[177]A. Guglielmotti,Della rocca d’Ostia e delle condizioni dell’architettura militare in Italia prima della calata di Carlo VIII.(Rome 1862). C. Ravioli,Notizie sopra i lavori di architettura militare dei nove da Sangallo(Rome 1863).[178]The circumstance that the name Sangallo is to be found as early as 1485 (notes to Vasari, l. c. p. 214) hardly tells against the truth of this story, as the building was probably begun long before. The appearance of the name in the collection of the Barberini drawings, begun in 1465, dates from a later time.[179]The Gondi Palace was finished in 1874, if not after the original design, at least in the style of the part previously existing.[180]From a drawing of Bernardino Poccetti and other documents in theMetropolitana Fior. Illustr., plate xiv.[181]In the commentary on Vasari, vii. 243. Francesco Albertini mentions in hisMemoriale(see Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 436) Lorenzo’s intention of finishing the façade (‘la quale Lorenzo de’ Medici voleva levare e riducerla a perfectione’) and his plan.[182]The façade now displays the naked rough brick wall.[183]Richa, ix. 11,et seq.Gaye, l. c., p. 570. Cf. i. 319.[184]Gaye, l. c. ii. 450. Pini,Scrittura d’Artisti.[185]Description by Poliziano in a letter to Francesco della Casa,Epist.l. iv. ep. 8. D. M. Manni,De Florentinis inventis(Ferrara, 1730), c. 29. Cancellieri,Le nuove Campane di Campidoglio(Rome, 1806), p. 8. Albertini mentions the clock in the Palace of the Signoria in 1510; it was probably taken there in 1495.[186]Gaye, l. c. p. 254.[187]There is great confusion in Vasari, viii. 115,et seq.The commentary begins its continuous dates only in 1495, chiefly from Gaye.[188]Moreni,Contorni di Firenze, v. 6,et seq.The chronology here is very confused; it is no better in Moisè’sSta. Croce, p. 90. The bells of San Marco were hung in the belfry in 1498.[189]Diary of Luca Landini, in Vasari, l. c. p. 121.[190]Fr. Albertini, l. c., p. 442.[191]Cf. A. v. Zahn’sJahrbücher, vi. p. 136.[192]Florence, February 13, 1498, in Gaye, l. c., p. 340.[193]The monument of Sixtus IV. was finished in 1493 for Card. Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II.). That of Innocent VIII. must not be judged from its present mutilated condition.[194]Monuments sépulcraux, plate iv. Inscription (by Poliziano):ILLE EGO SUM PER QUEM PICTURA EXTINCTA REVIXITCUI QUAM RECTA MANUS TAM FUIT ET FACILISNATURÆ DEERAT NOSTRÆ QUOD DEFUIT ARTIPLUS LICUIT NULLI PINGERE NEC MELIUSMIRARIS TURREM EGREGIAM SACRO ÆRE SONANTEMHÆC QUOQUE DE MODULO CREVIT AD ASTRA MEODENIQUE SUM IOCTUS QUID OPUS FUIT ILLA REFERREHOC NOMEN LONGI CARMINIS INSTAR ERATOB. AN. MCCCXXXVI. CIVES POS. B. M. MCCCCLXXXX.[195]Del Migliore, l. c., p. 36. Richa, vi. 121.Monuments sépulcraux, plate vi. Inscription (attributed to Lorenzo):MULTUM PROFECTO DEBET MUSICA ANTONIOSQUARCIALUPO ORGANISTE IS ENIM ITA ARTIGRATIAM CONIUNXIT UT QUARTAM SIBI VIDERENTUR CHARITES MUSICAM ASCIVISSE SOROREM FLORENTINA CIVITAS ORATI ANIMIOFFICIUM RATA EIUS MEMORIAM PROPAGARECUIUS MANUS SEPE MORTALES IN DULCEM ADMIRATIONEM ADDUXERAT CIVI SUO MONUMENTUM POSUIT.[196]Engraved in seven plates by G. P. Lasinio (Flor. 1823). Mellini’s bust is in the Uffizi collection.[197]Monuments sépulcraux, plate liii.[198]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv. Inscription: ‘Bernardo Junio eqtiFlornopuaesconcordiæ. semper. auctori. et. civi. vere. populari. pii. fratres. fratri. de. se. deq. repeaoptomerito. posuerunt.—Vixit ann. LXVIIII. men. VI. di. XII. Obiit ann. MCCCCLXVI. Opus Mini.—Cf. i. 145.[199]Paradiso, xvi. 127.Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv.[200]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xlv. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 230.[201]Represented in Cicognara, vol. ii. plate xv.[202]Plates and details in Cicognara, Litta, and Colas’Trésor de Numismatique et de Glyptique. See Vasari’sLife of Pisanello, ii. 152,et seq.On Guazzalotti, see Julius Friedländer (Berlin, 1857), trans. by Cesare Guasti (Prato, 1862), with notes and documents, among which is a letter from Guazzalotti to Lorenzo, dated September 11, 1478.[203]V. da Bisticci, l. c., p. 476.[204]Vasari, l. c., iii. 112. On the Medicean treasures. Cf.ante, p. 132.[205]Vasari,Life of Valerio Vicentino, ix. 236,et seq.G. Pelli, in hisSaggio istorico della R. Galeria di Firenze(Flor. 1779), i. 8,et seq., ii. 9,et seq., gives some account of the Medici collections. In the Museum of Naples alone (formerly in the palace of Capodimonte) are preserved more than twenty cameos with Lorenzo’s name, and a great number of gems set as rings. They came from a Bourbon-Parma inheritance, many of the family treasures having passed, through Margaret of Austria, wife of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici, to her son by her second marriage, Alessandro Farnese, and, at the extinction of the Farnese family, to the Spanish Bourbons. The question whether all the stones marked with Lorenzo’s name or with the initials L. M. are modern, or whether the name or initials were also engraved on antique gems to indicate the owner, cannot be discussed here. The epigram:COELATUM ARGENTO VEL FULVO QUIDQUID IN AURO ESTÆDIBUS HOC LAURENS VIDIMUS ESSE TUIS, &C.is in Bandini’s Catalogue of the Laurentian MSS., iii. 545.[206]Perfetti,Galeria dell’Accad. delle b. Arti(Flor. 1845). The collection in the Academy contains many important works of this period.[207]Now in the English National Gallery. Outline in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 132.[208]Cf.ante, p. 40. Engraving in theMetropolitana fior. illustr., plate xxxvii. Remarks in Gaye, l. c., ii. 5. Cf.ibid., i. 563.[209]Vasari, iv. 102, 103.[210]Vasari, v. 115.[211]Galeria dell Acc. delle B. A., engraved by F. Livy.[212]Lucrezia Tornabuoni Medici, in the Berlin Museum (No. 81), wrongly described as the wife of Lorenzo, a mistake repeated in Crowe and Cavalcaselle (l. c., p. 173) from Vasari, but corrected in Lemonnier’s edition, l. c, p. 121. The Bella Simonetta is in the Pitti Palace; there is an engraving by L. Calamatta in his work on the Bardi gallery.[213]Cf. i. 405. G. Milanesi,Sulla Storia dell’Arte Toscana, p. 292. Crowe and Cavalcaselle (iii. 159) strangely see in this commission a proof of the estimation in which Botticelli was held as an artist. These pictures of shame, with which tardy debtors were also punished,e.g.Ranuccio Farnese in 1425 (Gaye, l. c., i. 550) were not much relished by artists, and seem to have been only executed at a high price; in this case it was forty florins. Andrea del Castagno, to whom Vasari erroneously attributed these paintings, which were executed more than forty years after his death, received from a similar commission in 1445 the surname ‘degli Impiccati,’ which poor Andrea del Sarto seems to have likewise dreaded during the siege in 1530.[214]Contract dated April 21, 1487 (remarkable for the reservations on the part of the employer), in Lorenzo Strozzi’sVita di Filippo Strozzi il Vecchio, p. 60,et seq.