Chapter 24

213. It is given in the appendix to theEnsayo sobre la Interpretacion de la Escritura Hieratica de la America Central, by De Rosny, translated by D. Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgada (Madrid, 1884).

214. Valentini’s Essay appeared in theProceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1880. Landa’s work was originally published by the Abbé Brasseur (de Bourbourg) at Paris, 1864, and more accurately at Madrid, 1884, under the supervision of Don Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgada.

215. Originally published as an introduction to Dr. Cyrus Thomas’Study of the Manuscript Troano, issued by the U. S. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, Washington, 1882, (revised with additions for the present volume).

216. Dr. Friedrich Müller,Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Band i, pp. 151–156.

217. Aubin.Mémoire sur la Peinture didactique et l’Écriture figurative des anciens Mexicains, in the introduction to Brasseur (de Bourbourg)'sHistoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique et de l’Amérique Centrale, tom. i; Manuel Orozco y BerraEnsayo de Descifracion geroglifica, in theAnales del Museo Nacional de México, tom. i, ii.

218. Peter Martyr, Decad. iv, cap. viii.

219. “Se sujetaron de su propria voluntad al Señorio de los Reies de Castilla, recibiendo al Emperador, como Rei de España, por Señor supremo y universal, e hicieron ciertas señales, como Firmas; las quales, con testimonio de los Religiosos Franciscos, que alli estaban, llevó consigo el buen Obispo de Chiapa, Don Fr. Bartolomé de las Casas, amparo, y defensa de estos Indios, quando se fué á España.” Torquemada,Monarquia Indiana, lib. xix, cap. xiii.

220. “Letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte.” Las Casas,Historia Apologetica de las Indias Occidentales, cap. cxxiii.

221.Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las muchas que sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Commissario General, en las Provincias de la Nueva España, in theColeccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, tom. lviii, p. 392. The other traits he praises in the natives of Yucatan are their freedom from sodomy and cannibalism. (For the text see later, p.255.)

222. Bernardo de Lizana,Historia de Yucatan. Devocionario de Nuestra Señora de Izamal, y Conquista Espiritual, 8vo. Pinciæ (Valladolid), 1633.

223. For these facts see Diego Lopez Cogolludo,Historia de Yucatan, lib. ix, cap. xv. Cogolludo adds that in his time (1650–'60) Solana’s MSS. could not be found; Lizana may have sent them to Spain.

224. I add the original of the most important passage: “La historia y autores que podemos alegar son unos antiguos caracteres, mal entendidos de muchos, y glossados de unos indios antiguos, que son hijos de los sacerdotes de sus dioses, que son los que solo sabian leer y adivinar, y a quien creian y reverenciavan como á Dioses destos.”

225. Pedro Sanchez de Aguilar,Informe contra Idolorum cultores del Obispado de Yucatan. 4to. Madrid, 1639, ff. 124.

226. “El primero quo halló las letras de la lengua Maya é hizó el cómputo de los años, meses y edades, y lo enseño todo a los Indios de esta Provincia, fué un Indios llamadoKinchahau, y por otro nombre Tzamna.” Fr. Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa Maria,Arte del Idioma Maya, p. 16 (2d ed., Mérida de Yucatan, 1859).

227. Diego Lopez Cogolludo,Historia de Yucatan, lib. iv, cap.III. The original is: “No acostumbraban escribir los pleitos, aunque tenian caracteres con que se entendian, de que se ven muchos en las ruinas de los edificios.”

228. “Porque lo leia su Rey en sus Analtehes, tenian Noticias de aquellas Provincias de Yucatan (que Analtehes, ò Historias, es una misma cosa) y de que sus Pasados avian salido de ellas.”Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, Reduccion y Progressos de la de el Lacandon, etc., (folio, Madrid, 1701) lib. vi, cap. iv.

229.Ibid., lib. vii, cap. i.

230. “Y en su casa tambien tenia de estos Idolos, y Mesa de Sacrificios, y los Analtehes, ò Historias de todo quanto los avia sucedido.”Ibid., lib. viii, cap. xiii.

