He now shifted his ground, and, while admitting that the expression proposed was a strong one, maintained, nevertheless, that it was not indicative of inferiority. Its use, by inferiors in addressing their superiors, was pointed out to him; and he was asked, why, as the word first used was far from disrespectful, he should wish it to be changed? being, at the same time, again assured, that the words he had suggested, should not be adopted. “If you have so determined,” he rejoined, “I cannot receive this letter. But though the mission fail, that will not prevent your vessels coming to trade.”
“The trade,” it was replied, “is on so bad a footing, the regulations being unknown, and the government-charges and duties unascertained, that vessels cannot come here.”
“All nations that come here,” he answered, “for instance, the English and French, are on the same footing with you. They do not inquire about the laws; and none dare extort from them more than the regular charges.”
“This,” he was told, “is not true; for the Chinese are on a different footing, being able to go to many places where the English and French cannot go. England and France have endeavoured to form treaties, but without success. We know the regulations of the English and French trade, but do not know any for the American trade: hence our mission.”
Being thus driven from one untenable position to another, he at length pleaded ignorance. Admitting the fact, that the Chinese are allowed to trade in Tonquin and other places, he however knew only the regulations of Hué and Turan, and knew nothing of the laws in other places.
“The mission,” it was answered, “is not sent to you, but to the emperor. He knows what the regulations are in every place.”
“The minister,” he replied, “would know all, if the letter weresent to Hué: but without the change of phraseology already pointed out, it could not be sent. The envoys of Burmah and Siam have used the same expressions as those proposed to you.”
“This,” he was answered, “can be of no avail with the envoy of the United States. If the envoys of Burmah and Siam have assented, either ignorantly or with full knowledge, to adopt expressions of a servile nature, that can have no influence on this mission.”
“Without the letter,” repeated the deputy, “the minister cannot report to the emperor.”
Envoy.“If he will, he can.”
Dep.“As I have not received any notice from Hué, I cannot say what he has done.”
Envoy.“Eight days have elapsed since the two deputies have returned to the capital.”
Dep.“Only five days have elapsed since your last letter to the minister was shown us.”
The deputy was now requested to receive payment for the refreshments sent to the envoy and the ship, as it was unpleasant to accept any thing in the form of presents, the envoy not having obtained the objects of his mission. He was urged not to refuse payment, and assured that the envoy was sorry he was obliged to leave, without having brought about a friendly intercourse between the two nations. He refused, however, all payment as strenuously as it was urged upon him. The things, he said, were mere trifles, and he could not accept any thing for them. Nor in this did he say wrong; for they probably cost the government very much less than their real value, small as that was.
Before leaving, the deputy drank the health of the President; and the health of the emperor of Cochin-China was drunk in return. He then took leave, wishing us health and a pleasant voyage, and a speedy return. He was thanked and told that he must not expect to see us again.
The next morning, the ship got under weigh; and though all day slowly beating out of the harbour, nothing more was seen of the Cochin-Chinese.
TITLES OF ENVOY.
During the discussion with the Mandarins relative to the letter which was to be written to the minister, I refused to consider him in any other light than my equal in rank, as they were so stronglydisposed to exalt him, and debase me if possible. The deputies expressed some surprise at this observation, and demanded upon what ground I claimed an equality with them; they were answered, as the representative of an independent power. They then asked what were my titles; if they were of as much importance as the minister’s, and if they were as numerous. They were told that there was no order of nobility in the United States, and so they had been previously informed; still they insisted that there must be something equivalent to it, and that, as I held an important office under the government, I should not be without titles of some sort. Finding the gentlemen were so extremely desirous that I should have an appendage to my name, and as they would not be satisfied with a denial, I at once concluded to humour them. I replied that I would comply with their wishes, and furnish them with the greatest abundance of titles. As they had been extremely unwilling to give the titles of the emperor or the minister, or their own, they probably concluded that I was actuated by the same motives as themselves in withholding mine, whatever they were. The gentlemen belonging to the ship who were in the cabin, looked very much astonished at this reply, wondering how I was to extricate myself from this seeming difficulty; but they were speedily relieved. The principal deputy having prepared his Chinese pencil and half a sheet of paper, sat down to write. I immediately observed to him, that it was necessary to commence with a whole sheet, at which he expressed some surprise, and said that the minister’s titles would not occupy one fourth of it. Having determined to give them, in the first place, the names of all the counties, and the two hundred and odd towns in my native state, as well as the mountains, rivers, and lakes, which would supply the places of titles, and then, if they were not satisfied, to proceedin the same mannerwith all the other states in the Union, which, by giving first the names of the several states, then the counties, towns, &c., would probably occupy them for some days, if they had had sufficient perseverance to proceedto the endof whatI intended should be endless. I then commenced as follows, Mr. Morrison acting as interpreter and frequently translator:
Edmund Roberts, a special envoy from the United States, and a citizen of Portsmouth, in the state of New Hampshire. I then proceeded with the counties of Rockingham, Strafford, Merrimack,Hillsborough, Grafton, Cheshire, Sullivan, and Coos. When he had written thus far, which occupied much time, owing to the almost insurmountable difficulties in rendering them into Chinese, he expressed strong signs of impatience and asked if there were any more; I requested him not to be impatient, as I was very desirous that not one should be omitted, as it was a matter of primary importance in all governments where titles were used. He remarked, that already they were greater in number than were possessed by any prince of the empire. However, he dipped his pencil in the ink, and recommenced as follows: I first took Gosport, in the Isles of Shoals, being farthest at sea, and then went on with the towns on the seacoast; with Hampton and Seabrook, Rye and New Castle, and then Newington, Stratham, and Exeter. Having proceeded thus far, and finding difficulties succeeding difficulties, at every syllable and at every word, he laid down his pencil, seemingly exhausted, and asked if there were any more, as he had then filled a sheet of Chinese paper. I answered, he had scarcely made a commencement: at this he said it was unnecessary to record the rest; and that he never heard or read of any person possessing a like number. He complained of a headache and sickness, owing to the rolling of the ship. I then begged he would desist, for that time, and call on board asearlyas he could make it convenient on the following morning, for I was exceedingly anxious he should have themall; then there would be no hesitation in acknowledging that I was not presumptuous, when I stated that the prime minister could not be considered my superior in point of rank, as he did not possess so many titles. It was now very evident that he began to be alarmed at the extent of my titles, lest they should totally eclipse those of the minister, and that I might be desirous of ascending a stephigherthan his excellency. He replied that he was fully satisfied that I was every way equal to him in point of rank. I urged him to proceed, but without effect, for he refused very firmly, but politely, and thereforemost reluctantlyI was obliged to accede to his wishes.