[215]Now in the Uffizi. Gaye, in theKunstblatt, 1836, No. 90, and Carteggio, i. 579-581.[216]Engraved in Litta,Fam. Medici.[217]The fresco in Sant’Ambrogio is dated, not 1465, as it was read by Rumohr (Ital. Forsch., ii. 262), on the picture, which is much blackened and varnished, but 1486, according to G. Milanesi, in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, l. c., p. 291.[218]An.MCCCCLXXXX., quo pulcherrima civitas opibus victoriis artibus ædificiisque nobilis copia salubritate pace perfruebatur.[219]Father Della Valle gave the various names in a note to Vasari (also in Lemonnier’s edition, v. 76) from documents in the Tornabuoni family. On the female portraits, cf. Palmerini,Opere d’intaglio del cav. Raff. Morghen(Pisa, 1824), p. 108et seq.[220]The ‘Education of Pan’, formerly in the Corsi Palace, is now in the Berlin Museum. Sketch in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iv. 5.[221]Miniature painting can only be treated of very briefly here. The editors of Lemonnier’sVasarihave added much information to the biographies of Fra Angelico (iv. 25,et seq.), Don Bartolommeo (v. 44,et seq.[on Attavante,seep. 55]), Gherardo (ibid.p. 60,et seq.), &c., and furnished materials valuable for a history of Florentine and Sienese art, in a detailed commentary (vi. 159-351). On the Dominicans, cf. V. Marchese,Memorie, i. 171-210. In the same author’s work on San Marco are drawings of two miniatures by Fra Benedetto. The passages referring to the treasures of Urbino, Upper Italy, &c., may be passed over here.[222]Vasari, iv. 105; v. 60, 83; vi. 167; xi. 286.[223]xii. 11. Cf.Life of Torrigiano, vii. 204, and of Michel Angelo, xii. 157.[224]The old tradition which has come down to our own days, which derives the Buonarotti Simoni from the Counts of Canossa (and which was believed in the family itself in Michelangelo’s days, as must be concluded from Ascanio Condivi’s words in his biography, published during the artist’s lifetime), rests on no historical foundation. Cf. G. Campori,Catalogo degli artisti sc. negli Stati Estensi(Modena 1855), p. 100et seq.The noble family of Buonarotti has of late years become extinct in Florence. Lodovico, Michelangelo’s father, was already connected with the Medici when holding an official post in the Casentino, where his son was born within view of the great mountain of Alvernia—thecrudo sassoof theDivine Comedy.[225]G. Milanesi,Documenti inediti riguardanti Leonardo da Vinci, in theArch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. xvi. 219.[226]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este (Flor., December 17, 1482), in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.[227]Provisioni della Republica fiorentina dei 10 e 19 Aprile 1480, per la formazione dell’ordine dei Settanta, in the Appendix to Jacopo Pitti, l. c. p. 313et seq., with Gino Capponi’s introduction. Cf. Cambia, l. c. ii. 1et seq., for the names of the Signori, the colleges, the original thirty and the two hundred and ten citizens entrusted with the election business. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxi.et seq.; J. Pitti, p. 25; Fr. Guicciardini, p. 61.[228]Cf.ante, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 4.[229]L. c. p. 174.[230]Ricordi, l. c. p. cxxxv.[231]Canestrini, l. c. p. 237et seq.[232]Bartolommeo Signippi, chancellor of the Ferrarese embassy, to Ant. Montecatino, Flor. June 3 and 6; Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, June 9, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 253-255.[233]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatino, Ferrara, January 10, 1482, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 259.[234]For a detailed account of the ceremony, see Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., October 2, 3, 8, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 255-258.[235]Marin Sanuto,Commentarii della guerra di Ferrara nel 1482. (Venice 1829, ed. by Leonardo Manin). Sanuto was an eye-witness of the events of the war. Many details are given by Malipiero, who took part in the naval war. Romanin, book xi. ch. 4 (iv. 401et seq.).[236]Fac. Volaterr., l. c. col. 173.[237]Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Paris 1684). Documents, p. 312. C. de Cherrier,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Par. 1868), i. 32. U. Legeay,Histoire de Louis XI.(Paris 1874), ii. 444. [Very meagre with regard to Louis’ Italian transactions].[238]For details of the battle of Campomorto (S. Pietro in Formis), see the Roman diaries and Montecatino’s reports to Ercole d’Este in Cappelli, l. c. p. 260et seq.[239]Gino Capponi,Storia della Republica Fiorentina(Flor. 1874), ii. 149.[240]Coleti, in Farlati’sIllyricum sacrum, vii. 438et seq.Jacopo Volterrano, Stefano Infessura, and the unpublished histories of Sigismondo de’ Conti and Rinaldus, give many details. Jacob Burckhardt’sAndreas Erzbischof von Krain(Basel, 1852) gives an authentic account of the proceedings at Basel. Cf.Arch. stor. Ital., N. S., vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 249et seq.Ugolini’s letter to Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 227-233.[241]Instruction of February 5, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 241-243.[242]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.[243]Cappelli, l. c. p. 245.[244]Fr. Guicciardini, l. c. p. 66, is doubtful as to the presence of Riario; he is not mentioned in Ant. Campo,Cremona fedelissima città(Milan, 1582), p. 133. He is named as one of those present by Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 90.[245]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. February 28, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.[246]Itinerario di Marin Sanuto per la Terraferma Veneziana nell’anno 1483(ed. by Rawdon Browne, Padua, 1847), p. 51.[247]Despatches to the envoy Antonio Loredano, January to February 1484. Cf. Romanin, iv. 415. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 8, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 266.[248]Nic. Valori, l. c. p. 175.[249]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. July 23, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269.[250]Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 2.[251]Guid’Antonio Vespucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rome, October 23 and November 3, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243-252. Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., May 25, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 268.[252]Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 87.[253]Inferno, xxix. 122.Purgatorio, xiii. 151.[254]Letter of February 26, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.[255]Jac. Volterrano,Diarium Romanumfor 1480. Muratori, l. c. col. 109.[256]G. Viani,Memorie della famiglia Cybò, Pisa, 1808.[257]Rome, August 29, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 256, 259.