CHAPTER XIV.
Journey from Yorktown to Richmond by Williamsburg and Norfolk.—History of Virginia. Some considerations on negro slavery.
The acclamations of gratitude and tumult of arms, which momentarily interrupted the habitual calm of Yorktown, had already ceased, when on the morning of the 20th, we departed for Williamsburgh, formerly the capital of Virginia, but at present a small town retaining very little of its ancient importance. Its college which was founded under the reign of William and Mary, and bears their name, was celebrated for the excellence of its learning until within about half a century, since when it appears to have partaken of the sad destiny of the town, to which it belongs. Williamsburg is situated on a plain between York and James rivers. Two creeks which fall into these great rivers approach each other in front of the town and form a sort of narrow road upon which General Lafayette established the excellent post which Cornwallis attempted unsuccessfully, when he essayed to escape from the snare into which he had been drawn by his youthful adversary. Although the population of Williamsburg is not more than 14 or 1500 souls, the general was received with great feeling, and had the pleasure of greeting a considerable number of ancient friends, with whom he passed the day. The day following, we embarked at Jamestown for Norfolk, and our voyage down James river was very interesting to General Lafayette and some of our old travelling companions, who at each point of the shore again reviewed a page of the history of their glorious Virginian campaign.
In about five hours we arrived in the vast road of Hampton; the declining sun threw his rays obliquely upon the fort of old point Comfort, which in the distance seemed to rest upon the level surface of the sea.—Beyond that, upon the Chesapeake, we beheld several ships whose majestic sides seemed elevated like high walls, which belonged tothe French squadron; some cannon which we heard towards the south, and the columns of smoke seen rising in that direction, indicated the position of Norfolk, which, situated upon a flat and marshy ground at the mouth of Elizabeth river, does not appear above the surface of the water, unless it be closely approached. Our boat soon reached the wharf, and at his landing General Lafayette was saluted by the two forts which defend the entrance of the river, and by the shipping in port. I shall not undertake to describe the festivities prepared by the citizens of Norfolk for the reception of the nation’s guest; they were, as every where else, strongly impressed with the patriotic and grateful character of the people. The young lady, who as the emblem of the Genius of Norfolk, received General Lafayette under the triumphal arch, and expressed the sentiments of the citizens, merits an especial remembrance; her beauty, eloquence and the modest firmness with which she performed her part, made a deep and ineffaceable impression upon all the spectators.
Of all the cities we had visited, Norfolk had the least agreeable aspect; the houses are generally badly built, and the streets narrow and crooked. On account of the circumjacent marshes, the air is unhealthy, and diseases common during autumn. Its population does not exceed 4000 souls. Its commerce however is very active with the northern states, Europe and especially the West India Islands; its harbour is deep enough for the largest, has room for at least three hundred vessels, and is the only good port in Virginia and North Carolina, so that all the imports and exports of these two states are made thereby. The exports consist principally of corn, flour, wheat, all sorts of lumber, salt-meat, and fish, iron, lead, tobacco, tar and turpentine. A great number of French families, emigrants from St. Domingo reside at Norfolk. These families first made choice of this asylum because of its proximity, and were eventually induced to fix themselves there, because they had permission to retain and work the unfortunate slaves they brought with them. It is a sad and revolting spectacle which is presented at present by some of these refugees, who have no other means of struggling against misery, than by hiring their wretched slaves out to severe labour, for which they receive the pay. Many of the negroes whowork about the harbour are slaves thus hired to the merchants, who feed them and pay about 65 cents a day, which they faithfully carry home at night to their indolent master.
On the following morning, we visited Portsmouth, a small village situated immediately opposite Norfolk upon the left bank of James river, and contains a fine navy yard, where we saw a superb sixty-four gun ship, the North Carolina, which had not long been launched. On re-entering Norfolk, we were received with great pomp by the freemasons, who had the kindness to receive us all three as honorary members of their lodge. In the evening there was a brilliant ball, to which the citizens of Norfolk hoped to have had the company of the officers of the French squadron, but it appeared that the same causes, which had prevented their participation in the Yorktown festival, also prevented them from having the pleasure of dancing with the Norfolk ladies, for we did not see one of them, at least in uniform.
