There were 25,000 men in the Bhurtpore garrison, and they represented the most warlike races of India. When Lord Combermere set out with Bhurtpore as his objective, his army consisted of 30,000 men of very mixed quality. On reaching the fortress he began with heavy bombardment. Then for a week he carried forward his siege works, covered by Gurkha sharpshooters, whose eyes were so keen and whose aim so sure that no man of the enemy could show his head above the ramparts with impunity.
Point after point was won until, at last, a small breach was made by the artillery; and into this breach Lord Combermere flung a force in which were included 600 dismounted men from the various cavalry regiments—eighty from the 11th Light Dragoons, eighty from the 16th Lancers, 200 from Skinner's Horse, and forty from each regiment of native cavalry.
Skinner's Horse is one of the earliest formed of the many distinguished Native Irregular Cavalry Corps which have fought for Britain. They had been under Colonel Skinner for many years, and had served him in many wars; thus they had come to respect and love him as tribesmen do their chief. There is a touching story of their valour and faithfulness during the storming of Bhurtpore. A party was told off according to rota duty, for the whole regiment had volunteered for the dangerous service. Skinner placed at their head Shadull Khan, one of his oldest, most faithful, and trustworthy native officers. Then he spoke to them as follows: "This is the first time you are going into danger when I cannot accompany you; but such is my affection for you all that I cannot allow you to part from me without carrying with you something dear to me." Then, taking his son by the hand—the lad had only lately entered the corps—he continued: "See, here is my son. Take him and gain for him such honour as you have won for his father."
This shows clearly what Colonel Skinner thought of Skinner's Horse, and also what he knew they thought of him. Old Shadull Khan stepped forward, and, taking young Skinner by the arm, cried out, "Farewell, our commander! Trust in God, who never deserts those faithful servants who do their duty and who, please God, will now do their utmost to maintain the honour of the corps."
Although the assault on the breach had been planned, it was postponed for that day, as on further consideration Lord Combermere deemed it was not practicable. It took place later, after a great explosion of mines which the engineers had placed beneath the ramparts. On entering the widened breach our troops encountered fierce opposition. There was a hand-to-hand fight of the most desperate description, and it was not until after some hours of fierce fighting that the enemy surrendered.
The Iron Duke's words were justified; Lord Combermere had taken Bhurtpore, and that successful assault on a fortress long regarded as impregnable was one which yields in brilliancy and courage to few in the British annals of war. Its beneficial effect on British rule and influence in India was as striking as its place among battles is dramatic.
THE WAR IN SCINDE
(Meeanee, 1843)
"Let there be sixty or a hundred thousand," said Sir Charles Napier, "I will fight."
This was when he moved away from the banks of the Indus and found that an overwhelming force of the enemy was massing in his rear, while another large force held Meeanee in his front. In the spirit of his words he pushed forward with 2,600 of all arms, including officers fit for duty in the field, and the result was the important battle of Meeanee.
The positions of the Baluchis were formidable. In the first place they had a natural ravine in their front. Again, they had 5,000 cavalry and more than 30,000 infantry, with fifteen guns. Their wings rested on dense woods which extended on each side of the plain in front for a considerable distance, so as to flank the British lines on both sides when it should advance. But, in no mood to be intimidated by these natural advantages of the enemy, Sir Charles Napier and his little force fell impetuously on him by the front. The fighting which ensued was terrific. Our men gradually forced their way across the level plain, swept as it was by the Baluchi cannon and matchlocks, and finally crossed the ravine and began the ascent of the high, sloping bank beyond.
With matchlocks laid ready in rest along the summit, the Baluchis waited until the assailants were within twenty yards before they discharged a volley. But the active British offered an uncertain mark, and this, combined with the steepness of the declivity, accounted for the inconsiderable result of their fire.
Now the 22nd (the Cheshire Regiment) were on the top of the bank, thinking to bear down all before them, but "they staggered back in amazement at the forest of swords waving in their front. Thick as standing corn, and gorgeous as a field of flowers, stood the Baluchis in their many-coloured garments and turbans; they filled the broad, deep bed of the ravine, they clustered on both banks, and covered the plain beyond. Guarding their heads with their large dark shields, they shook their sharp swords, beaming in the sun, their shouts rolling like a peal of thunder, as with frantic gestures they dashed forward with demoniac strength and ferocity full against the front of the 22nd. But with shouts as loud, and shrieks as wild and fierce as theirs, and hearts as big, and arms as strong, the Irish soldiers met them with the queen of weapons—the musket—and sent their foremost masses rolling back in blood."
The Baluchis closed their dense masses, and again the shouts, the rolling fire of musketry, and the dreadful rush of their swordsmen were heard and seen along the whole line; and such a fight ensued as has seldom been recorded in the annals of war. These wild warriors continually advanced, sword and shield in hand, striving in all the fierceness of their valour to break into the opposing ranks; no fire of small-arms, no thrust of bayonets, no sweeping discharges of grape from the guns, which were planted in one fearful mass on the right, could drive the gallant soldiers back; they gave their breasts to be shot at, they leaped upon the guns by twenties at a time; their dead went down the slope by hundreds, but the gaps in their masses were continually filled up from the rear; the survivors of the front rank still pressed forward with unabated fury, and the bayonet and the sword clashed in full and frequent conflict.
Our loss in officers was heavy, and our native troops, deprived of leaders though not of gallantry, were several times forced into rearguard action; but at a given moment a charge made on the enemy's right by our entire but small body of horse, under the command of Colonel Pattle, won the day. The Baluchis had kept their ground for more than three hours, but now they began to retreat in masses, still keeping well together, with their broad shields slung over their backs and their heads half turned towards their pursuers. The victors followed closely, pouring in volley after volley, until tired of slaughtering. "Yet," says Napier, "those stern, implacable warriors preserved their habitual swinging stride, and would not quicken it to a run, though death was at their heels."
In this conflict our officers and men, together with our native troops, showed the greatest courage. The chief part of the battle was a hand-to-hand fight. "The noble soldier Pennefather," as Sir Charles Napier admiringly called him, fell on the top of the bank, to all appearance mortally wounded, and his place was instantly taken by Major Pool. Major Teesdale, followed by his sepoys, rode desperately over the ridge into the midst of the Baluchis, and was instantly killed by shot and sabre. Major Jackson followed the heroic example of Teesdale, and met the same fate. Two brave havildars kept close to them in advance of their regiment, and, like their leaders, they were also killed, but not until they had slain several of the fiercest of the enemy. Lieutenant M'Murdogh, of the General's staff, rode, like Teesdale and Jackson, into the very heart of the Baluchi mass; his horse was killed under him, yet he rose instantly, and meeting Jehan Mohabad, one of the most warlike of the chiefs, slew him in the midst of his clan. Then, while engaged with several in front, one came behind and struck at him, but a sergeant of the 22nd killed that enemy so instantly that his blow fell harmless.