[258]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 262.[259]Johannis Burchardi Diarium, ed. A. Generelli (Flor. 1854), p. 57.Ibid.Instructions, from the Florentine Archives.[260]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263. Doc. of November 26, 1484.[261]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263.[262]Desjardins, l. c. p. 175.[263]‘Les Florentins se sont tousjours monstrés et exhibés, de tel et si ancien temps que ne est mémoire du contraire, vrays et loyaulx Françoys ... et si trouvent les lois et coustumes qui leurs furent baillés par Monseigneur Saint Charlemagne.’[264]Desjardins, l. c. p. 191.[265]Instructions of November 8, 1483, and other documents relating to the embassy, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 193et seq.[266]Med. Arch., f. 56. Printed in A. Gelli; rev. by De Cherrier,Arch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. vol. xv. 289.[267]Cappelli, l. c. p. 298. The expression is: ‘Che non voglia investire Massimiliano de l’Imperio de’ Romani.’[268]Report of Guid’Ant. Vespucci, Rome, September 18, in Burchard,Diarium, p. 51.[269]Letter of Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Milan, September 24, 1484, l. c. p. 51.[270]Reports of the Ferrarese ambassador, A. Guidoni, Flor. April 1485, &c., in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269et seq.[271]Archives of the Riformagioni at Siena.[272]A. Guidoni to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 6, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269. Ranuccio was first cousin to Pope Paul III.[273]Archives at Siena.[274]N. Valori, l. c. p. 175.[275]Regis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber, 1486-87 (ed. by Scipione Vopicella, Naples, 1861), p. 87et seq.[276]Ricordi, p. cxl.[277]Commines,Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 11. M. Sanuto,Chron. Ven.(Comment. de Bello Gallico),R. Ital. Ser., xxiv. pp. 12-16. Alfonso was called ‘the idol of the flesh’ (dio della carne).[278]Cronaca di Notar-Giacomo, p. 156.[279]Romanin, l. c. pp. 421, 422.[280]On G. Albino, the historian of his time, cf. C. Minieri Riccio,Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli.[281]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[282]A. Guidoni to E. d’Este, Flor., November 11, 1485, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 273. The Ferrarese despatches contain many details of all these affairs. Scipione Ammirato, in his twenty-fifth book, is a trustworthy guide.[283]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 269.[284]Letter of the Anziani, May 15, 1485, Lucca archives.[285]L. c. p. 177.[286]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[287]Lorenzo to Albino, l. c.[288]A. Guidoni, November 28 and 30, 1485, l. c. p. 274.[289]Burcard, l. c. p. 72, 73.[290]Vinc. Acciaiuolo,Vita di Piero Capponi, l. c. p. 20et seq.[291]Trivulzio’s letters to the Duke of Milan from Florence, Montepulciano, Cortona, Pitigliano, and afterwards from the camp of the League, from February 21, 1486, onwards, are in Rosmini, l. c. ii. 130et seq., with the despatches addressed to him from Milan.[292]Letter of A. Sforza to his nephew the Duke of Milan, March 6, 1486, copies of which were sent on the same day to the Duke of Calabria, and by P. Capponi to Lorenzo. Appendix to the life of P. Capponi,Arch. Stor. Ital., vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 66-71.[293]Storia fiorentina, ch. viii. The Ferrarese reports in Cappelli, p. 274-286, contain much that gives an insight into the position of affairs.[294]V. Acciaiuolo, l. c. p. 24.[295]A. Guidoni, Flor., August 13, 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 285. G. J. Trivulzio to the Duke of Milan, from the camp at Ponzano, August 12, in Rosmini, ii. 150. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxlii.:poi per manco male si accettò.[296]R. Ferdinandi Instruct.L., p. 153. The Duke of Calabria had written to the same effect to Filippo Strozzi, on November 27, 1486, from the camp.Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio, p. 36.[297]Camillo Porgio’s masterly account,La Congiura dei Baroni del Regno di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando I.(first printed at Rome in 1565) contains many illustrations and corrections from theRegis Ferdinandi Instructionum Liber(unfortunately not printed complete), and from the two suits against the king’s private secretaries and barons, which were printed in 1487 and 1488 by Ferrante’s command and sent to the foreign courts, and reprinted with notes by Stanislao d’Aloe as an appendix to his edition of Porgio (Naples, 1859).[298]The King to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, June 3, 1487. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 275.[299]Giov. Lanfredini to the Signoria, Naples, September 27, 1486, in Bandini,Collectio, &c. p. 10.[300]Guidoni’s reports (in Cappelli) contain a number of notices and hints from which Lorenzo’s state of mind at the time of the treaty of 1486 and his relations with the allies may be clearly made out. On Sarzanello, see Carlo Promis,Storia del forte di Sarzanello(Turin, 1888). From one of Guidoni’s reports it appears that the Florentines also used mines: ‘sperasiper certe cave fatte... che S. Francesco si acquisterà fra due dì.’[301]R. Ferdinandi Instr. L., p. 245.[302]The fullest detailed account of Boccalino de’ Guzzoni is given by Bernardino Baldi in the second book of his history of Guidubaldo of Montefeltro (Milan, 1821). Cf. Ugolini,Storia dei conti e duchi d’Urbino, ii. 49,et seq.[303]Lodovico to G. J. Trivulzio, Milan, April 29, 1486, in Rosmini, ii. 158.Ibid.other documents relating to this affair.[304]Burcard,Diarium. p. 88.[305]The Medicean Archives, F. 57, contain numerous documents relating to Osimo and Boccalino.[306]Florence, August 8, 1487.Med. Arch.F. 57. In a letter of November 24, referring to Boccalino’s nephew, who was kept in prison at Rome, and afterwards executed, he expresses himself still more strongly. ‘Stimo questa coss ... quanto la vita propria, perchè[307]Cappelli, l. c. p. 244.Ibid., letter, same date (March 25, 1482), to the Duke. In the register of Lorenzo’s letters are no less than 27 despatched on the same day to princes and ambassadors to announce Lucrezia’s death.[308]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292.[309]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 222.[310]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 313.[311]Burcard,Diarium, p. 87.[312]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 217et seq.Cf. supra p. 265.[313]A. Guidoni, Flor., July 7, 1487, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 295.[314]Med. Arch., fol. 57. There are a number of despatches of this and a somewhat later time relating to this affair.[315]Rainaldi,Ann. eccl.in anno 1487, Doc. x.[316]Stef. Infessura,Diarium, in MuratoriR. It. Scr.t. iii. pt. 2, p. 1218, 1219.[317]Med. Arch., l. c.