After the ball, about eleven P. M. we returned to the steam-boat to ascend James river to Richmond, the capital of Virginia, distant about one hundred miles. The nation’s guest was expected there with more impatience because this city in proportion to its population contained a greater number of witnesses of his efforts in favour of American independence. At Richmond, in fact, and its vicinity, the multiplied movements between Lafayette and the traitor Arnold, supported by General Philips took place.
All business was suspended to receive Lafayette, and in spite of the inconvenience of a profuse rain, which detained us for some hours on board the boat, the crowd had pushed forward to meet us at Osborn where we were to land. The solemn entry could not take place till next morning. Forty revolutionary soldiers who had served under him in Virginia, were introduced to him immediately after his arrival. It was with great feeling that they again beheld their old general, and he, full of emotion, astonished them by remembering and calling by name those who most particularly shared his toils and dangers.
The next morning, as the bad weather ceased, the festivities were resumed with increased splendour. The general was received at the capital, built in imitation of thesquare houseof Nimes, and welcomed in a speech by Chief Justice Marshall, in presence of the civil and military officers, and a vast concourse of citizens, among whom we had the pleasure of finding some Frenchmen, and particularly Mr. Chevalié, who for thirty years has lived in Virginia, where he has uniformly enjoyed the friendship and esteem of his adopted fellow-citizens.
Notwithstanding the multiplicity of entertainments into which we were almost forced, during our stay in Richmond, we were able to pass some moments in private society, with some of the most distinguished men of the city. From their uniformly instructive conversation, I collected the details relative to the history, constitution, and manners of Virginia, which will be found below.
That part of the American continent called Virginia, which was one of the most ancient English colonies in the western hemisphere, and at present forms one of the vastest states of the great republican family of the union, was first discovered by John Cabot, according to English, and by Verrazano according to the French historians, who took possession of it in the name of Francis I. But whoever was the fortunate navigator who first landed upon this fertile soil, it is not the less true, that its first establishments do not date earlier than 1587, at which time Sir Walter Raleigh took possession on behalf of a company of English merchants. This feeble colony was composed of but 500 individuals in 1605, and was soon reduced to sixty by all sorts of privations, and the reiterated attacks of the Indians. It is probable that this shattered remnant would soon have been entirely destroyed, if a new expedition of three ships under Captain Newport, had not arrived to assist them with men, arms and provisions. At this time Jamestown was founded, and its slender ramparts offered a shelter to the colonists from the Indian arrows. War, famine and discord would speedily have extinguished the colony, if the influence of one man of genius had not sufficed to save it. Captain Smith, by his skill and bravery, soon became the soul of the settlement; he waged successful war with some of the tribes which refused to negociate, and formed friendly alliances with others, so that the colony was soon in a nourishing condition. It was in this state, and already beginning to forget its first troubles, when Captain Smith wastaken prisoner by hostile Indians, who would inevitably have killed him, if the young Pocahontas, daughter of Powhatan chief of the tribe, by her prayers and tears had not obtained his pardon, at the moment he was about to be sacrificed. As soon as he was set at liberty, he hastened to return to Jamestown, where he found the colony once more reduced to the most miserable state. But thirty-eight persons survived, and were willing to risk in a frail shallop, the lives they had compromitted by their imprudence and presumption. Smith still had sufficient ascendance to retain them; his activity created new resources, and another reinforcement was brought by Newport. The colony again began to prosper, but a novel incident again threw them into necessity, and was near extinguishing them forever. They thought they had discovered gold in a rivulet flowing through a bank of sand above the town, and the senseless wish of amassing gold caused them to abandon the only exertions by which they could hope for a happy existence. Famine again began to decimate the colonists who were obliged to recur to him, whose prudence had so often saved them. Smith taking advantage of the terror with which he had impressed some tribes, and the friendship he had excited in others, obtained succours from them, which they brought to Jamestown in abundance. He then undertook to explore the country to great distances to ascertain its resources. For this purpose he embarked in a small canoe, and amid all perils explored most of the rivers flowing into the Chesapeake, and collected concerning them, and especially of the actual territory of Virginia. Such exact details that they still serve as the basis of the best efforts of the best geographers. In short the genius of Smith preserved the colony, and continued to extend its limits until 1610, at which time a fatal accident prevented him from making farther attempts. In returning from his expedition, his powder flask exploded and wounded him dreadfully. His friends urged his return to England; he yielded to their intreaties, and in six months after