M'Murdogh turned and did the same service for his preserver, cleaving the head of a Baluchi who was aiming at his back. Captain Jacob and Lieutenant Fitzgerald performed similar exploits. Six European officers and sixty sergeants and privates were killed, and fourteen officers and about 200 men wounded. The loss of the Baluchis was enormous; a careful computation gave it as 6,000—1,000 bodies were heaped in the ravine alone. What greater proof is wanting of the great courage and tenacity of the Baluchi warrior, who is now linking his glorious traditions with ours by deeds worthy of his ancient prowess?
THE FIRST SIKH WAR
(Moodkee, 1845)
It can hardly be said that when Sir H. Hardinge arrived in India in 1844 he found our frontier forces insufficient in numbers or unprepared for action. When the first Sikh War broke out in December, 1845, there were at Umballa 12,000 men with 32 guns, at Ferozepore 10,472 with 24 guns, and at Ludhiana 7,235 with 12 guns. Including the force of 1,800 at the hill stations this made a total of 32,479 men with 68 guns—a very respectable little British army.
On December 7th and 8th news came from Lahore to the effect that preparations were being made on a large scale for artillery, stores, and all the munitions of war, but as yet no infantry or artillery had been reported to have left Lahore, nor had a single Sikh soldier crossed the Sutlej. On the 9th, at night, Captain Nicholson, the assistant political agent at Ferozepore, reported that a portion of the Sikh army had approached within three miles of the river. On the 10th no intelligence was received from Lahore confirmatory of Captain Nicholson's report, and the opinion continued to prevail that the Sikh army would not cross the Sutlej. Our troops, however, moved on the 10th, 11th, 12th, in pursuance of orders given on the 7th and 8th; and the whole of the forces destined to move up to the Sutlej were in full march on the 12th. Some days later the whole of the Ludhiana force was moved up with the Umballa force, restricting the defence of Ludhiana to the fort, which could be securely garrisoned by the soldiers left at that post, unless attacked by heavy artillery, which was a very improbable contingency.
This fine body of men, by a rapid march on Busseean, an important point where the roads leading from Umballa and Kurnaul meet, formed the advanced column of the army, and secured the supplies which had been laid in at Busseean. Up to the morning of the 12th, the information from Lahore had not materially varied; but, by the reports received on that day, the general aspect of affairs appeared more warlike. Still no Sikh aggression had been committed, and no artillery had moved down to the river. On the 13th, however, Sir Henry Hardinge received precise information that the Sikh army had crossed the Sutlej, and was concentrating a great force on the left bank of the river. Sir Henry immediately ordered Brigadier Wheeler to march, with 4,500 men and twenty-one guns, early on the 14th from Ludhiana to Busseean, which place had been filled with provisions by arrangements made through Major Broadfoot with the native chiefs—provisions upon which the British army depended in its advance to Ferozepore. By the afternoon of the 14th, Brigadier Wheeler was in front of Busseean. The main column, under the Commander-in-Chief, from Umballa, did not reach Busseean until the 16th.
The Sikhs had not completed the passage of their heavy guns until the 16th, and, by the 17th, the advance of the force under the Commander-in-Chief began to tell upon them, for on the 17th the main body, consisting, according to the Sikh accounts, of 25,000 regulars and 88 guns, under Lal Singh, took possession of the wells around the village of Ferozeshah, whilst Tej Singh with 23,000 men and 67 guns remained opposite to Ferozepore. Now the only road by which an army can march from Busseean to Ferozepore (on account of the scarcity of water) passes through Moodkee, and is about twenty miles, Ferozeshah being mid-way. Knowing that the Commander-in-Chief must carry these works before he could relieve Ferozepore, the Sikhs commenced on December 17th to throw up entrenchments around the wells at Ferozeshah in order to stop the advance of the column under the Commander-in-Chief. Not knowing the strength of his column, and thinking it was only the advance guard of the British army, 12,000 Sikhs, chiefly cavalry, and 22 guns, under the command of Lal Singh, left the camp at Ferozeshah, early on the 18th, and had taken up their position at Moodkee before the arrival of the British army. No sooner had our troops arrived than a scout sent by the political agent brought the news that the enemy was only three miles away.
The British troops hastily got under arms and moved to their positions. Sir Hugh Gough immediately pushed forward the horse artillery and cavalry, and directed the infantry, accompanied by the field batteries, to move forward in support. Sir Hugh's own description is a good one. He says, "We had not proceeded beyond two miles when we found the enemy in position. To resist their attack, and to cover the formation of the infantry, I advanced the cavalry, under Brigadiers White, Gough, and Mactier, rapidly to the front in columns of squadrons, and occupied the plain. They were speedily followed by the five troops of horse artillery under Brigadier Brooke, who took up a forward position, having the cavalry then on his flank.
"The country is a dead flat, covered at short intervals with a low but in some places thick jhow jungle, and dotted with sandy hillocks. The enemy screened their infantry and artillery behind this jungle and such undulations as the ground afforded; and whilst our twelve battalions formed from echelon of brigade into line they opened a very severe cannonade upon our advancing troops, which was vigorously replied to by the battery of horse artillery under Brigadier Brooke, which was soon joined by the two light field batteries. The rapid and well-directed fire of our artillery appeared soon to paralyse that of the enemy; and as it was necessary to complete our infantry dispositions without advancing the artillery too near to the jungle, I directed the cavalry under Brigadiers White and Gough to make a flank movement on the enemy's left, with a view of threatening and turning that flank if possible. With praiseworthy gallantry, the 3rd Light Dragoons [now known as the 3rd (King's Own) Hussars], with the second brigade of cavalry, consisting of the Body-guard and 5th Light Cavalry, with a portion of the 4th Lancers,[A] turned the left of the Sikh army, and sweeping along the whole rear of its infantry and guns silenced for a time the latter and put their numerous cavalry to flight. Whilst this movement was taking place on the enemy's left, I directed the remainder of the 4th Lancers, the 9th Irregular Cavalry[2]under Brigadier Mactier, with a light field battery, to threaten their right.
"This manœuvre was also successful. Had not the infantry and guns of the enemy been screened by the jungle, these brilliant charges of the cavalry would have been productive of greater effect.
"When the infantry advanced to the attack, Brigadier Brooke rapidly pushed on his horse artillery close to the jungle, and the cannonade was resumed on both sides. The infantry, under Major-Generals Sir Harry Smith, Gilbert, and Sir John M'Caskill, attacked in echelon of lines the enemy's infantry, almost invisible amongst wood and the approaching darkness of night. The opposition of the enemy was such as might have been expected from troops who had everything at stake, and who had long vaunted of being irresistible. Their ample and extended line, from their great superiority of numbers, far outflanked ours; but this was counteracted by the flank movements of our cavalry. The attack of the infantry now commenced, and the roll of fire from this powerful arm soon convinced the Sikh army that they had met with a foe they little expected; and their whole force was driven from position after position with great slaughter, and the loss of seventeen pieces of artillery, some of them of heavy calibre; our infantry using that never-failing weapon, the bayonet, whenever the enemy stood. Night only saved them from worse disaster, for this stout conflict was maintained during an hour and a half of dim starlight, amidst a cloud of dust from the sandy plain, which yet more obscured every object."