[318]Stefano Taverna to the Duke of Milan, Flor., September 14, 1487, in Rosmini, ii. 188. A. Guidoni, Flor., September 6 and 12, in Cappelli, p. 296.[319]Spedaletto, which passed after Lorenzo’s death to Maddalena Cybò and later to the Corsini family, to whom it still belongs, was visited in November 1654 by Cardinal de Retz, coming from Spain by sea, before he proceeded to the Grandduke Ferdinand II. at the Ambrogiana near Empoli, and thence to Rome. He knew that the villa, which he calls L’Hospitalità, had belonged to Lorenzo de’ Medici, but he wrongly places here the scene of the battle in which Catiline fell.Mèmoires du Card. de Retz, pt. iii. ch. i. Ed. by Champollion-Figeac (1866), iv. 246.[320]Lettere di Jacopo da Volterra a P. Innocenzo VIII., published with a commentary by M. Tabarrini in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. viii. pt. ii. p. 3,et seq.Jacopo Gherardi had been formerly in the service of Cardinal Ammanati. His writings passed into the Venetian archives after the sack of Rome in 1527. The Medicean archives contain a series of despatches relating to this mission. Lorenzo writes from Spedaletto on September 11-19; on the 21st he was in Florence; on October 2-10, at Spedaletto again. He says once: ‘I am here according to my custom, for the care of my health.’[321]Despatch of October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.[322]October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 219.[323]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 296. Burcard, p. 95; the date is wrong. On the house of the Cybò in the Borgo, see P. Adinolfi,La Portica di San Pietro(Rome, 1859), p. 119et seq.[324]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.[325]F. Gregorovius,Das Archiv der Notare des Capitols in Rom und das Protocollbuch des Notars Camillus de Beneimbene;Sitzungsberichte d. kk. Acad. d. Wissenschaften in München, 1872, p. 503.[326]Flor., August 8, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 312. Cf. i. 405.[327]Gregorovius, l. c. [purchase of Cerveteri, June 14, 1487]. Lorenzo to Lanfredini (1490), in Fabroni, ii. 388. Nibby,Diutorni di Roma(Rome, 1848), i. 348.[328]The palace (afterwards called Quaratesi) and the villa (for a time Catalani-Valabrègue, now Lavaggi) passed after the death of Franceschetto’s son Lorenzo, to the latter’s natural son, Ottavio, with a reservation of the usufruct to Lorenzo’s sister Caterina, the widowed Duchess of Camerino. The villa belonged for a time to Eleonora Cybò, daughter of Lorenzo, and wife of Gian Luigi Fiesco, Count of Lavagna, the hero of the conspiracy of 1547.[329]Med. Arch., fol. 57. The bull of Innocent VIII. is dated December 5, 1487.[330]Letters of December 9 and 10, 1487, February 23, March 9, April 14, 1488, in the above-mentionedRicordi di lettere.[331]Med. Arch., fol. 59. Cf. Isid. del Lungo,Una Lettera di Ser Matteo Franco, inArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. ix. 32et seq.[332]Poliziano,Prose volgari inedite, p. 74.[333]Med. Arch., fol. 59.[334]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292. Fabroni, l. c. i. 172, 173; ii. 316. On Roberto Orsini, see Litta,Fam. Orsini, table 23.[335]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.[336]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[337]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 386.[338]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[339]Med. Arch., fol. 57. Cf.post, p. 380et seq.[340]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[341]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 384. A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 302, 303.[342]From theMed. Arch., in A. Gelli, Lorenzo de’ Medici, in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. xvii. 431.[343]Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII.[ed. by D. Moreni, Flor. 1830], p. 18.[344]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[345]Med. Arch., fol. 57. On Maria [not Maddalena] de’ Medici, cf. Litta,Fam. Medici, table 7, and Passerini,Fam. Malatesta, table 7.[346]Del Lungo,Lettere di Ser Matteo Franco, l. c.[347]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 167.[348]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 169. Tristani Calchi,Nuptiæ Mediolanens. Ducum; cf. Ratti,Della Famiglia Sforza, ii. 54-60. Fabroni, l. c. i. 168, ii. 295-298. Several letters of Alamanni relating to these festivities are in theMed. Arch.[349]G. A. Vespucci to Lorenzo, Rome, September 25 and December 14, 1584, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 316-318.[350]Ricordi di Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.[351]Letters of Lodovico and Cecco dell’Orso, April 19, and of Stefano da Castrocaro, April 21, in Fabroni, ii. 318-325.[352]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, p. 298-301. The date of the despatch at p. 298 is wrong; it should probably be April 23 instead of 3.[353]Letter of Lorenzo to Giovanni Bentivoglio, Cafaggiuolo, July 1, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 242. Galeotto Manfredi had been with him at the villa, and the matter had been arranged there.[354]Florence, March 29, 1489, in Moreni,Lettere,ec., p. 21.[355]Letters of Piero Nasi and Dionigi Pucci, in Fabroni, ii. 325-328. To this project refers a letter of Giovanni Bentivoglio to Lorenzo, September 7, 1489 (Med. Arch.), and one of Caterina Riario Sforza, January 21, 1490 (ibid.). The latter begs for a decisive answer, ‘cum un bel si o cum bel non.’[356]Bologna, December 19, 1489.Med. Arch.[357]Letter of Franceschetto, Rome, March 10, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 334-337, Lorenzo to Andrea da Fojano,ibid.p. 334.[358]Pecci,Memorie ec. della Città di Siena che servono alla vita civile di Pandolfo Petrucci(Siena, 1755), p. 64et seq.Letter of Fr. Cybò, l. c. Andrea da Fojano to Lorenzo, Siena, October 19, 1489,ibid.p. 331-334.[359]A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, in anno 1470, Fabroni, l. c. p. cxiii.[360]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Signoria of Siena, Flor. June 27, 1489, MS. in the Sienese Arch. A. Guidoni, Flor., January 19, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 305.[361]Tommasi, l. c. p. 341. Mazzarosa,Storia di Lucca, ii. 25. Documents, June 3 to July 18, 1490, in the Lucchese State Archives. Cf. Bongi,Inventario del R. Archivio di Stato in Lucca, i. 164.[362]Brief addressed by the Pope to the Priori, July 9, 1488.[363]Cronaca del Graziani, in anno 1488et seq., inCronache e Storie della Città di Perugia, i. 677et seq.Lorenzo de’ Medici to G. Lanfredini, 1489, in Fabroni, i. 329, 330.[364]Cronache della Città di Fermo(Flor. 1870) p. 215et seq.Ugolini,Storia dei Conti e Duchi d’Urbino, ii. 60, 65. Reposati,Zecca di Gubbio, i. 291. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 330.[365]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 359.[366]Ferrante to Ant. di Gennaro, April 24, 1493, in Trinchera,Codice Aragon.vol. ii pt. i. p. 381.