the five hundred colonists, whom he had left well armed, well provisioned and beginning to enjoy their flocks and harvests, were reduced to sixty individuals, looking like spectres more than men. The colony would have soon ceased, but for the arrival of three ships and a great number of new emigrants, broughtby Lord Delaware. This reinforcement raised the spirits of the colonists, and the wise administration of Sir Thomas Dale gave to the settlement an unexpected increase of prosperity. At this time Mr. Rolfe, one of the settlers, married Pocahontas, the same that saved the life of Captain Smith. This alliance was immensely advantageous to the colony, because Powhatan pledged himself and all the tribes under his influence, to aid the English in all their wars, and furnish them with provisions. How much is it to be regretted that Rolfe’s example had not been followed by his companions! It would have been easy for them to have secured their own prosperity by such alliances, and they would have spared humanity much blood and tears.
After this marriage, the settlers peacefully applied themselves to the culture of tobacco, which brought them great wealth, and subsisted almost entirely at the cost of the Indians, who were faithful to their treaty, although it was truly onerous to them. Sir Thomas Dale profited by this tranquillity to perfect the administrative system, but unfortunately he was succeeded in 1617, by Captain Algal, whose haughty and tyrannic disposition was near causing the greatest disorders, and the colony already experienced some vicissitudes. Recalled by the company, he was replaced by George Hardly, who to obtain the means of repairing the errors of his predecessor, convoked a general assembly of the inhabitants of Virginia. The introduction of the representative system into the colony dates from this period, which was not slow in feeling its happy effects. The London Company assented to this new form of government, and determined its basis by a charter granted on the 24th of July 1621. This charter established, “That in Virginia for the future, there should be a legislative body, called theGeneral Assembly, consisting of the governor, twelve counsellors, and representatives of the people; that the counsellors and representatives should make the laws, and that the government should have the right to approve or reject them; that the laws should have no effect until ratified by the company; and that as soon as the colonial government was well established, the orders of the company should not affect the colony, without consent of the General Assembly.”
The company however, reserved the right of nominating and displacing the governor and counsellors at pleasure. Notwithstanding this reservation, the constitution of Virginia thenceforth remained fixed, and its inhabitants, servants of a company as they were, at once changed into freemen and citizens. At this period the company sent to Virginia 160 poor young women of irreproachable character; they were received with eagerness, and married to the young settlers, who payed the expense of their transportation at the rate of 120 lbs. of tobacco for each one.
The rights of the London Company, already weakened by concessions made to the colonists, were soon contemned by king James I. and three years after Virginia passed under the immediate domination of the English government.
The population of Virginia, at first confined to the environs of Jamestown, began gradually to extend over a vast country, following the rivers which fell into the Chesapeake. But their imprudence towards the natives increased with their increase of strength, and they inflicted upon the Indians all sorts of vexations. Powhatan was dead, and the tribes he had governed had elected in his stead a renowned warrior from the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, named Opecancanough. This prince felt a profound hatred of the Europeans, because he foresaw how fatal they would become to his nation; he found it easy to impart his hatred and fears to his countrymen, and induced them to enter into a vast conspiracy against the common enemy. The secret was faithfully kept during four years, and was only betrayed at the moment of execution, by an Indian who was baptised by the English. Notwithstanding this treason, the plot was partially executed, and four hundred settlers fell under the savage tomahawk. The retaliations were cruel, and only suspended by a treaty which concealed the most atrocious design. The Indians, relying with confidence upon the protestations of their enemy, applied themselves without suspicion to their agricultural labours, when the English fell upon them unexpectedly, and committed the most horrible butchery; the feeble remnants of the tribes which escaped this terrible massacre, soon miserably perished in the forests, and disappeared forever. The colonists, thenceforward masters of this great country,could extend themselves at will, but even this advantage was fatal to them, and they would inevitably have fallen under the horrors of famine, if a new reinforcement of settlers and provisions, had not arrived, to replace those destroyed by the Indians. These succours were not sent by the company, as this was dissolved by king James. This violence of the crown against a company which had expended more than three millions for the establishment of the colony, and who in spite of its faults merited encouragement for its astonishing perseverance, at first afflicted the colonists, but eventually turned to their actual advantage. They knew how to defend themselves against the encroachments of the royal government, and obtained the confirmation of all the rights acquired before the extinction of the company.