231. Diego de Landa,Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, pp. 316, 318,seq.

232. Dr. Valentini’s article was published in theProceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1880. More recently Dr. Ed. Seler has condemned the Landa alphabet as “ein Versuch von Ladinos, von in die Spanische Wissenschaft eingeweihten Eingebornen in der Art, wie sie die Spanier ihre Lettern verwenden sahen, auch mit den Eingebornen geläufigen Bildern und Charaktern zu hantiren.”Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen Gesellschaft, 1887, s. 227. I am far from adopting this sweeping statement, which I believe is contradicted by the whole tenor of Landa’s words and the testimony of other writers.

233. Diego de Landa,Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, p. 44.

234. I add a few notes on this text:Enhiis the preterit of the irregular verb,hal, to be, pret.enhi, fut.anac.Katun yum, father or lord of the Katun or cycle. Each Katun was under the protection of a special deity or lord, who controlled the events which occurred in it.Tu coɔ pop, lit., “for the rolling up of Pop,” which was the first month in the Maya year.Holomis an archaic future fromhul; this form inomis mentioned by Buenaventura,Arte de la Lengua Maya, 1684, and is frequent in the sacred language, but does not occur elsewhere.Tucal ya, on account of his love; butyameans also “suffering,” “wound,” and “strength,” and there is no clue which of these significations is meant.Ahkinob; the original haslukinob, which I suspect is an error; it would alter the phrase to mean “In that day there are fathers” or lords, the wordyum, father, being constantly used for lord or ruler. Theahkinwas the priest; theahbobatwas a diviner or prophet. The 9th Ahau Katun was the period of 20 years which began in 1541, according to most native authors, but according to Landa’s reckoning in the year 1561.

234. I add a few notes on this text:

Enhiis the preterit of the irregular verb,hal, to be, pret.enhi, fut.anac.Katun yum, father or lord of the Katun or cycle. Each Katun was under the protection of a special deity or lord, who controlled the events which occurred in it.Tu coɔ pop, lit., “for the rolling up of Pop,” which was the first month in the Maya year.Holomis an archaic future fromhul; this form inomis mentioned by Buenaventura,Arte de la Lengua Maya, 1684, and is frequent in the sacred language, but does not occur elsewhere.Tucal ya, on account of his love; butyameans also “suffering,” “wound,” and “strength,” and there is no clue which of these significations is meant.Ahkinob; the original haslukinob, which I suspect is an error; it would alter the phrase to mean “In that day there are fathers” or lords, the wordyum, father, being constantly used for lord or ruler. Theahkinwas the priest; theahbobatwas a diviner or prophet. The 9th Ahau Katun was the period of 20 years which began in 1541, according to most native authors, but according to Landa’s reckoning in the year 1561.

235. In quoting and explaining Maya words and phrases in this article, I have in all instances followed theDiccionario Maya-Español del Convento de Motul(Yucatan); a copy of which in manuscript (one of the only two in existence) is in my possession. It was composed about 1580. The still older Maya dictionary of Father Villalpando, printed in Mexico in 1571, is yet in existence in one or two copies, but I have never seen it.

236. Read before the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, at its twenty-fourth annual meeting, January 5th, 1882, and published inThe Penn Monthly.

237. Of the numerous authorities which could be quoted on this point, I shall give the words of but one, Father Alonso Ponce, the Pope’s Commissary-General, who traveled through Yucatan in 1586, when many natives were still living who had been born before the Conquest (1541). Father Ponce had traveled through Mexico, and, of course, had learned about the Aztec picture writing, which he distinctly contrasts with the writing of the Mayas. Of the latter, he says: “Son alabados de tres cosas entre todos los demas de la Nueva España, la una de que en su antiguedad tenian caracteres y letras, con que escribian sus historias y las ceremonias y orden de los sacrificios de sus idolos y su calendario, en libros hechos de corteza de cierto arbol, los cuales eran unas tiras muy largas de quarta ó tercia en ancho, quese doblaban y recogian, y venia á queder á manera de un libroencuardenado en cuartilla, poco mas ó menos. Estas letras y caracteres no las entendian, sino los sacerdotes de los idolos. (que en aquella lengua se llaman ‘ahkines,’) y algun indio principal. Despues las entendieron y supieron léer algunos frailes nuestros y aun las escribien.”—(“Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las Muchas que Sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Comisario-General en las Provincias de la Nueva España,” page 392). I know no other author who makes the interesting statement that these characters were actually used by the missionaries to impart instruction to the natives; but I have heard that an example of one such manuscript has been discovered, and is now in the hands of a well-known Americanist.