[367]Commissioni di Rinaldo degli Albizzi, iii. 681.[368]Med. Arch.—Ricordi di lettere, February 28, March 2 and 6, 1483. Lorenzo’s instructions to his son Piero, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[369]Cf. i. 288, andante, p. 238.[370]G. Cambi l. c. ii. 65.[371]Cappelli, l.c. p. 248.[372]Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 376. In another letter on the same subject preserved in theMed. Arch.fol. 51, he says: ‘Alexandro da Farnese, il quale dà opera alle lettere Greche et è persona dotta e molto gentile.’[373]Guicciardini,Del reggimento di Firenze, p. 44;Storia fiorentina, cap. 9.[374]G. Cambi, l. c. p. 68.[375]G. Cambi (son of Neri), l.c. p. 41. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliv (very hostile to the Gonfaloniere). F. Guicciardini,Storia fior., ch. viii.[376]Cambi, l. c. p. 60. Pagnini,Delia Decima, i. 162et seq.contains details on the relative value of the coins.[377]N. Valori, l. c. p. 174. ‘Proventus certiores et justiores, nec principe viro indigni.’ On his finances seeante, Bk. 5, ch. 1.[378]Cappelli, l. c. p. 315, 316. In his correspondence with Lanfredini in Rome the alum-farming plays a great part.[379]Gaye, l. c. p. 583.[380]Contracts and receipts of the Medici-Sassetti and Medici-Tornabuoni bank, Lyons, for 1478, 1485, 1494, in (Molini’s)Documenti di Storia Ital., i. 13-16.[381]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[382]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix. J. Nardi,Istorie di Firenze, book i. (ed. by L. Arbib, Flor. 1842), i. 26.
[177]A. Guglielmotti,Della rocca d’Ostia e delle condizioni dell’architettura militare in Italia prima della calata di Carlo VIII.(Rome 1862). C. Ravioli,Notizie sopra i lavori di architettura militare dei nove da Sangallo(Rome 1863).[178]The circumstance that the name Sangallo is to be found as early as 1485 (notes to Vasari, l. c. p. 214) hardly tells against the truth of this story, as the building was probably begun long before. The appearance of the name in the collection of the Barberini drawings, begun in 1465, dates from a later time.[179]The Gondi Palace was finished in 1874, if not after the original design, at least in the style of the part previously existing.[180]From a drawing of Bernardino Poccetti and other documents in theMetropolitana Fior. Illustr., plate xiv.[181]In the commentary on Vasari, vii. 243. Francesco Albertini mentions in hisMemoriale(see Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 436) Lorenzo’s intention of finishing the façade (‘la quale Lorenzo de’ Medici voleva levare e riducerla a perfectione’) and his plan.[182]The façade now displays the naked rough brick wall.[183]Richa, ix. 11,et seq.Gaye, l. c., p. 570. Cf. i. 319.[184]Gaye, l. c. ii. 450. Pini,Scrittura d’Artisti.[185]Description by Poliziano in a letter to Francesco della Casa,Epist.l. iv. ep. 8. D. M. Manni,De Florentinis inventis(Ferrara, 1730), c. 29. Cancellieri,Le nuove Campane di Campidoglio(Rome, 1806), p. 8. Albertini mentions the clock in the Palace of the Signoria in 1510; it was probably taken there in 1495.[186]Gaye, l. c. p. 254.[187]There is great confusion in Vasari, viii. 115,et seq.The commentary begins its continuous dates only in 1495, chiefly from Gaye.[188]Moreni,Contorni di Firenze, v. 6,et seq.The chronology here is very confused; it is no better in Moisè’sSta. Croce, p. 90. The bells of San Marco were hung in the belfry in 1498.[189]Diary of Luca Landini, in Vasari, l. c. p. 121.[190]Fr. Albertini, l. c., p. 442.[191]Cf. A. v. Zahn’sJahrbücher, vi. p. 136.[192]Florence, February 13, 1498, in Gaye, l. c., p. 340.[193]The monument of Sixtus IV. was finished in 1493 for Card. Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II.). That of Innocent VIII. must not be judged from its present mutilated condition.[194]Monuments sépulcraux, plate iv. Inscription (by Poliziano):ILLE EGO SUM PER QUEM PICTURA EXTINCTA REVIXITCUI QUAM RECTA MANUS TAM FUIT ET FACILISNATURÆ DEERAT NOSTRÆ QUOD DEFUIT ARTIPLUS LICUIT NULLI PINGERE NEC MELIUSMIRARIS TURREM EGREGIAM SACRO ÆRE SONANTEMHÆC QUOQUE DE MODULO CREVIT AD ASTRA MEODENIQUE SUM IOCTUS QUID OPUS FUIT ILLA REFERREHOC NOMEN LONGI CARMINIS INSTAR ERATOB. AN. MCCCXXXVI. CIVES POS. B. M. MCCCCLXXXX.[195]Del Migliore, l. c., p. 36. Richa, vi. 121.Monuments sépulcraux, plate vi. Inscription (attributed to Lorenzo):MULTUM PROFECTO DEBET MUSICA ANTONIOSQUARCIALUPO ORGANISTE IS ENIM ITA ARTIGRATIAM CONIUNXIT UT QUARTAM SIBI VIDERENTUR CHARITES MUSICAM ASCIVISSE SOROREM FLORENTINA CIVITAS ORATI ANIMIOFFICIUM RATA EIUS MEMORIAM PROPAGARECUIUS MANUS SEPE MORTALES IN DULCEM ADMIRATIONEM ADDUXERAT CIVI SUO MONUMENTUM POSUIT.[196]Engraved in seven plates by G. P. Lasinio (Flor. 1823). Mellini’s bust is in the Uffizi collection.[197]Monuments sépulcraux, plate liii.[198]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv. Inscription: ‘Bernardo Junio eqtiFlornopuaesconcordiæ. semper. auctori. et. civi. vere. populari. pii. fratres. fratri. de. se. deq. repeaoptomerito. posuerunt.—Vixit ann. LXVIIII. men. VI. di. XII. Obiit ann. MCCCCLXVI. Opus Mini.—Cf. i. 145.[199]Paradiso, xvi. 127.Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv.[200]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xlv. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 230.[201]Represented in Cicognara, vol. ii. plate xv.[202]Plates and details in Cicognara, Litta, and Colas’Trésor de Numismatique et de Glyptique. See Vasari’sLife of Pisanello, ii. 152,et seq.On Guazzalotti, see Julius Friedländer (Berlin, 1857), trans. by Cesare Guasti (Prato, 1862), with notes and documents, among which is a letter from Guazzalotti to Lorenzo, dated September 11, 1478.[203]V. da Bisticci, l. c., p. 476.[204]Vasari, l. c., iii. 112. On the Medicean treasures. Cf.ante, p. 132.[205]Vasari,Life of Valerio Vicentino, ix. 236,et seq.G. Pelli, in hisSaggio istorico della R. Galeria di Firenze(Flor. 1779), i. 8,et seq., ii. 9,et seq., gives some account of the Medici collections. In the Museum of Naples alone (formerly in the palace of Capodimonte) are preserved more than twenty cameos with Lorenzo’s name, and a great number of gems set as rings. They came from a Bourbon-Parma inheritance, many of the family treasures having passed, through Margaret of Austria, wife of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici, to her son by her second marriage, Alessandro Farnese, and, at the extinction of the Farnese family, to the Spanish Bourbons. The question whether all the stones marked with Lorenzo’s name or with the initials L. M. are modern, or whether the name or initials were also engraved on antique gems to indicate the owner, cannot be discussed here. The epigram:COELATUM ARGENTO VEL FULVO QUIDQUID IN AURO ESTÆDIBUS HOC LAURENS VIDIMUS ESSE TUIS, &C.is in Bandini’s Catalogue of the Laurentian MSS., iii. 545.[206]Perfetti,Galeria dell’Accad. delle b. Arti(Flor. 1845). The collection in the Academy contains many important works of this period.