Our troops in this battle consisted of 3,850 Europeans and 8,500 natives, making a total of 12,350 rank and file, and 41 guns. Sixteen officers were killed and 200 men; forty-eight officers wounded and 609 men, of whom 153 died subsequently of their wounds, or were disabled. Amongst those who fell was the hero of Jellalabad, Sir Robert Sale; he had his left thigh shattered by grape-shot, and the wound proved mortal. Had there been more daylight, the rout of the enemy would have been more complete; as it was, seventeen of their guns out of twenty were captured, and their loss in killed and wounded was very severe. Yet it must be said that, in this battle of Moodkee, our friend the enemy fought bravely and well—so well that, casting a backward glance on that day of glorious deeds, we are now proud to claim him as a friend indeed.
FOOTNOTES:[2]Native regiments.
[2]Native regiments.
[2]Native regiments.
ALIWAL AND SOBRAON
(1846)
Badly beaten at Ferozeshah, the Sikhs naturally expected that the British troops would at once follow up their advantage by crossing the Sutlej and advancing on the capital; but in order to do this successfully it was necessary to wait the arrival of the powerful battering train now moving upwards with the Meerut force under Sir John Grey, consisting of the 9th Lancers, the 16th Lancers, and her Majesty's 10th and 53rd Regiments of Foot, with the 43rd and 59th Regiments of Native Infantry.
The Sikhs, mistaking this delay for irresolution, resolved to make another effort to maintain their position on the left bank of the Sutlej; and for this purpose they began to construct a new bridge of boats, not very far from the spot where they crossed the river after having been driven from Ferozeshah. Our Army of the Sutlej was stationed some distance from the river, and no opposition was offered by them. The bridge of boats was soon constructed, and works thrown up in front of it with much military skill, in a position very favourable to defence. The opposite banks were high, and the river, where the bridge was laid, made a slight curve inwards, so as to throw those banks sufficiently forward to afford protection to both flanks of the advanced position from heavy artillery placed in battery. Above the bridge, and not far from it, was a good ford, which facilitated the communications with the forces on the opposite bank. Advantage had also been taken of the slenderness of our troops at Ludhiana to effect a passage for a force of about 10,000 men of all arms, in the neighbourhood of that town. No attack was made either on the town or cantonment of Ludhiana; the object of this force appeared to be rather to entrench itself near the place at which it crossed, in order to obstruct our progress and to cut off the passage of supplies to Ferozepore, and to intercept the communication between the posts.
As soon as the Meerut force joined the Commander-in-Chief's camp, immediate measures were taken to reinforce the Ludhiana post and the station at Busseean. Some native infantry, some light cavalry, and some guns were sent thither, and the sick, the women, and the children were removed thence to Umballa. Meanwhile Sir Harry Smith had been detached to reduce Dhurmkote and keep open the communication for supplies and ammunition from our rear. Sir Harry was now reinforced, having with him 7,000 men and 24 guns, and it was confidently believed that he could at one and the same time relieve Ludhiana and protect the whole of our rear. Dhurmkote was evacuated at his approach. On the way from Jugraon to Ludhiana he lost a good deal of his baggage, and sustained some heavy fusilades, which he did not wait to return. His troops were much harassed when he reached Ludhiana, but his presence put an end to the consternation which was becoming general in that part of the country.
The Sirdar Runjur Singh had strongly entrenched himself at Aliwal, about eight miles to the westward of Ludhiana. He had 15,000 men and 56 guns, and on the evening of January 26th he received a reinforcement of 12 guns and 4,000 regular troops. Sir Harry Smith most gallantly attacked the Sikhs on January 28th with not more than 16,000 men in all. The right of the Sikh force rested on Bundree, and their left on Aliwal. When they had advanced a short distance from their entrenched camp, they cannonaded the British for half an hour, until our brave fellows stormed the village of Aliwal, the key of their position. The whole of the British line then began to advance. Her Majesty's 16th Lancers charged in the most gallant style, but the Sikhs lay down on the ground and the Lancers could not easily reach them. In this position the Sikhs did deadly work with their muskets and keen swords. The 16th Lancers had upwards of a hundred men killed or wounded. The great mass of Sikh infantry could be broken only by our artillery. One Sikh cannon after another was captured. So ably were the orders of attack conducted, each column and line arriving at its point of attack to the very moment, that the enemy was soon driven headlong back over the river, and all their guns were captured or destroyed. Only one gun was carried by the Sikhs to the opposite bank, and there it was spiked by Lieutenant Holmes, of the Irregular Cavalry, and Gunner Scott, of the Horse Artillery, who forded the river in pursuit. The victory was complete, and great was the confusion among the Sikhs.
After this complete and decisive victory there was a breathing space in the campaign. The Sikhs at Sobraon went on strengthening their position, while Sir Hugh Gough waited for his artillery and reinforcements. From January 14th till the beginning of February the enemy was industriously employed in building defences, under the direction, it is said, of a Spanish engineer. The army under Sir Charles Napier, which had been assembled at Sukkar by order of the Governor-General, consisting of 16,000 men, was moving up to the left bank of the Sutlej towards Ferozepore, and would have proved, had the war lasted, a most valuable reinforcement to the Army of the Sutlej. It had by this time reached Bhawalpur, opposite Mooltan, and as the Nawab of that place had intimated to the British Government his intention of remaining neutral, the Governor-General, feeling that the blow must be struck and the contest decided at Lahore, requested Sir Charles Napier to come on with his staff in advance of his army, and to join him without delay, being desirous of having the assistance of that distinguished officer in the pending struggle. Sir Charles Napier did not, however, arrive in time to add to the glories of Sobraon, but the heavy guns from Delhi reached the Commander-in-Chief's camp on February 9th.
Although on the first intelligence of the battle of Aliwal, and at sight of the numerous bodies which floated from the neighbourhood of that battlefield down to the bridge of boats at Sobraon, the Sikhs seemed much shaken and disheartened, they now appeared to be as confident as ever of being able to defy us in their entrenched position and to prevent our passage of the river. The soldiers were chiefly those who had been trained by the French and Italian officers. They had strong walls, only to be surmounted by scaling ladders, which afforded a secure protection for triple lines of musketry. In all they were 34,000 men with 70 pieces of artillery; their position was united by a good bridge to a reserve of 20,000 men on the opposite bank, on which was a considerable camp and some artillery, commanding and flanking our field-works.