238. “Se les quemamos todos,” he writes, “lo qual á maravilla sentian y les dava pena.”—“Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan,” page 316.

239.Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, page 160.

240. See above, pp.128and172. The terminal letter in both these words—“chilan,” “balam,”—may be either “n” or “m,” the change being one of dialect and local pronunciation. I have followed the older authorities in writing “Chilan Balam,” the modern preferring “Chilam Balam.” Señor Eligio Ancona, in his recently publishedHistoria de Yucatan, (Vol. i., page 240, note, Merida, 1878), offers the absurd suggestion that the name “balam” was given to the native soothsayers by the early missionaries in ridicule, deriving it from the well-known personage in the Old Testament. It is surprising that Señor Ancona, writing in Merida, had never acquainted himself with the Perez manuscripts, nor with those in possession of Bishop Carrillo. Indeed, the most of his treatment of the ancient history of his country is disappointingly superficial.

241. For example, in theRegistro Yucateco, Tome III: Diccionario Universal de Historia y Geografía, Tome VIII.(Mexico, 1855);Diccionario Historico de Yucatan, Tome I.(Merida, 1866); in the appendix to Landa’sCosas de Yucatan(Paris, 1864), etc. The epochs, orkatuns, of Maya history have been recently again analyzed by Dr. Felipe Valentini, in an essay in the German and English languages, the latter in theProceedingsof the American Antiquarian Society, 1880.

242. The Abbé’s criticism occurs in the note to page 406 of his edition of Landa’sCosas de Yucatan.

243. It is described at length by Don Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona, in his, ‘Disertacion sobre la Historia de la Lengua Maya’ (Merida, 1870).

244. “Je dois déclarer que l’examen dans tous leurs détails du ‘Codex Troano’ et du ‘Codex Peresianus’ m’invite de la façon la plus sérieuse à n’accepter ces signes, tout au moins au point de vue de l’exactitude de leur tracé, qu’ avec une certaine réserve.”—Leon de Rosny’sEssai sur le Déchiffrement de l’Ecriture Hiératique de l’Amérique Centrale, page 21 (Paris, 1876). By the “Codex Peresianus,” he does not mean the “Codice Perez,” but the Maya manuscript in theBibliothêque Nationale. The identity of the names is confusing and unfortunate.

245. “The Manuscript Troano,” published inThe American Naturalist, August, 1881, page 640. This manuscript or codex was published in chrome-lithograph, Paris, 1879, by the French Government.

246. “Declarar las necesidades y sus remedios.”—Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan, page 160. Like much of Landa’s Spanish, this use of the word “necesidad” is colloquial, and not classical.

247. AMedicina Domestica, under the name of “Don Ricardo Ossado, (alias,el Judio,)” was published at Merida in 1834; but this appears to have been merely a bookseller’s device to aid the sale of the book by attributing it to the “great unknown.”

248. Read before the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia in 1889.

249.Los Aztecas, Mexico, 1888.

250. Dupaix,Antiquités Mexicaines. 1st Exped., p. 7, Pl. vi, vii, fig. 6, 7. At that time the flat surface of the rock was the floor of a cabin built upon it. At present the cabin has disappeared, Mr. Bandelier does not seem to have visited this stone when he was at Orizaba, although he refers to Dupaix’s explorations.Report of an Archæological Tour in Mexico in 1881, p. 26 (Boston, 1884). Nor does M. H. Strebel, though he also refers to it, give any fresh information about it. See hisAlt-Mexiko, Band I, s. 30.