[207]Now in the English National Gallery. Outline in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 132.[208]Cf.ante, p. 40. Engraving in theMetropolitana fior. illustr., plate xxxvii. Remarks in Gaye, l. c., ii. 5. Cf.ibid., i. 563.[209]Vasari, iv. 102, 103.[210]Vasari, v. 115.[211]Galeria dell Acc. delle B. A., engraved by F. Livy.[212]Lucrezia Tornabuoni Medici, in the Berlin Museum (No. 81), wrongly described as the wife of Lorenzo, a mistake repeated in Crowe and Cavalcaselle (l. c., p. 173) from Vasari, but corrected in Lemonnier’s edition, l. c, p. 121. The Bella Simonetta is in the Pitti Palace; there is an engraving by L. Calamatta in his work on the Bardi gallery.[213]Cf. i. 405. G. Milanesi,Sulla Storia dell’Arte Toscana, p. 292. Crowe and Cavalcaselle (iii. 159) strangely see in this commission a proof of the estimation in which Botticelli was held as an artist. These pictures of shame, with which tardy debtors were also punished,e.g.Ranuccio Farnese in 1425 (Gaye, l. c., i. 550) were not much relished by artists, and seem to have been only executed at a high price; in this case it was forty florins. Andrea del Castagno, to whom Vasari erroneously attributed these paintings, which were executed more than forty years after his death, received from a similar commission in 1445 the surname ‘degli Impiccati,’ which poor Andrea del Sarto seems to have likewise dreaded during the siege in 1530.[214]Contract dated April 21, 1487 (remarkable for the reservations on the part of the employer), in Lorenzo Strozzi’sVita di Filippo Strozzi il Vecchio, p. 60,et seq.[215]Now in the Uffizi. Gaye, in theKunstblatt, 1836, No. 90, and Carteggio, i. 579-581.[216]Engraved in Litta,Fam. Medici.[217]The fresco in Sant’Ambrogio is dated, not 1465, as it was read by Rumohr (Ital. Forsch., ii. 262), on the picture, which is much blackened and varnished, but 1486, according to G. Milanesi, in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, l. c., p. 291.[218]An.MCCCCLXXXX., quo pulcherrima civitas opibus victoriis artibus ædificiisque nobilis copia salubritate pace perfruebatur.[219]Father Della Valle gave the various names in a note to Vasari (also in Lemonnier’s edition, v. 76) from documents in the Tornabuoni family. On the female portraits, cf. Palmerini,Opere d’intaglio del cav. Raff. Morghen(Pisa, 1824), p. 108et seq.[220]The ‘Education of Pan’, formerly in the Corsi Palace, is now in the Berlin Museum. Sketch in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iv. 5.[221]Miniature painting can only be treated of very briefly here. The editors of Lemonnier’sVasarihave added much information to the biographies of Fra Angelico (iv. 25,et seq.), Don Bartolommeo (v. 44,et seq.[on Attavante,seep. 55]), Gherardo (ibid.p. 60,et seq.), &c., and furnished materials valuable for a history of Florentine and Sienese art, in a detailed commentary (vi. 159-351). On the Dominicans, cf. V. Marchese,Memorie, i. 171-210. In the same author’s work on San Marco are drawings of two miniatures by Fra Benedetto. The passages referring to the treasures of Urbino, Upper Italy, &c., may be passed over here.[222]Vasari, iv. 105; v. 60, 83; vi. 167; xi. 286.[223]xii. 11. Cf.Life of Torrigiano, vii. 204, and of Michel Angelo, xii. 157.[224]The old tradition which has come down to our own days, which derives the Buonarotti Simoni from the Counts of Canossa (and which was believed in the family itself in Michelangelo’s days, as must be concluded from Ascanio Condivi’s words in his biography, published during the artist’s lifetime), rests on no historical foundation. Cf. G. Campori,Catalogo degli artisti sc. negli Stati Estensi(Modena 1855), p. 100et seq.The noble family of Buonarotti has of late years become extinct in Florence. Lodovico, Michelangelo’s father, was already connected with the Medici when holding an official post in the Casentino, where his son was born within view of the great mountain of Alvernia—thecrudo sassoof theDivine Comedy.[225]G. Milanesi,Documenti inediti riguardanti Leonardo da Vinci, in theArch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. xvi. 219.[226]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este (Flor., December 17, 1482), in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.[227]Provisioni della Republica fiorentina dei 10 e 19 Aprile 1480, per la formazione dell’ordine dei Settanta, in the Appendix to Jacopo Pitti, l. c. p. 313et seq., with Gino Capponi’s introduction. Cf. Cambia, l. c. ii. 1et seq., for the names of the Signori, the colleges, the original thirty and the two hundred and ten citizens entrusted with the election business. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxi.et seq.; J. Pitti, p. 25; Fr. Guicciardini, p. 61.[228]Cf.ante, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 4.[229]L. c. p. 174.[230]Ricordi, l. c. p. cxxxv.[231]Canestrini, l. c. p. 237et seq.[232]Bartolommeo Signippi, chancellor of the Ferrarese embassy, to Ant. Montecatino, Flor. June 3 and 6; Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, June 9, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 253-255.[233]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatino, Ferrara, January 10, 1482, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 259.[234]For a detailed account of the ceremony, see Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., October 2, 3, 8, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 255-258.[235]Marin Sanuto,Commentarii della guerra di Ferrara nel 1482. (Venice 1829, ed. by Leonardo Manin). Sanuto was an eye-witness of the events of the war. Many details are given by Malipiero, who took part in the naval war. Romanin, book xi. ch. 4 (iv. 401et seq.).[236]Fac. Volaterr., l. c. col. 173.[237]Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Paris 1684). Documents, p. 312. C. de Cherrier,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Par. 1868), i. 32. U. Legeay,Histoire de Louis XI.(Paris 1874), ii. 444. [Very meagre with regard to Louis’ Italian transactions].[238]For details of the battle of Campomorto (S. Pietro in Formis), see the Roman diaries and Montecatino’s reports to Ercole d’Este in Cappelli, l. c. p. 260et seq.[239]Gino Capponi,Storia della Republica Fiorentina(Flor. 1874), ii. 149.[240]Coleti, in Farlati’sIllyricum sacrum, vii. 438et seq.Jacopo Volterrano, Stefano Infessura, and the unpublished histories of Sigismondo de’ Conti and Rinaldus, give many details. Jacob Burckhardt’sAndreas Erzbischof von Krain(Basel, 1852) gives an authentic account of the proceedings at Basel. Cf.Arch. stor. Ital., N. S., vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 249et seq.Ugolini’s letter to Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 227-233.[241]Instruction of February 5, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 241-243.[242]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.[243]Cappelli, l. c. p. 245.