The colony was peaceful and prosperous until 1651. The troubles produced in England by the decapitation of Charles I. agitated it but slightly, and had no other result than a treaty, in which Cromwell acknowledged in an especial article, the exemption of Virginia from taxes, and impositions of all sorts; nor without the consent of the general assembly, could any charge be laid upon her, forts or castles be built, nor troops be kept in service. But from the year 1652, the colonists began to feel the narrow policy of the commonwealth of England, relative to the commerce of the colonies, during the ten years of Cromwell’s reign; their discontent augmented to such a degree, that when Governor Matthew, who was appointed by the usurper, died, the inhabitants of the colony profiting by this sort of interregnum, overturned the republican authorities, and proclaimed Charles II. who was then sheltered in Holland, and who thus found himself king of Virginia, before he was certain of remounting the throne of England. The death of Cromwell which occurred in 1660, saved the colony from the danger to which its imprudent attachment to the Stuart cause would infallibly have exposed it.
The Virginians soon repented of their devotion to the new king, whose ingratitude was more injurious to them than Cromwell’s tyranny. Charles II. far from abolishing the restrictions, which already shackled the commerce of Virginia, aggravated and perpetuated it by thenavigation act. The re-establishment of the Gallacan church with allits intolerance, the violent revocation of all the acts that could perpetuate the memory of the revolution, the spoliations of property to recompense the instruments of the restoration; the constitutional depreciation of the value of tobacco, every thing in a word, concurred to offend the colonists, and dispose to a popular insurrection; an occasion soon offered, and civil war broke out in the colony. A squadron sent by Charles II. to the relief of Governor Berkeley, arrived at the moment Bacon, chief of the insurgents, who were already masters of Jamestown, died; no one feeling possessed of the talents necessary to complete, what this hardy and skilful leader had undertaken, they accepted the amnesty offered by Berkeley; but this attempt at insurrection only angered Charles II. whose despotism soon surpassed all limits. He went so far as to interdict by law all complaint of, or evil speaking against the administration of the governor, under pain of the severest chastisement, and several seditions were quelled by force. However, notwithstanding the violence and injustice of the metropolis, commerce regained some activity, and the population finding daily new resources in its industry, rapidly augmented. In 1688, there were already more than 40,000 souls. But with their increase of strength the colonists increased in hatred to the royal authority; and to the first cries of independence made in the northern colonies, Virginia answered by raising the standard of revolt. From the month of June 1776, the representatives of the people, assembled to the number of one hundred and twelve, at the capitol in Williamsburg, drew up and signed a declaration which forever broke the tyrannical chains which previously bound the colony to the mother country. This declaration, in establishing in a clear and precise manner the rights of every member of the social body, consecrated the principle of thesovereignty of the people, and repelled as a monstrosity, thehereditaryprinciple in the exercise of power. This was soon followed by the publication of the constitution, which triumphantly came out of the revolutionary war. In 1785, the assembly passed the act revising the laws, and establishing religious liberty; finally, in 1788, Virginia completed her revolution, and strengthened her independence, by adopting the confederate constitution of the United States.