Sir Hugh Gough's forces consisted of 6,533 Europeans and 9,691 natives, making a total of 16,224 rank and file, with 99 guns. Sir Hugh ordered this force to march at half-past three, on the morning of Tuesday, February 10th, when his men would be fresh and there would be a certainty of many hours of daylight. The troops began to move out of camp at the very moment appointed, and they marched in silence to their destination. Sir Hugh was now strong in cavalry and very strong in artillery. He at once put his battering and disposable artillery in position in an extended semicircle, embracing within its fire the works of the Sikhs.
It had been intended that the cannonade should commence at daybreak, but so heavy a mist hung over the plain and river that it was necessary to wait. It was half-past six before the whole of the artillery was developed. Dr. Macgregor, in his "History of the Sikhs," gives a graphic description of the opening of the action. He says: "Nothing could have been conceived grander than the effect of the batteries when they opened, as the cannonade passed along from the Sutlej to Little Sobraon in one continued roar of guns and mortars; while, ever and anon, the rocket like a spirit of fire winged its rapid flight high above the batteries in its progress towards the Sikh entrenchments. Well might the Commander-in-Chief call the opening of the cannonade 'most spirited and well directed.' The Sikh guns responded with shot and shell, but neither appeared to do much execution; the latter were seen bursting in mid-air ere they reached the British batteries, while some of the shot passed over Rhodawala, and struck the ground in front of General Gilbert's division. It now became a grand artillery concert, and the infantry divisions and brigades looked on with a certain degree of interest, somewhat allied, however, to vexation, lest the artillery should have the whole work to themselves. The Commander-in-Chief, however, was determined to give full play to an arm which he had not possessed to an efficient extent in other hard-fought battles. It was reported that the guns were to play for four hours at least; but there is some reason to believe that the rapid firing had nearly exhausted the ammunition before half that time had elapsed, and it was once more to be proved that the British Infantry were not to remain mute spectators of a battle. 'Notwithstanding,' wrote the Commander-in-Chief, 'the formidable calibre of our guns, mortars, and howitzers, and the admirable way in which they were served, and aided by a rocket battery, it would have been visionary to expect that they could have silenced the fire of seventy pieces behind well-constructed batteries of earth, planks, and fascines, or dislodge troops covered either by redoubts or epaulements or within a treble line of trenches.'"
The utmost ingenuity of the Sikhs and their European advisers had been exerted to render the works at Sobraon vastly superior to those at Ferozeshah. They had aimed at absolute impregnability, and a French officer assured Tej Singh that it was utterly impossible for the British to make good their entrance. But it may be said they reckoned without the small host opposing them. The British were now about to try with the musket and the bayonet. At nine o'clock, Brigadier Stacey's brigade, supported on either flank by Captain Horford's and Fordyce's batteries, and Lieutenant-Colonel Lane's troop of horse artillery, moved to the attack in admirable order. The infantry and guns aided each other correlatively. The former marched steadily on in line, which they halted only to correct when necessary, while the latter took up successive positions at the gallop, until at length they were within three hundred yards of the heavy batteries of the Sikhs. But notwithstanding the regularity and coolness, and the scientific character of the assault, which Brigadier Wilkinson well supported, so hot was the fire of cannon and musketry kept up by the Khalsa troops that it seemed for some moments impossible that the entrenchments could be won under it. This fire was all the more formidable from the fact that the Sikhs employed zumburuks—guns mounted on camels and carrying pound shot.
There was a temporary check or pause, but, soon, persevering gallantry triumphed, and the whole army had the satisfaction of seeing Brigadier Stacey's gallant soldiers driving the Sikhs in confusion before them within the area of their encampment. Every impediment was cleared, the entrenchments were passed, and our matchless infantry stood erect and compact within the Sikh camp. Said the Commander-in-Chief: "Her Majesty's 10th, 53rd, and 80th Regiments, with the 33rd, 43rd, 59th, and 63rd Native Infantry, moving at a firm and steady pace, never fired a shot until they had passed the barriers opposed to them—a forbearance much to be commended, and most worthy of constant imitation, to which may be attributed the success of their first effort, and the small loss they sustained."
This attack was crowned with all the success it deserved, and, led by its gallant Commander, Major-General Sir Robert Dick, obtained the admiration of the army, which witnessed its disciplined valour. When checked by the formidable obstacles and superior numbers to which the attacking division was opposed, the second division, under Major-General Gilbert, afforded the most opportune assistance by rapidly advancing to the attack of the enemy's batteries, entering their fortified position after a severe struggle, and sweeping through the interior of the camp. This division inflicted a very severe loss on the retreating enemy. Together with a portion of Gilbert's division, the troops advanced immediately the order was received. But, if intended to support Stacey on the right of the enemy's position, they missed the object, for they unfortunately came in front of the centre and strongest portion of the encampment, unsupported either by artillery or cavalry. Her Majesty's 29th and 1st European Light Infantry, with undaunted bravery, rushed forward, crossed a dry nullah and found themselves exposed to one of the hottest fires of musketry that can possibly be imagined; and what rendered it still more galling was that the Sikhs were themselves concealed behind high walls, over which the European soldiers could not climb. To remain under such a fire without the power of returning it with any effect would have been madness—the men would have been annihilated. Thrice did Her Majesty's 29th Regiment charge the works, and thrice were they obliged to retire, each time followed by the Sikhs, who spared none. Similar was the fate of the 1st European Light Infantry, who, in retiring, had their ranks thinned by musketry and their wounded men and officers cut up by the Sikhs. To the latter, the nullah afforded an admirable defence, for the slope was in their favour, while the Europeans on the high bank were completely exposed. At length the second division, which at Ferozeshah had driven the Sikhs before them, capturing their guns at the point of the bayonet and entering their encampment, were led to the right of the entrenchment at Sobraon. The second division was followed by the first division, which, under Sir Harry Smith, dashed against the enemy's left. Yet it was not until the 3rd Light Dragoons, under Major-General Sir Joseph Thackwell, had moved forward and ridden through the openings of the entrenchments in single file, re-forming as they passed them, and galloped over and cut down the obstinate defenders of batteries and field-works—indeed, it was not until the weight of three entire divisions of infantry, with every field-artillery gun which could be sent to their aid, had been cast into the scale—that victory finally fell to our troops. The fire of the Sikhs slackened, then almost ceased; and the victors, pressing them on every side, swept them in masses over the bridge of boats and into the Sutlej, which a sudden rise of seven inches had rendered scarcely fordable.
at the front
WITH THE EXPEDITIONARY FORCE, 1914.
In their efforts to reach the right bank through the deepened water, they suffered a terrible carnage from our horse artillery. Hundreds fell under this cannonade; hundreds upon hundreds were drowned in attempting the perilous passage.