251. One appears to be a gigantic full face; another an animal like a frog, with extended legs; two others are geometrical designs, the outlines of which have evidently been recently freshened with a steel implement. Future observers should be on their guard that this procedure shall not have mutilated the early workmanship.

252. It is needless to expand this explanation of the Aztec Calendar; but it is worth while to warn the student of the subject that the problem is an intricate one and has never yet been satisfactorily solved, because the information presented is both incomplete and contradictory. I consider the most instructive discussion of the Calendar is that in Orozco y Berra,Historia Antigua de Mexico, Lib. iv., Cap. 1–6.

253. Father Sotomayor, in the newspaper account above referred to, states that tradition assigned the inscription to the time of Cortes’ march to the City of Mexico; a date which he quite properly ridicules as impossible. The vicinity of Orizaba was, moreover, not a part of the Mexican State until some time after the middle of the 15th century. See Bandelier,Archæological Tour in Mexico, pp. 22, sqq.

254.Tzontemoc, a compound oftzontli, hair, andtemoa, to fall;mictlan, locative frommictli, to die;tecutli, lord, noble. For a description of this deity see Sahagun,Historia de la Nueva España, Lib. iii, Appendix, chap. I. I have elsewhere suggested that the falling hair had reference to the long slanting rays of the setting sun. See above, p.146.

255. Both are reproduced in Kingsborough’sMexican Antiquities. But I would warn against the explanations in Spanish of theCodex Telleriano-Remensis. They are the work of some ignorant and careless clerk, who often applies the explanation of one plate and date to another, through sheer negligence.

256. I would refer to an explanation of this system published by me in theProceedings of the American Philosophical Society, for 1886.

257. The phonetic significance of this symbol is well established. See Aubin in the Introduction to Brasseur,Histoire des Nations Civilisées de la Mexique, Tome I, p. lxix.

258.Historia Antigua de Mexico, Tomo III, p. 426.

259. Ixtlilxochitl,Historia Chichimeca, cap. 70. He errs in assigning it to the year 1503, as all the other narratives of importance are against him.

260.Annales de Chimalpahin, p. 173 (Ed. Siméon, Paris, 1889). His words are “auh ça niman ihcuac oncan in hual motlatocalli in Moteuhcçomatzin,” which Siméon renders “Immédiatement apres,” etc.

261. Tezozomoc,Cronica Mexicana, cap. 81. This writer adds that the emperor expected his approaching end, and made a number of preparations with regard to it. TheAnales de Cuauhtitlan, p. 80, places the events of 10tochtliunder the following year 11acatl, and the reverse. It reads “murio el señor de Tenochtitlan, Ahuitzotzin, le sucedio immediatamente Moteuczomatzin.”

262. Selections from an Address read before the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia, in 1886.

263. An Address delivered by request before the Historical Societies of Pennsylvania and New York, in 1885. It was printed in thePennsylvania Magazine of History and Biographyfor that year.

264. For another derivation, seeante, p. 182.

265.Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages.By J. W. Powell (second edition, Washington, 1880).