The state of Virginia, which on account of its long establishment, the extent and fertility of its soil, and the pleasantness of its climate, should now be the richest and best peopled state in the union, has still but 1,600,000 inhabitants, dispersed over a surface of 40,960,000 acres. That is to say, in proportion to its extent, it has not more than half the population of the state of New York, its cotemporary; and not more than the state of Ohio, whose constitution and existence as a state, are not much more than twenty years old. This difference, which at every step betrays itself to the attentive traveller, by the separation of the towns, the smallness of the villages, and the poverty of the cultivation, will not disappear, until Virginia, comprehending her true interests better, and placing them in harmony with the principles of liberty and equality so clearly established in her declaration of rights, and so vigorously defended by her arms, shall have finally abolished negro slavery.
When we have examined the truly great and liberal institutions of the United States with some attention, well comprehended their action, and admired their happy influence, the soul feels suddenly chilled and the imagination alarmed, in learning that at many points of this vast republic the horrible principle of slavery still reigns with all its sad and monstrous consequences; we demand with astonishment the source of this contradiction between such sublime theories, and a practice so shameful to humanity! This question which for a long time has been always keenly discussed by philanthropists and politicians of both hemispheres, though not always in good faith, we hope will speedily be settled by the well-understood interests of those immediately concerned. In the mean time I shall hazard some observations here, not with the expectation of ending the discussion, but in the hope of establishing in their true condition, some facts which have been misrepresented by the ignorance or bad faith of some writers.
Happily, there is no part of the civilized world in which it is necessary to discuss the justice or injustice of the principle of negro slavery; at the present day every sane man agrees that it is a monstrosity, and it would be altogether inaccurate to suppose that there are in the United States more than elsewhere, individuals sufficiently senseless toseek to defend it, either by their writings or conversation. For myself, who have traversed the 24 states of the union, and in the course of a year have had more than one opportunity of hearing long and keen discussions upon this subject, I declare that I never have found but a single person who seriously defended this principle. This was a young man whose head, sufficiently imperfect in its organization, was filled with confused and ridiculous notions relative to Roman history, and appeared to be completely ignorant of the history of his own country. It would be waste of time to repeat here his crude and ignorant tirade; for every man of good faith, the following I believe are the most essential points for discussion concerning slavery in the United States.
1st. Have the Americans adopted it voluntarily?
2d. Since they have secured their independence have they practically testified their aversion to slavery?
3d. Do they at present well understand the entire danger in which slavery places them, and do they conscientiously do their best to eradicate the evil?
4th. What are the most efficacious means to attain as speedily as possible, the enfranchisement of the blacks?
If these four questions were impartially examined, it is probable that those violent declamations which offend without instructing would be relinquished, as they offer no mode of redressing the evil of which they accuse others. I shall not attempt a profound investigation of these questions, which demand a vaster field than I can give them; I shall but skim over them, but always in the course of my journey, if opportunities present, I shall exactly state the facts I witness, and this I hope will make known the state of slavery, and the daily progress of public opinion on the subject, better than all discussion.
This crime, by which man abusing his power and intelligence, subjects to his caprices or to the supply of his wants another man less enlightened than himself, was first committed in Virginia in the year 1620. It originated in the misery of the colonists whose small numbers and exhausted strength could no longer till the soil, and the avarice of the Hollanders, who sold them like beasts of burthen, the unfortunatenegroes they had stolen from the shores of Africa. The English, not less avid of money than the Hollanders, soon perceived in this abuse of power, encouraging idleness, a source of wealth, which they hastened to turn to their advantage, and from that time their ships annually cast forth upon the American continent thousands of slaves. However, the sentiments of humanity which famine had for some time smothered in the bosoms of the colonists, were re-animated by the return of prosperity and abundance. The general assembly of Virginia about 1680, demanded of the metropolis that an end should be made of this infamous and now unnecessary commerce in human flesh, since the population was sufficiently numerous and active to cultivate a country which richly recompensed the slightest labour; other colonies repeated this call of justice and philanthropy, but the metropolis was insensible thereto, and only replied by this atrocious declaration of parliament;—the importation of slaves into America,is too lucrative, for the colonies to ask that England should ever give it up;—and this declaration was followed by threats, to which they were obliged to yield, since they were unable to resist.[19]The general assembly nevertheless frequently renewed its demand, which had no other result than to obtain in 1699 an act by which the importation of slaves into Virginia, was heavily taxed. It was not a remedy for the evil, though it was somewhat palliative.