Thus terminated, in the brief space of two hours, this most remarkable conflict, in which the military combinations of the Commander-in-Chief were fully and ably carried into effect. The enemy's select regiments of regular infantry had been dispersed, and a large proportion destroyed, with the loss, since the campaign began, of 220 pieces of artillery taken in action. Over sixty-seven guns, together with upwards of 200 camel-swivels, and numerous standards were captured within the entrenchments. Before the hour of noon this great battle was over. It might, indeed, be well termed a glorious fight and complete in its results. The battles of Moodkee, Ferozeshah, and Aliwal had weakened the power of the Sikhs, but the battle of Sobraon had completely broken it. It was, of course, bought at a dear price. Her Majesty's 29th Regiment alone lost in killed and wounded thirteen officers, eight sergeants, and 157 rank and file. The loss of the 1st European Light Infantry was still heavier. Her Majesty's 31st, which had fought most nobly at Moodkee, Ferozeshah, and Aliwal, had seven officers and 147 rank and file killed and wounded at Sobraon. Her Majesty's 50th, or Queen's Own, had twelve officers and 227 rank and file killed and wounded. Her Majesty's 10th Foot lost three officers, three sergeants, and 127 rank and file. These regiments suffered the most, but others suffered severely. The total loss was 320 killed, 2,063 wounded. The brave Sir Robert Dick, who led the attack on the entrenchments, received a mortal wound after he had entered them. Says the historian: "Thus fell, most gloriously, at the moment of victory, this veteran officer, displaying the same energy and intrepidity as when, thirty-five years ago in Spain, he was the distinguished leader of the 42nd Highlanders" (the 1st Battalion of the Black Watch).
Fearful had been the loss of the Sikhs. Five days after the action, and when the walls of the entrenchments had been nearly levelled with the ground, the sandbank in the middle of the river was completely covered with their dead bodies, and the ground within their encampment thickly strewn with carcasses of men and horses.
Before daylight the next morning six regiments of native infantry and six guns had, by means of country boats, crossed the Sutlej at a point nearer to the capital than where the débris of the Sikh army was stationed. On the following day the bridge of boats was nearly completed by the able and indefatigable Major Abbott, of the Engineers. Had the British then followed up the Sikhs they might have made their way without resistance to Lahore, and have there renewed the conflict; but such was not the intention of our commanders, and the capital of the Punjab was destined to be occupied by the British without any repetition of the life-consuming struggles which had occurred on the left bank of the Sutlej. If pressed, they would have fought hard in their despair; but the power of the Sikhs was in reality destroyed. Sham Singh, Dhubal Singh, Hera Singh, Kishen Singh, Mobaruck Ali, Newaz Khan—all their bravest sirdars and leaders had perished. The discomfited warriors who survived, being left to themselves, began to disperse. Our army quietly crossed the river, and took undisputed possession of Kussoor, which, in former times, had twice defied the power of Runjeet Singh. On February 14th the Governor-General announced by proclamation, dated from Kussoor, that the British army had crossed the Sutlej and entered the Punjab, "in accordance with the intentions expressed in the proclamation of December 13th last, as having been forced upon him for the purpose of effectually protecting the British provinces, and vindicating the authority of the British Government, and punishing the violators of treaties and the disturbers of the public peace."
The Government of Lahore paid, as an indemnity for the expense of the war, about one million sterling. The Jullunder Doab, the district between the Beas and Sutlej, was confiscated and proclaimed British territory. All the guns we had taken were to be retained, and all those which the Sikhs had ever directed against the British were to be given up, and the Sikh army was to dismiss and break up for ever and a day.
This Punjab war is remarkable for the fact that it was the cheapest and shortest ever waged. It cost the British Government about £2,000,000, and lasted only sixty days. An indemnity of £1,500,000 from the Lahore Durbar and Ghoolab Singh resulted, with a net annual revenue from confiscated territory of £500,000. But these things could never be so valuable to us as the whole-hearted loyalty and bravery of the gallant Sikh himself, who to-day fights as nobly and fiercely by our side as in the old "forties" he strove against us. And if in those days, to our cost as well as our admiration, we learned the meaning of the "Pride of the Punjab," we shall soon be able to appreciate it from a different standpoint.
THE STORMING OF THE TAKU FORTS
(1859)
The trouble arose between the allied French and British and the Chinese over Tien-tsin, the port of Pekin. On June 25th, 1859, Admiral Hope attempted to force the entrance of the Pei-ho River at the Taku Forts with a few gunboats, but his endeavours were frustrated. In the following year allied forces of British and French troops, under General Sir Hope Grant and General de Montauban, were landed at Peh-tang, some eight miles north of Taku, while the allied fleets safeguarded their movement by watching the mouth of the river. These troops marched inland to avoid the marshes intervening between Peh-tang and Taku, and joined battle with the Chinese Field Army, defeating them at Sin-hid on August 12th. Two days later they descended the north bank of the Pei-ho and seized the town of Tang-ku, three miles north of the forts.
The Taku Forts were four in number, and the question arose between the two generals as to the best method of attack. Sir Hope Grant was in favour of beginning with the smallest fort, but de Montauban maintained it would be better to cross the river and attack the largest fort in the south first. After some friction the former course was adopted, but Montauban was so little in favour of it that he sent only a few hundred men and attended the battle himself merely as a spectator, and without his sword. But this unfortunate little difference was soon forgotten in the deadly work of the day. Many brave deeds were done; the most furious conflict took place when the storming party reached the fort and were crowded together between the inner ditch and the ramparts. Here they were safe from the Chinese musketry, but they immediately became a target for big stones, cannon balls, and stifling stinkpots which the Chinese dropped on their heads. Again and again the scaling ladders were planted against the ramparts, where the Chinese caught them and either pulled them up into the fort or hurled them down, shooting or spearing all who gained a footing within reach of their weapons. The officers and men tried to force entries where the artillery had broken down the embrasures for the guns. A gallant Frenchman sprang on to the ramparts, clubbed a Chinaman with his rifle, snatched another which was handed up to him, fired, and immediately fell speared through the head. Another with a pickaxe gained the top of the wall and tried to break it down; the brave fellow was immediately shot dead, but Lieut. Burslem, who was behind him, seized the pickaxe and continued the work. With many another heroic deed of this kind the fort was eventually captured, the Chinese capitulating after very heavy losses. Our Indian troops behaved with the greatest gallantry in this momentous struggle.
THE THIRD AFGHAN WAR
(1880)
When Yakoub Khan learned that Sir Louis Cavagnari had been sent on a mission to Kabul, his grief and repentance over his terrible outrages seemed beyond expression. He protested too much, and nobody believed him; indeed, before the mission had set out, there had been quite sufficient incentive for the British Government to teach the native authorities at Kabul a severe lesson. When the truth of the matter was felt, rather than known, three columns were despatched to the seat of trouble. The most important of these, which proceeded by the Kurram Road, was led by General Roberts. Its composition was as follows:—Two batteries Horse and Field Artillery; one Mountain Train battery; one squadron 9th Lancers; 67th South Hampshire Regiment; 72nd (Duke of Albany's Own) Highlanders; 92nd (Gordon) Highlanders; 12th and 14th Bengal Cavalry; 5th Gurkhas and a wing of the 5th Punjab; 23rd Pioneers; 5th and 28th Punjab Infantry; 3rd Sikhs, and one company of sappers and miners, making a total of barely 8,000 men.