266. This essay is extracted from a more general discussion of Humboldt’s linguistic philosophy which I read before the American Philosophical Society in 1885, and which was printed in theirProceedingsfor that year. Humboldt’s great work was his Introduction to his essay on the Kawi language under the title:Ueber die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprachbaues und ihren Einfluss auf die geistige Entwickelung des Menschengeschlechts. Prof. Adler translates this, “The Structural Differences of Human Speech and their Influence on the Intellectual Development of the Human Race.” The wordgeistige, however, includes emotional as well as intellectual things. Of the many commentators on this masterly production, I have used particularly the following:Die Elemente der Philosophischen Sprachwissenschaft Wilhelm von Humboldt’s. In systematischer Entwicklung dargestellt und kritisch erläutert, von Dr. Max Schasler, Berlin, 1847.Die Sprachwissenschaft Wilhelm von Humboldt’s und die Hegel’sche Philosophie, von Dr. H. Steinthal, Berlin, 1848. The same eminent linguist treats especially of Humboldt’s teachings inGrammatik, Logik und Psychologic, ihre Principien und ihr Verhältniss zu einander, pp. 123–135 (Berlin, 1855); in his well-known volumeCharacteristik der Hauptsächlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues, pp. 20–70 (Berlin, 1860); in his orationUeber Wilhelm von Humboldt(Berlin, 1883); and elsewhere.Wilhelm von Humboldt’s Linguistical Studies.By C. J. Adler, A. M. (New York, 1866). This is the only attempt beside my own, so far as I know, to present Humboldt’s philosophy of language to English readers. It is meritorious, but certainly in some passages Prof. Adler failed to catch Humboldt’s meaning.

Die Elemente der Philosophischen Sprachwissenschaft Wilhelm von Humboldt’s. In systematischer Entwicklung dargestellt und kritisch erläutert, von Dr. Max Schasler, Berlin, 1847.

Die Sprachwissenschaft Wilhelm von Humboldt’s und die Hegel’sche Philosophie, von Dr. H. Steinthal, Berlin, 1848. The same eminent linguist treats especially of Humboldt’s teachings inGrammatik, Logik und Psychologic, ihre Principien und ihr Verhältniss zu einander, pp. 123–135 (Berlin, 1855); in his well-known volumeCharacteristik der Hauptsächlichsten Typen des Sprachbaues, pp. 20–70 (Berlin, 1860); in his orationUeber Wilhelm von Humboldt(Berlin, 1883); and elsewhere.

Wilhelm von Humboldt’s Linguistical Studies.By C. J. Adler, A. M. (New York, 1866). This is the only attempt beside my own, so far as I know, to present Humboldt’s philosophy of language to English readers. It is meritorious, but certainly in some passages Prof. Adler failed to catch Humboldt’s meaning.

267.Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc., Bd. vi, s. 271, note. I may say, once for all, that my references, unless otherwise stated, are to the edition of Humboldt’sGesammelte Werke, edited by his brother, Berlin, 1841–1852.

268.Aus Wilhelm von Humboldt’s letzten Lebensjahren. Eine Mittheilung bisher unbekannter Briefe, von Theodor Distel, p. 19 (Leipzig, 1883).

269. From his memoirUeber das vergleichende Sprachstudium in Beziehung auf die verschiedenen Epochen der Sprachentwicklung, Bd. iii, s. 249.

270. He draws examples from the Carib, Lule, Tupi, Mbaya, Huasteca, Nahuatl, Tamanaca, Abipone, and Mixteca;Ueber das Entstehen der grammatischen Formen, und ihren Einfluss auf die Ideenentwicklung, Bd. iii, ss. 269–306.

271.Ueber die Buchstabenschrift und ihren Zusammenhang mit dem Sprachbau, Bd. vi, s. 526.

272. This letter is printed in the memoir of Prof. E. Teza,Intorno agli Studi del Thavenet sulla Lingua Algonchina, in theAnnali delle Universitá toscane, Tomo xviii (Pisa, 1880).

273. Compare Prof. Adler’s Essay, above mentioned, p. 11.

274. This is found expressed nowhere else so clearly as at the beginning of § 13, where the author writes: “Der Zweck dieser Einleitung, die Sprachen, in der Verschiedenartigkeit ihres Baues, als die nothwendige Grundlage der Fortbildung des menschlichen Geistes darzustellen, und den wechselseitigen Einfluss des Einen auf das Andre zu erörtern, hat mich genöthigt, in die Natur der Sprache überhaupt einzugehen.” Bd. vi, s. 106.

275. “Das Studium der verschiedenen Sprachen des Erdbodens verfehlt seine Bestimmung, wenn es nicht immer den Gang der geistigen Bildung im Auge behält, und darin seinen eigentlichen Zweck sucht.”Ueber den Zusammenhang der Schrift mit der Sprache, Bd. vi, s. 428.