This condition continued as long as the colonies remained under the English yoke; when that was broken, and their independence was assured, the different state governments turned their attention towards slavery, and sought means to cause its disappearance. But this frightful evil had taken such deep root, that, so to speak, it was fixed in the manners of the citizens. The remedy was therefore difficult of attainment, and could not produce immediate effects; however, those who had undertaken the cause, didnot lose courage; their writings and conversation animated all minds, and the state of Virginia had still the honour to give a great example, in being the first to proscribe the importation of slaves into her territory. This example was soon followed by nearly all the other states, and some went still farther; several, like Pennsylvania, declared all coloured children born, after the promulgation of the law, free; others, as the state of New York, declared that after a given time no one could hold a slave. Congress, following the general movement of opinion, did what no European power had dared to attempt; it proscribed the slave-trade, which it assimilated to piracy, by making it a capital offence; finally, of the thirteen primitive states, eight proclaimed the freedom of the blacks by special legislative acts; none but the most southern states refrained from the same movements, as their black population had so rapidly increased, that at some points it was quadruple that of the whites, to whom they caused some fear.
At present the Union is composed of twenty-four states; thirteen of them have abolished slavery by law; the eleven others are still soiled by it; among these last, five are of the ancient or original states, the others are formed of portions of the old states, or parts of the territory of Louisiana after it was bought from France. In this part of the United States, the prejudices against the blacks, it must be confessed, keep a great number of slave-owners blindfold; accustomed as they are from infancy to see in the African nothing but an inferior race, incapable of ever acquiring the qualities belonging to a free citizen, they do not attempt to give their slaves that instruction, without which, it is very true that liberty would be hurtful to themselves and to society; they think they have done enough for humanity in softening the rigours of slavery by kind treatment; but in their blindness they forget that in the social state, the rights of citizen cannot be refused to one class of men, without placing them in a state of war in relation to those who do enjoy them; and if the oppressed be sufficiently numerous to demand the reason of this refusal, it is to be presumed that they will not always tranquilly suffer such an injustice, at least unless they be crushed beneath the weight of tyranny. This terrible truth, for a long time repeated at all points of the union by the voice of philanthropy and religion, which althoughless powerful in the south than in the north, still exerts a considerable influence, begins to affect the minds of persons in the slave states, and every day finds the number of individuals increased, who desire to seek the means of freeing their country from this horrible scourge.
Of all the plans yet presented, none has produced any very marked result; it is true that all are very difficult of execution; for whatever certain European philanthropists may say, who would perhaps be very much embarrassed if placed in the situation of a Carolina or Georgia planter, the general and instantaneous enfranchisement of the slaves cannot be thought of without exposing to the greatest evils, not only the whites, but the blacks also, who on account of their extreme ignorance, see nothing better in liberty than the privilege of doing nothing, or of committing every excess. I may venture to affirm that to four fifths of the slaves in the United States, immediate liberation would be nothing but a condemnation to die of famine after having destroyed every thing around them. Consequently I believe that under such circumstances to withhold from these men, the immediate exercise of their rights, is neither to violate these rights nor to protect the violaters of them, but is merely employing in the mode of removing the evil, the prudence necessary to make the justice we wish to render them more surely a mean of happiness. Here prudence requires that the enfranchisement should be gradual. It remains, therefore, to inquire if the slave-owners really take means to produce surely and rapidly this gradual liberation.
Among those who wish to deliver their country from the opprobrium and degradation of slavery, all are not agreed upon the measures to be taken in relation to the fate of the slaves. Some persons have proposed that in order to indemnify owners for the loss of their slaves, they should be sold in the English or French West India Islands: but this inhuman plan was repelled with horror by most of the planters, who declared they could never determine to send, to perish under the lash of the drivers of Guadaloupe or Martinique, men, whom they had accustomed to be treated with mildness. Some others thought of devoting a portion of the vast territories extending towards the foot of the Rocky mountains, to the establishment of a colony, to which all the young blacks of twenty, and all the females of eighteenyears old, should be sent, after having first given them at the public expense, an education, and furnished them with all the objects necessary to their establishment. This colony might eventually govern itself, and become a powerful ally of the United States; but when this proposition was made, the prosperity of the United States was not sufficiently great to afford the funds necessary for such an enterprize, nor was public opinion sufficiently formed at that time to feel all its importance.