So determined was the spirit of these men that, as battle followed battle on the way to the capital, Yakoub Khan, with twenty-five principal citizens of Kabul, eventually surrendered. It was probably a subterfuge on the part of the Amir to say that he no longer had any power over his people. At all events, he was kept in durance vile, and next day General Roberts advanced on Kabul. Then followed the battle of Charasiah.
Charasiah is twelve miles distant from Kabul, and its name signifies "Four Water-mills." Here the tired troops camped, while cavalry patrols were sent out to scour the vicinity. Like the Saxons on the eve of the Battle of Hastings, our men little thought that the dawn would bring a decisive battle; but, unlike the Saxons on that occasion, though exhausted, they were always ready for any emergency that the morrow might bring. In evidence of this, two cavalry patrols pushed forward along the ways that led to Kabul before the first light of dawn. The northern road was taken by a party of twenty men of the 14th Bengal Lancers, under Captain Neville, while twenty of the 9th Lancers, under Captain Apperley, took the southern road. Three hours later, as Captain Neville's party was passing through a village, one of his men had his horse shot under him. At the same time, Apperley, in another village, was being hard pressed by the enemy. Major Mitford, with twenty Lancers, was immediately sent to his relief, while a band of native infantry was despatched in all haste to succour Neville. Following immediately on these operations came news that the enemy was advancing in great force from Kabul. They were focussing on the passes of the northern hills. It then became an immediate matter of British tactics to forestall or dislodge them. The event proved that they had to be dislodged, and in this matter there was severe and prolonged fighting before they were driven back. Ultimately the enemy fled incontinently towards Kabul.
Some incidents of this battle are worth recording. It was here that Major (afterwards Field-Marshal Sir George) Stuart White won his Victoria Cross, while commanding the 92nd Highlanders. For a long time he pounded the enemy with artillery, and raked him with rifle fire, but all in vain; he could not dislodge the obstinate foe. The most decisive method was to storm the hill, with a view to the ultimate efficiency of cold steel.
Says theGazette: "Advancing with two companies of his regiment, he came upon a body of the enemy, strongly posted, and outnumbering his force by eighteen to one. His men being exhausted, and immediate action necessary, Major White took a rifle, and, going on by himself, shot dead the leader of the enemy."
And this was where the Afghans were at a disadvantage. The loss of their leader meant everything to them, for they were not as our soldiers—every man a leader if emergency requires. They began to fall back on the further slope of the hill, fearing the onslaught of the Highlanders, who were on top of it, victorious. It is extraordinary that in this important engagement our losses up to this point were nothing more than three Highlanders killed and six wounded, one cavalry soldier killed and three wounded.
While this engagement was proceeding, General Baker was leading his 72nd Highlanders across the hills, with a following of No. 2 Mounted Battery, some Gatling guns, and the wings of the 5th Gurkhas, 5th Punjab Infantry, and 23rd Pioneers. They fought their way over precipitous ground, and through 4,000 of the enemy. The resistance they met with remains to this day as a proof of the fighting powers of our then enemy. After two hours' stubborn fighting, regulated by the able generalship of Baker, the hill was at last taken in the rear by a flanking movement of the Gordons. It was a scene to live in the memory, when the gallant 92nd, cheered on by Cameron's pipes, stormed the hill. The dash and vigour of the assault no doubt carried the position, but the moral effect of Cameron and his pipes, to say nothing of brave colours flying, had to be reckoned with.
From this point the march on Kabul was unimpeded. When General Roberts arrived he found the place abandoned by the enemy. But there still remained some Afghans entrenched on a high hill to the rear of Bala Hissar, in such a position that it was necessary to dislodge them before entering the city, especially as behind them the enemy was in great force on the Ridge of Asmai. There was very severe fighting over the dislodgment of these Afghans, but on the fourth day General Roberts had removed every obstruction to his entry into Kabul. It was a great moment when he hoisted our Standard on the walls of Kabul.
TEL-EL-KEBIR AND KASSASSIN
(1882)
The British campaign arose out of the rebellious ambition of Arabi Pasha. The culminating point of the campaign was the battle of Tel-el-Kebir—the word signifying "A large village." Arabi Pasha was of common origin, having risen from the ranks of the Viceroy's army to the position of a somewhat famous colonel. His motto was "Egypt for the Egyptians." In this he left out of account the fact that Britain had tremendous interests in Egypt, including £4,000,000 of Suez Canal stock. Blinding himself also to the fact that Britain could not afford to lose the direct route to India, Arabi Pasha continued to oppose the growth of British influence even up to the point that he wished to rule Egypt himself.
The free expression of this ambition led to the bombardment of Alexandria and the destruction of Arabi's forts. Being defeated, his hatred of British influence grew stronger than ever. He retired into the interior and began mobilising his countrymen. As soon as this was known, it became necessary to send out a British army to hunt out the rebellious Arabi and put an end to his ambitions for ever. This army, under the command of Sir Garnet (afterwards Viscount) Wolseley, comprised 40,000 men, and was derived from India, Malta, Cyprus and Gibraltar.
This force landed at a port on the Canal and pressed on towards Kassassin. The rebels attempted to check its progress at Mahuta, but they were easily driven off. Very soon afterwards General Graham, with his vanguard, arrived at Kassassin, where he entrenched himself in obedience to a strict order to hold it at all costs. Many attacks were made, but they were all successfully foiled. There were two considerable engagements contested here, but they were merely preliminaries to that at Tel-el-Kebir, which was of the greatest moment. The 13th Bengal Lancers were engaged on the occasion when the Egyptians made a second attack at Kassassin. Then they were moved up to Tel-el-Kebir.
The fortified defences of Tel-el-Kebir were very strong. The British were in position before the first streak of dawn, and everything was "all Sir Garnet," as Tommy Atkins has constantly said ever since. There was silence as the soldiers lay waiting for the word to advance, and, when at last it was given in a subdued tone, all arose and marched forward, and their footfalls on the soft sand were almost as noiseless as footfalls on the snow. Of this mysterious nocturnal advance in the silence of a mysterious land, a historian says: "The darkness around and above, with the stars shining down as they had done in the time of Pharaoh and the other dynasties of Egyptian kings lying entombed in the Pyramids ... weird and ghostly was the effect of the dim streaks, looking like shadows of moving clouds, but which were really lines of men stealing over the desert."
The first indication that our approach was discovered came in the form of some scattered shots fired by the enemy's sentries; then came a bugle call from within the enemy's lines. This filled our men with enthusiasm, for it meant that the action would begin in the darkness, which was to our advantage. For a few minutes they marched on stealthily, then the whole line of the enemy's entrenchments, which had been unknown to us, was now clearly revealed by the sudden blaze of rifle fire. The simultaneous flash was so great that it lit up the whole scene. Immediately the British bugles sounded the charge, and our men on the instant sprang forward with loud cheers, then advanced rapidly but steadily on the foe.