276. “Eine Gedankenwelt an Töne geheftet.”Ueber die Buchstabenschrift und ihre Zusammenhang mit dem Sprachbau, Bd. vi, s. 530.

277. This cardinal point in Humboldt’s philosophy is very clearly set forth in his essay,Ueber die Aufgabe des Geschichtschreibers. Bd. i, s. 23, and elsewhere.

278. This reasoning is developed in the essay,Ueber das Vergleichende Sprachstudium, etc.,Gesammelte Werke, Bd. iii, ss. 241–268; and see Ibid., s. 270.

279. See the essayUeber die Buchstabenschrift und ihren Zusammenhang mit dem Sprachbau,Ges. Werke, Bd. vi, ss. 551–2.

280.Ueber das Entstehen der grammatischen Formen, etc.,Werke, Bd. iii, s. 292.

281. Speaking of such “imperfect” languages, he gives the following wise suggestion for their study: “Ihr einfaches Geheimniss, welches den Weg anzeigt, auf welchem man sie, mit gänzlicher Vergessenheit unserer Grammatik, immer zuerst zu enträthseln versuchen muss, ist, das in sich Bedeutende unmittelbar an einander zu reihen.”Ueber das Vergleichende Sprachstudium, etc.,Werke, Bd. iii, s. 255; and for a practical illustration of his method, see the essay,Ueber das Entstehen der grammatischen Formen, etc., Bd. iii, s. 274.

282. His teachings on this point, of which I give the barest outline, are developed in sections 12 and 13 of his Introduction,Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc. Steinthal’s critical remarks on these sections (in hisCharakteristik der haupt. Typen des Sprachbaues) seem to me unsatisfactory, and he even does not appear to grasp the chain of Humboldt’s reasoning.

283.Lettre à M. Abel-Remusat, Werke, Bd. vii, s. 353.

284. “Daher ist das Einschliessen in Ein Wort mehr Sache der Einbildungskraft, die Trennung mehr die des Verstandes.”Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc., s. 327. Compare also, s. 326 and 166.

285. “Der Mexikanischen kann man am Verbum, in welchem die Zeiten durch einzelne Endbuchstaben und zum Theil offenbar symbolisch bezeichnet werden, Flexionen und ein gewisses Streben nach Sanskritischer Worteinheit nicht absprechen.”Ueber die Verschiedenheit, etc.,Werke, Bd. vi, s. 176.

286. Read before the American Philosophical Society in 1885, and revised from theProceedingsof that year.

287. “Diese thatsachen scheinen darauf hinzudeuten, dass jeder grössere in sich zusammenhängende ländercomplex nur einen oder doch nur ganz wenige sprachgrundtypen herausbildet, so eigenartig, dass selten eine spräche ganz aus dem allgemeinen rahmen heraustritt.” Dr. Heinrich Winkler,Uralaltaische Völker und Sprachen, s. 147 (Berlin, 1884).

288.Report of the Corresponding Secretary to the Committee, of his progress in the Investigation committed to him of the General Character and Forms of the Languages of the American Indians.Read (12th Jan., 1819) in theTransactions of the Historical and Literary Committee of the American Philosophical Society. Vol. i, 1819, pp. xxx, xxxi.

289. SeeUeber die Verschiedenheit, etc., pp. 170–173, 325–6, etc.

290. Published in H. R. Schoolcraft’sHistory and Statistics of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Vol. ii, pp. 346–349 (Washington, 1853).

291. “Je suis donc autorisé à conclure qu’il faut tenir pour absolument fausse cette proposition devenue faute d’y avoir regardé de près, une sorte de clichè: que si les langues Américaines diffèrent entre elles par la lexique, elles possedent néanmoins en commun une seule et méme grammaire.”Examen grammatical comparé de seize langues Américaines, in the Compte-rendu of theCongrès international des Américanistes, 1877, Tome ii, p. 242. As no one ever maintained the unity of American grammar outside of theEinverleibungssystem, it must be to this theory only that M. Adam alludes.