Some years afterwards this idea was resumed, modified, and finally carried into execution by a society formed in 1818, under the presidency of Judge Bushrod Washington. This society, which now counts among its members the most distinguished men of the different states of the union, and of which General Lafayette is a vice-president for life, has founded, under protection of the American government, a colony upon the coast of Africa, which probably will soon attain the double end of affording an asylum to the blacks of the United States, in proportion as they receive their liberty, and at the same time as a centre of light and industry, whence hereafter civilization may be introduced into that part of the world.
However, whatever may be the efforts and success of this philanthropic colonization society, it cannot reasonably be hoped that it will alone prove sufficient to produce the abolition of slavery. If slave-owners do not endeavour to instruct the children of the blacks, to prepare them for liberty; if the legislatures of the southern states do not fix upon some period, near or remote, when slavery shall cease, that part of the union will be for a still longer time exposed to the merited reproach of outraging the sacred principle contained in the first article of the declaration of rights;that all men are born free and equal. But every thing leads to the belief, that the moment has arrived, when the gradual abolition of slavery will rapidly advance. The sentiment ofwell understood personal interest, now better comprehended by the southern proprietors, begins to make them feel, that in a few years their products will scarcely be able to maintain the competition with those of Mexico and South America, if they do not relinquish a ruinous system of culture; and already many of them do not fear openly to attack the unfortunate prejudices of their fellowcitizens, by declaring that they would be happier, and much richer, if the black population was sufficiently diminished for them to hire free black labourers, and thus by the emulation of free labour, replace the ruinous mass of children and old men, they are now obliged to support in idleness.
Thus then, according to the opinion of men most disposed to abolish slavery, the greatest obstacle to enfranchisement, whether general or gradual, is the too great population of the blacks; this population must consequently be diminished as the first step, and the system of colonization is therefore wisely conceived, since its object is to offer an outlet to this superabundance of population. The emancipation of Hayti, also adds to the facilities offered by the African colony of Liberia, but in order not to compromit the safety and prosperity of this colony, and of the republic of Hayti, no emigrants should be sent to either, except such whose manners and intelligence may contribute to the prosperity of these new societies: it is unfortunately but too true, that almost the whole of the blacks in the United States, are still too much brutalized by ignorance and slavery, to furnish good subjects for emigration. The efforts then, of the friends of humanity, and of that true liberty which does not admit of the ridiculous distinction between men, founded upon colour of skin, should all be directed to enlighten the minds of the rising generation of blacks. This noble end can only be attained by establishing, multiplying, and encouraging, every where, free schools for coloured children of both sexes. It is in vain that some individuals, blinded by their prejudices, exclaim that there is no hope of improving the African race, which is only intermediate to man and the brutes, in the scale of being. Numerous facts have long since refuted this absurd assertion; and moreover, may it not be asked of those who are so proud of the whiteness of their skin, and who judge the blacks only by what they are, not what they are capable of, if they know well what would be the condition of their descendants after several generations, were slavery suddenly transferred from the blacks to the whites? But why fear the opposition of prejudices which are daily weakened, and whose approaching extinction is presaged by the humanity with which, in general, all the American planters believe themselves at present obliged to treat their slaves.
Some facts which I shall have occasion to cite, will, I hope, complete the proof that relative to slavery, public opinion is in a good train in the United States, and that it only requires encouragement, and that good advice relative to the means to be employed, would be more serviceable than violent attacks which are often unjust and exaggerated.
I shall conclude these observations by remarking, that the state of Virginia in a population of 1,065,366 contains 462,281 coloured people, of which 37,113 are free. This last number appears never to increase much, because this state in particular supplies colonists for Liberia, and emigrants to Hayti and that in general the irregular life of the free negroes in the large cities; considerably prevents their reproduction.