The terrible conflict which ensued soon became general, and the infantry, once in close grips with the Egyptians, inflicted severe loss with the bayonet. It was to this astonishing "infantry" that the credit of victory was mainly due; the artillery and cavalry, together with a fine force of marines, were responsible for the infliction of heavy punishment on the foe in the confusion of their retreat.
In this battle the 20th Duke of Cambridge's Own Light Infantry ("Brownlow's Punjabis") fought with great bravery, and, by their heroic deeds, added "Tel-el-Kebir" to the list of their battle honours.
During the course of the Egyptian campaign two other Indian regiments of cavalry, besides the 13th Bengal Lancers, and two of infantry besides the 20th, fought bravely, and all bear the "honours" of "Egypt 1882" and "Tel-el-Kebir." The 2nd Queen Victoria's Own Sappers and Miners (a native corps) also bear these "honours," in addition to "Suakin 1885" and "Tofrek."
BATTLES AROUND SUAKIN
Everywhere throughout the Sudan the Mahdi, or False Prophet, had waged a successful rebellion against the authority of the Egyptian Government, which, since the crushing defeat of Arabi Pasha at Tel-el-Kebir, had fallen under Britain's protection. In order to bring this truculent disturber to submission it was necessary to send a British army to the relief of Tokar near Suakin. The Sudan had for a long time been the impenetrable stronghold of the slave trade. "If any part of God's earth was dyed with human blood," said Lord Wolseley, "it was this," and now in addition to this there was the memory of the treachery at El-Obeid, the capital of Kordofan, where Hicks Pasha's army was treacherously led into ambush and ultimately massacred. The Mahdi was not present in this battle, but he came later to see the body of Hicks, who was the last to die, and thrust his spear through the Pasha's body as an example to be followed by all his sheikhs. All this blood—more than the blood of slaves—cried out for vengeance.
As the rebellion spread eastward, Osman the Ugly hastened thither and further inflamed it. This man was a slave trader, whose chief grievance was that he had been ruined by the prohibition of the vile traffic. For a time he had a victorious career, completely annihilating force after force of Egyptian troops. During his investment of Sinkat and Tokar, Baker Pasha was despatched with a force of 3,600 men to the relief of those two towns. But here another terrible slaughter of the Egyptian troops took place in the battle—or rather, the massacre—of El-Teb. An eye witness says of this: "Inside the square the state of affairs was almost indescribable. Cavalry, infantry, mules, camels, falling baggage and dying men were crushed into a struggling, surging mass. The Egyptians were shrieking madly, hardly attempting to run away, but trying to shelter themselves one behind another."
"The conduct of the Egyptians was simply disgraceful," said another English officer; "armed with rifle and bayonet, they allowed themselves to be slaughtered without an effort at self-defence, by savages inferior in numbers and armed only with spears and swords."
Seeing the uselessness of attempting to rally such material, Baker, with his staff, put spurs to his horse and charged the enemy. This small band of determined men cut their way through the formidable array of swords and lances. Soon after this the defenders of Sinkat, finding their stores almost exhausted, decided to fight their way out. Accordingly, 400 men, with many women and children, set out from the town. The men fought valiantly, but they were overpowered by numbers, and only six men and thirty women were left to tell the horrible tale of butchery.
Meanwhile Tokar was still under siege, and Sir Gerald Graham was sent with a small force to relieve it. At El-Teb he came in contact with the Mahdi's forces; this time the victory was on our side. Having crushed the Mahdi for the time being, he set out for Suakin, which was the concentration point of the Government in its now extensive preparations to humble Osman Digna. They had called on the rebel chiefs to lay down their arms, but the call had met with a most defiant reply. Sir Gerald advanced on Tamai and bivouacked within a mile of the enemy's position. All night long the British were harassed by shot and shell, but victory came in the morning, though with regrettable loss of life. It was none the less crushing, however, and was followed by a temporary cessation of hostilities. It was not until the following spring that Osman Digna had recuperated sufficiently to face the British troops again. In the campaign which followed, his hordes were successful until after the battles of Hasheen and Tofrek.
It was early in the morning that General Graham with less than 1,000 men arrived at the foot of the hills to the east of Hasheen. He established himself with his staff on one of the hills, and from that point directed the battle which ensued. The wells of Hasheen lay below in the valley.
With the light of day the whole place was seen to be alive with riflemen. Says an eye-witness: "They crowded on the Hasheen hill; they swarmed through the underwood, and nothing could be seen but little puffs of smoke rising over the trees. Here and there a shriek, a groan, a gap in the ranks, instantly filled up, showed that some of the enemy's bullets had found a billet. But for one that hit, a thousand whistled harmlessly over us." Volley answered volley from both sides, and the bullets began to fall thick and fast. Where the Sikhs were engaged the fire was especially furious. The enemy showed considerable bravery, but after a while the distant fire of our troops proved too hot for them. Two squadrons of the Bengal Lancers, making a gallant show with their turbans, streaming pennants, and flashing spears, were launched against them, and some desperate fighting now took place in this part of the field. One of the squadrons was dismounted for the purpose of firing volleys, but, being taken at a disadvantage, was driven back with the loss of nine men. The Arabs were led on to the attack by an old sheikh mounted on a camel. He waved his spear frantically, and his equally fanatical followers rushed round the Bengalese flank to their rear. One Lancer officer—an Englishman—was seen to hew down two Arabs in quick succession; while the life of another officer was only saved by the steel breastplate underneath his tunic, which before his departure his wife had insisted on his wearing. On the right, too, about the same time, a similar charge was made by the other two squadrons of Bengal Cavalry and the 5th Lancers. This rapid movement completely checked and scattered a large body of the enemy who were advancing down the Hasheen valley with the intention of turning the British flank. The swarthy-faced Indian troops, with their eyes flashing friendly rivalry beneath their turbans, vied with their fresh-complexioned British comrades to carry off the chief honours of that charge; and so strong was this admirable rivalry that history can only say "Honours easy."
In the action at Tofrek the Indian Brigade were engaged and showed striking gallantry. The 17th Bengal Native Infantry (the Loyal Regiment) gave some ground at a very important moment, but it was against fearful odds. No more need be said than that "Tofrek" is among their battle honours.
Orders were given to Generals McNeill and Hudson to advance to a certain spot and construct three zarebas at a distance of from six to eight miles from Suakin. Here, at Tofrek, they suddenly found the enemy upon them. In the conflict which ensued, the main brunt of the assault fell upon the 15th Sikhs and the 28th Bombay Native Infantry. Time after time they received assaults with heavy fire, firmly standing their ground and maintaining an intact line. The battle raged most furiously round the Sikhs, a fact which was afterwards confirmed by the hundreds of dead Arabs which lay in front of their position. The Bombay Regiment, though not in the thick of the fight, fought bravely, as proved by the toll of the enemy's dead and wounded.