The whole scene was certainly most ludicrous. Some of the gentlemen could with much difficulty restrain their risible faculties, while others walked out of the cabin, being utterly unable to refrain from laughter, while I kept a most imperturbable countenance until the whole matter was concluded. I renewed the attempt thenext morning, when he came on board, but he looked quite aghast at the mere request, and thus ended this farcical scene.
NATIONAL USAGES.
It may be thought by those who are for submitting to every species of degradation, to gain commercial advantages, that I was unnecessarily fastidious in the course I adopted in the negotiation with Cochin-China; but when it is known that there is no end to the doctrine of submission with the ultra-Gangetic nations; and all past negotiations of European powers will fully confirm what I now state, that neither privileges, nor immunities, nor advantages of any kind, are to be gained by submission, condescension, conciliation, or by flattery, (they despise the former as a proof of weakness—the latter as arguing a want of spirit;) that threats and aggressions are neither justifiable nor necessary, a dignified, yet unassuming conduct, jealous of its own honour, open and disinterested, seeking its own advantage, but willing to promote that of others, will doubtless effect much with nations of this stamp and character, and must in the end be able to accomplish the object desired.
Previous to visiting Cochin-China, I had laid down certain rules of conduct, which I had resolved to adopt towards these people, as well as the Siamese. In the first place, I had determined to adhere most strictly to the truth, however detrimental it might be to the interest of our commerce atpresent, or however unpalatable it might be to either of the nations. I had further resolved, not to submit to any degrading ceremonies, by performing the Ko-tow, uncovering the feet, &c., &c. My answer to such requisitions would be: We do not come here to change the customs of your court with its own statesmen, but we come as independent people, for a short interview. Let your statesmen preserve their customs, and we will preserve ours. Still, it may be answered: You come to us, we do not go to you: my reply then would be: When you come to us, you shall be allowed your own customs, in the mode of presentation to the President. Reasoning with these people, must not be founded on the ground of lord and vassal, but reciprocity. National usages should be avoided as much as possible, andnatural reason, common sense, the reciprocal rights of men, be taken as the foundation of intercourse. There is no end to the doctrine ofsubmission to law, where every worthless justice of peace tells you with a bare-faced lie in his mouth, that his will andpresent declaration are the law of the land. Seeing the gross impositions practised, by apparently friendly nations, with other negotiators, I had further determined never to repose any confidence in their advice, but to let my own judgment be the guide of what was just and right. Furthermore, to be kind and courteous to all; but after some little formalities, to reveal as little to inferior officers as possible; and lastly, to use some state and show, as they are useful auxiliaries in making an impression upon the uncivilized mind.
I deem it best, here to remark, that in my negotiations with Asiatics, all apparent acknowledgments of inferiority, which precedes signatures to letters, as “your humble servant,” &c., are always construed literally, and of course have an injurious effect upon a conceited and arrogant people; and great nicety should be observed in preparing documents on parchment, to which should be attached a large seal, incased in a gold box, having the envelope of rich yellow silk or satin, or otherwise it will give offence.
To all outward appearance the country surrounding this noble bay is in a highly flourishing condition, but on a more close examination this beautiful vision is not realized. The inhabitants are without exception the most filthy people in the world. As soon as the boat touches the strand, out rush from their palm-leaf huts, men and women, and naked children and dogs, all having a mangy appearance; being covered with some scorbutic disease, the itch or small-pox, and frequently with white leprous spots. The teeth, even of the children who are seven or eight years old, are of a coal black, their lips and gums are deeply stained with chewing areca, &c., their faces are nasty, their hands unwashed, and their whole persons most offensive to the sight and smell; for the most part the comb has never touched the children’s heads, and a whole village may be seen scratching at the same time from head to foot. They are apparently brought up in utter idleness; not a school is to be found, and they are seen playing all day long at hide-and-go-seek under the boats, lounging among the palm-trees, or sleeping on the bare ground in the shade or sun, as they find it most convenient. The dress of the men and women is nearly the same, being a wide long shirt, buttoned generally on the right side, with a pair of short simple trousers, made of cotton. Those who are able, wear a turban of black crape, and every man who makes any pretensionsto gentility, has a pair of reticules or broad-mouthed purses, in which he puts areca and tobacco: these are thrown over the shoulders, and are generally neatly made; some are wrought extensively in gold, some embroidered with silk; others are of plain silk or satin, and generally of their favourite colour, blue: those of an ordinary kind are worn about the waist, or carried in the hand. But the dress of nineteen twentieths of the inhabitants is merely a waist-cloth, which is kept in a most filthy condition.