[244]Fr. Guicciardini, l. c. p. 66, is doubtful as to the presence of Riario; he is not mentioned in Ant. Campo,Cremona fedelissima città(Milan, 1582), p. 133. He is named as one of those present by Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 90.[245]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. February 28, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.[246]Itinerario di Marin Sanuto per la Terraferma Veneziana nell’anno 1483(ed. by Rawdon Browne, Padua, 1847), p. 51.[247]Despatches to the envoy Antonio Loredano, January to February 1484. Cf. Romanin, iv. 415. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 8, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 266.[248]Nic. Valori, l. c. p. 175.[249]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. July 23, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269.[250]Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 2.[251]Guid’Antonio Vespucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rome, October 23 and November 3, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243-252. Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., May 25, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 268.[252]Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 87.[253]Inferno, xxix. 122.Purgatorio, xiii. 151.[254]Letter of February 26, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.[255]Jac. Volterrano,Diarium Romanumfor 1480. Muratori, l. c. col. 109.[256]G. Viani,Memorie della famiglia Cybò, Pisa, 1808.[257]Rome, August 29, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 256, 259.[258]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 262.[259]Johannis Burchardi Diarium, ed. A. Generelli (Flor. 1854), p. 57.Ibid.Instructions, from the Florentine Archives.[260]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263. Doc. of November 26, 1484.[261]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263.[262]Desjardins, l. c. p. 175.[263]‘Les Florentins se sont tousjours monstrés et exhibés, de tel et si ancien temps que ne est mémoire du contraire, vrays et loyaulx Françoys ... et si trouvent les lois et coustumes qui leurs furent baillés par Monseigneur Saint Charlemagne.’[264]Desjardins, l. c. p. 191.[265]Instructions of November 8, 1483, and other documents relating to the embassy, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 193et seq.[266]Med. Arch., f. 56. Printed in A. Gelli; rev. by De Cherrier,Arch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. vol. xv. 289.[267]Cappelli, l. c. p. 298. The expression is: ‘Che non voglia investire Massimiliano de l’Imperio de’ Romani.’[268]Report of Guid’Ant. Vespucci, Rome, September 18, in Burchard,Diarium, p. 51.[269]Letter of Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Milan, September 24, 1484, l. c. p. 51.[270]Reports of the Ferrarese ambassador, A. Guidoni, Flor. April 1485, &c., in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269et seq.[271]Archives of the Riformagioni at Siena.[272]A. Guidoni to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 6, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269. Ranuccio was first cousin to Pope Paul III.[273]Archives at Siena.[274]N. Valori, l. c. p. 175.[275]Regis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber, 1486-87 (ed. by Scipione Vopicella, Naples, 1861), p. 87et seq.[276]Ricordi, p. cxl.[277]Commines,Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 11. M. Sanuto,Chron. Ven.(Comment. de Bello Gallico),R. Ital. Ser., xxiv. pp. 12-16. Alfonso was called ‘the idol of the flesh’ (dio della carne).[278]Cronaca di Notar-Giacomo, p. 156.[279]Romanin, l. c. pp. 421, 422.[280]On G. Albino, the historian of his time, cf. C. Minieri Riccio,Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli.[281]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[282]A. Guidoni to E. d’Este, Flor., November 11, 1485, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 273. The Ferrarese despatches contain many details of all these affairs. Scipione Ammirato, in his twenty-fifth book, is a trustworthy guide.[283]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 269.[284]Letter of the Anziani, May 15, 1485, Lucca archives.[285]L. c. p. 177.[286]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[287]Lorenzo to Albino, l. c.[288]A. Guidoni, November 28 and 30, 1485, l. c. p. 274.[289]Burcard, l. c. p. 72, 73.[290]Vinc. Acciaiuolo,Vita di Piero Capponi, l. c. p. 20et seq.[291]Trivulzio’s letters to the Duke of Milan from Florence, Montepulciano, Cortona, Pitigliano, and afterwards from the camp of the League, from February 21, 1486, onwards, are in Rosmini, l. c. ii. 130et seq., with the despatches addressed to him from Milan.[292]Letter of A. Sforza to his nephew the Duke of Milan, March 6, 1486, copies of which were sent on the same day to the Duke of Calabria, and by P. Capponi to Lorenzo. Appendix to the life of P. Capponi,Arch. Stor. Ital., vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 66-71.[293]Storia fiorentina, ch. viii. The Ferrarese reports in Cappelli, p. 274-286, contain much that gives an insight into the position of affairs.[294]V. Acciaiuolo, l. c. p. 24.[295]A. Guidoni, Flor., August 13, 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 285. G. J. Trivulzio to the Duke of Milan, from the camp at Ponzano, August 12, in Rosmini, ii. 150. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxlii.:poi per manco male si accettò.[296]R. Ferdinandi Instruct.L., p. 153. The Duke of Calabria had written to the same effect to Filippo Strozzi, on November 27, 1486, from the camp.Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio, p. 36.[297]Camillo Porgio’s masterly account,La Congiura dei Baroni del Regno di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando I.(first printed at Rome in 1565) contains many illustrations and corrections from theRegis Ferdinandi Instructionum Liber(unfortunately not printed complete), and from the two suits against the king’s private secretaries and barons, which were printed in 1487 and 1488 by Ferrante’s command and sent to the foreign courts, and reprinted with notes by Stanislao d’Aloe as an appendix to his edition of Porgio (Naples, 1859).[298]The King to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, June 3, 1487. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 275.[299]Giov. Lanfredini to the Signoria, Naples, September 27, 1486, in Bandini,Collectio, &c. p. 10.[300]Guidoni’s reports (in Cappelli) contain a number of notices and hints from which Lorenzo’s state of mind at the time of the treaty of 1486 and his relations with the allies may be clearly made out. On Sarzanello, see Carlo Promis,Storia del forte di Sarzanello(Turin, 1888). From one of Guidoni’s reports it appears that the Florentines also used mines: ‘sperasiper certe cave fatte... che S. Francesco si acquisterà fra due dì.’[301]R. Ferdinandi Instr. L., p. 245.[302]The fullest detailed account of Boccalino de’ Guzzoni is given by Bernardino Baldi in the second book of his history of Guidubaldo of Montefeltro (Milan, 1821). Cf. Ugolini,Storia dei conti e duchi d’Urbino, ii. 49,et seq.