THE FRONTIER FIGHTING OF 1886
In the frontier fighting (1886) against the Afghans and Tibetans many important events occurred. Those of greatest interest were the survey by the Afghan Boundary Commission, under Colonel Sir West Ridgeway; General Sir G. White's march with his Flying Column to the Zhob Valley; the Manipur Massacre; the attack by tribesmen on the Fort of Chilas, and the Wazaris' fierce assault on the troops encamped at Wano.
The Afghan Boundary Commission, which had returned to India in 1886, after a two years' survey in the wild country to the north, was commanded by Colonel Sir West Ridgeway. Among his troops was a detachment of the 11th Bengal Lancers and 20th Punjab Infantry, who, to quote the Official Gazette, "have upheld throughout by discipline, endurance, and good conduct the credit of Her Majesty's Army."
The work before them was difficult and dangerous, but the British officers and native soldiers carried it to a successful issue with unflagging cheerfulness and invincible courage.
Sir G. White's march into the Zhob Valley may be described in terms of equal praise. The Flying Column marched rapidly through the valley, and reached Thanispa on October 15th. From that point they hurried on, meeting with little opposition, and finally took possession of the entire country, bringing the chiefs to terms, and binding them over to cease the predatory raids which had been the occasion of all the trouble.
The Manipur Massacre, a terrible affair, arose, four years later, through the ambitions of a would-be usurper. In this case it was the ruler's own brother who caused the trouble. On September 22nd, 1890, at two o'clock in the morning, the Residency in Manipur was startled by the sound of musketry. Then, while the inmates were preparing for the worst, the Maharajah himself came running, in a state of panic, and told Mr. Grimwood, the Agent, that his brother had attacked the palace, and that, as he had given up all hopes of retaining power, his only course was to abdicate in favour of the usurper.
The Maharajah was allowed to escape from the country, but no sooner did he find himself beyond the reach of his brother's strong arm than he made up his mind to return. After having weighed the whole facts of the case, the Government decided that the usurper was the better man, and therefore they took steps to keep the Maharajah at a distance, and to expel the Senapatti, whose ambitions and ideals were not for the good of Manipur.
In accordance with instructions, Mr. Quinton, Chief Commissioner in Assam, set out for Manipur to further the intentions of the Government. His force consisted of 400 Rifles of the 42nd and 44th Gurkha Regiments, which were deemed sufficient reinforcement to the 100 Rifles of the 43rd Gurkhas already at Manipur. This little band of 400 arrived at Manipur on March 22nd, and, after consultation, it was decided to call adarbar, so as to declare and ventilate the decision of the Government. It was in the back of the Government's mind to effect the arrest of the Senapatti. But he had evidently got to know this; at all events, neither he nor his followers attended thedarbar.
Notwithstanding Mr. Grimwood's intervention, in which he explained to the usurper that the Government was favourable to him, nothing satisfactory could be brought about with either side. The fact was that the usurper, as well as the Senapatti, was entirely antagonistic to the aims of the British; consequently, thedarbarwas a complete failure.
There was no time to be wasted, and there was no time to speculate on what was "on the other side of the hill." At daybreak on the 24th, Colonel Skene, with 250 men, called at the palace to arrest the missing chief. The Manipurs had foreseen this. They were well prepared. They had 6,000 men and two guns as a welcome, and, though the gallant 250 put up a tremendous fight, they were ultimately forced back to the Residency. Swift after them came the enemy with their guns. A fierce siege of the Residency then followed. Towards evening there was a lull, and an armistice was agreed upon. But the natives, not knowing at that time the far-reaching failure of Punic, or Prussian, faith, played false. Mr. Quinton, Colonel Skene, Mr. Grimwood, Lieutenant Simpson of the 43rd Gurkhas, and Mr. Cossins, Assistant Secretary of the Chief Commissioner, were made prisoners by treachery, and then the guns belched forth again on the Residency. In the morning the little garrison was forced to retreat, and they took the road towards Cochar, their way being lighted by burning villages on every hand, while far in the rear the Residency itself proclaimed the temporary triumph of the natives. In this retreat was Mrs. Grimwood, whose record of her remarkable escape will be remembered.
It was a retreat, not a rout. The brave fighters of the greatest rearguard action in history, in the present war, may well call to mind that rearguard action on a small scale, when our troops were, so to speak, pursued by defeat, fighting against it all the way. At last they fell in with Captain Cowley, in command of a small band, and, joining forces with him, they made their way to Lakhpur.
Meanwhile, General Graham, with half a battalion of the King's Royal Rifles, No. 2 Mountain Battery R.A.; two battalions 4th Gurkhas and 12th Madras Infantry, and two guns, set out from Burma to the rescue of the battered but not beaten troops. General Collett, commanding a column, also made in all haste for Lakhpur. On the arrival of these two contingents the city was speedily taken. But—and here is the pity—before they could get to Manipur, the officers above mentioned, treacherously taken, were treacherously massacred.
THE RELIEF OF CHITRAL
(1895)
In the relief of Chitral a number of native regiments took part. In the spring of 1895 Britain was suddenly called to attention by the news, flashed along the cables, that hell had broken loose in Chitral. This probably meant that a few British officers, with a small band of Sikhs and other native troops, were in a most dangerous position in the capital of that state. The probability soon became a certainty, and great alarm was felt as to their safety. The next piece of bad news was that the British were hemmed up in a small fort, and, in that desperate position, were defending it against fearful odds, beating off wild hordes of tribesmen, and fighting, in grim despair, against the clock, hoping that time might bring succour and relief. And the jeopardy of this situation was not lessened by the fresh news that two little sections of the British army from Gilgit had to scale mountains more rugged than the Alps before penetrating into the lowlands of Chitral to the relief of the little garrison.
After news of an engagement on March 7th no tidings were received from Chitral Fort. Meanwhile came the official report of the defeat of Captain Goss at Mastuj, he and fifty-six men having been killed—fifty-six out of a total of seventy-one. This, with the death-like silence of Chitral, was appalling; and immediately Major-General Sir Robert Low was ordered to mobilise on the frontier of the enemy's territory, and Colonel Kelly, commanding the 32nd Pioneers in the Gilgit district, was givencarte blancheto plan the relief of Chitral in whatever way might seem best to him.
The journey from Gilgit to Chitral is a stupendous undertaking for an army. The distance is 220 miles, and the way lies over a gigantic range of mountains containing passes deep with perpetual snow. When it became known that Colonel Kelly had actually undertaken this journey in the hope of reaching Chitral in time to render assistance to the beleaguered British, the heart of Britain was contracted. There was a chill fear abroad, and the despairing word "impossible" was in constant use. In the clubs men who knew those mountains gazed into each other's eyes and borrowed what hope they could. The apparently impossible had often been attempted before, and proved possible; so the nation waited, nursing that fire of courage which is always kept burning in its breast.
Low's force was as follows:—