292.Etudes sur Six Langues Américaines, p. 3 (Paris, 1878); and compare hisExamen Grammaticalabove quoted, p. 24, 243.

293.Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Von Dr. Friedrich Müller. Compare Bd. i., s. 68, und Bd. ii, s. 182.

294.Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages.By J. W. Powell, p. 55, Second edition. Washington, 1880.

295. This obscure feature in Algonkin Grammar has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Compare Baraga,Grammar of the Otchipwe Language, p. 116 (Montreal, 1878), and A. Lacombe,Grammaire de la Langue des Cris, p. 155 (Montreal, 1874).

296. SeeGrammar of the Chòctaw Languages. By the Rev. Cyrus Byington. Edited by D. G. Brinton, pp. 35, 36 (Philadelphia, 1870).

297.Gramática Quechua, ó del Idioma del Imperio de los Incas.Por el Dr. José Dionisio Anchorena, pp. 163–177 (Lima, 1874).

298.Organismus der Khetsua Sprache.Von J. J. von Tschudi, p. 368 (Leipzig, 1884).

299. “Ces exemples font comprendre combien quelquefois on peut rendre des mots tres longs, pour exprimer toute une phrase, quoiqu’ aussi on puisse facilement rendre les mêmes ideés par des périphrases.” Lacombe,Grammaire de la Langue des Cris, p. 11 (Montreal, 1874).

300. “Se explicara la razon filosófica de los dos modos de usar las palabras en Mexicano, uno componiendo de varias palabras uno solo, y otro dejandolas separadas y enlazandolas solo por regimen.” From the programme of Prof. A. de la Rosa’s course in 1870.

301. The original authorities I have consulted on the Othomi are:Reglas de Orthographia, Diccionario, y Arte del Idioma Othomi.By Luis de Neve y Molina (Mexico, 1767).De Lingúa Othomitorum Dissertatio.By Emmanuel Naxera (Philadelphia, 1835).Catecismo en Lengua Otomi.By Francisco Perez (Mexico, 1834).

301. The original authorities I have consulted on the Othomi are:

Reglas de Orthographia, Diccionario, y Arte del Idioma Othomi.By Luis de Neve y Molina (Mexico, 1767).

De Lingúa Othomitorum Dissertatio.By Emmanuel Naxera (Philadelphia, 1835).

Catecismo en Lengua Otomi.By Francisco Perez (Mexico, 1834).

302. He speaks of the Othomi in these terms:—“Une langue aux allures toutes spéciales, fondamentalement distincte de toutes les langues qui se parlent aujourd’ hui sur le continent américain.”Mission Scientifique au Mexique.Pt. i. Anthropologie, p. 32 (Paris, 1884). This is the precise opinion, strongly expressed, that it is my object to controvert. Many other writers have maintained it. Thus Count Piccolomini in theProlegomenato his version of Neve’s Othomi Grammar says: “La loro lingua che con nessuna altra del mondo conosciuto ha la menoma analogia, è semplice. * * * La formazione del loro verbi, nomi ed altri derivati ha molta semplecitá,” etc.Grammatica della Lingua Otomi, p. 3 (Roma, 1841). This writer also offers an illustration of how imperfectly Duponceau’s theory of polysynthesis has been understood. Not only does Piccolomini deny it for the Otomi, but he denies that it is anything more than merely running several words together with some phonetic syncopation. See theAnnotationiat the close of his Othomi Grammar.

303. This is the orthography of Neve. The terminal vowels are both nasals;nhianis from the radicalhia, to breathe, breath.

304. See the “Comparacion del Othomi con el Mazahua y el Pirinda,” in theCuadro Descriptivo y Comparativo de las Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico, por Francisco Pimentel. Tomo iii, pp. 431–445 (Mexico, 1875).

305. See Pimentel,Cuadro Descriptivo, etc. Tomo iii, pp. 426 and 455.

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