[303]Lodovico to G. J. Trivulzio, Milan, April 29, 1486, in Rosmini, ii. 158.Ibid.other documents relating to this affair.[304]Burcard,Diarium. p. 88.[305]The Medicean Archives, F. 57, contain numerous documents relating to Osimo and Boccalino.[306]Florence, August 8, 1487.Med. Arch.F. 57. In a letter of November 24, referring to Boccalino’s nephew, who was kept in prison at Rome, and afterwards executed, he expresses himself still more strongly. ‘Stimo questa coss ... quanto la vita propria, perchè[307]Cappelli, l. c. p. 244.Ibid., letter, same date (March 25, 1482), to the Duke. In the register of Lorenzo’s letters are no less than 27 despatched on the same day to princes and ambassadors to announce Lucrezia’s death.[308]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292.[309]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 222.[310]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 313.[311]Burcard,Diarium, p. 87.[312]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 217et seq.Cf. supra p. 265.[313]A. Guidoni, Flor., July 7, 1487, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 295.[314]Med. Arch., fol. 57. There are a number of despatches of this and a somewhat later time relating to this affair.[315]Rainaldi,Ann. eccl.in anno 1487, Doc. x.[316]Stef. Infessura,Diarium, in MuratoriR. It. Scr.t. iii. pt. 2, p. 1218, 1219.[317]Med. Arch., l. c.[318]Stefano Taverna to the Duke of Milan, Flor., September 14, 1487, in Rosmini, ii. 188. A. Guidoni, Flor., September 6 and 12, in Cappelli, p. 296.[319]Spedaletto, which passed after Lorenzo’s death to Maddalena Cybò and later to the Corsini family, to whom it still belongs, was visited in November 1654 by Cardinal de Retz, coming from Spain by sea, before he proceeded to the Grandduke Ferdinand II. at the Ambrogiana near Empoli, and thence to Rome. He knew that the villa, which he calls L’Hospitalità, had belonged to Lorenzo de’ Medici, but he wrongly places here the scene of the battle in which Catiline fell.Mèmoires du Card. de Retz, pt. iii. ch. i. Ed. by Champollion-Figeac (1866), iv. 246.[320]Lettere di Jacopo da Volterra a P. Innocenzo VIII., published with a commentary by M. Tabarrini in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. viii. pt. ii. p. 3,et seq.Jacopo Gherardi had been formerly in the service of Cardinal Ammanati. His writings passed into the Venetian archives after the sack of Rome in 1527. The Medicean archives contain a series of despatches relating to this mission. Lorenzo writes from Spedaletto on September 11-19; on the 21st he was in Florence; on October 2-10, at Spedaletto again. He says once: ‘I am here according to my custom, for the care of my health.’[321]Despatch of October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.[322]October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 219.[323]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 296. Burcard, p. 95; the date is wrong. On the house of the Cybò in the Borgo, see P. Adinolfi,La Portica di San Pietro(Rome, 1859), p. 119et seq.[324]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.[325]F. Gregorovius,Das Archiv der Notare des Capitols in Rom und das Protocollbuch des Notars Camillus de Beneimbene;Sitzungsberichte d. kk. Acad. d. Wissenschaften in München, 1872, p. 503.[326]Flor., August 8, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 312. Cf. i. 405.[327]Gregorovius, l. c. [purchase of Cerveteri, June 14, 1487]. Lorenzo to Lanfredini (1490), in Fabroni, ii. 388. Nibby,Diutorni di Roma(Rome, 1848), i. 348.[328]The palace (afterwards called Quaratesi) and the villa (for a time Catalani-Valabrègue, now Lavaggi) passed after the death of Franceschetto’s son Lorenzo, to the latter’s natural son, Ottavio, with a reservation of the usufruct to Lorenzo’s sister Caterina, the widowed Duchess of Camerino. The villa belonged for a time to Eleonora Cybò, daughter of Lorenzo, and wife of Gian Luigi Fiesco, Count of Lavagna, the hero of the conspiracy of 1547.[329]Med. Arch., fol. 57. The bull of Innocent VIII. is dated December 5, 1487.[330]Letters of December 9 and 10, 1487, February 23, March 9, April 14, 1488, in the above-mentionedRicordi di lettere.[331]Med. Arch., fol. 59. Cf. Isid. del Lungo,Una Lettera di Ser Matteo Franco, inArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. ix. 32et seq.[332]Poliziano,Prose volgari inedite, p. 74.[333]Med. Arch., fol. 59.[334]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292. Fabroni, l. c. i. 172, 173; ii. 316. On Roberto Orsini, see Litta,Fam. Orsini, table 23.[335]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.[336]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[337]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 386.[338]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[339]Med. Arch., fol. 57. Cf.post, p. 380et seq.[340]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[341]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 384. A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 302, 303.[342]From theMed. Arch., in A. Gelli, Lorenzo de’ Medici, in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. xvii. 431.[343]Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII.[ed. by D. Moreni, Flor. 1830], p. 18.[344]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[345]Med. Arch., fol. 57. On Maria [not Maddalena] de’ Medici, cf. Litta,Fam. Medici, table 7, and Passerini,Fam. Malatesta, table 7.[346]Del Lungo,Lettere di Ser Matteo Franco, l. c.[347]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 167.[348]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 169. Tristani Calchi,Nuptiæ Mediolanens. Ducum; cf. Ratti,Della Famiglia Sforza, ii. 54-60. Fabroni, l. c. i. 168, ii. 295-298. Several letters of Alamanni relating to these festivities are in theMed. Arch.[349]G. A. Vespucci to Lorenzo, Rome, September 25 and December 14, 1584, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 316-318.[350]Ricordi di Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.[351]Letters of Lodovico and Cecco dell’Orso, April 19, and of Stefano da Castrocaro, April 21, in Fabroni, ii. 318-325.[352]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, p. 298-301. The date of the despatch at p. 298 is wrong; it should probably be April 23 instead of 3.[353]Letter of Lorenzo to Giovanni Bentivoglio, Cafaggiuolo, July 1, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 242. Galeotto Manfredi had been with him at the villa, and the matter had been arranged there.[354]Florence, March 29, 1489, in Moreni,Lettere,ec., p. 21.[355]Letters of Piero Nasi and Dionigi Pucci, in Fabroni, ii. 325-328. To this project refers a letter of Giovanni Bentivoglio to Lorenzo, September 7, 1489 (Med. Arch.), and one of Caterina Riario Sforza, January 21, 1490 (ibid.). The latter begs for a decisive answer, ‘cum un bel si o cum bel non.’[356]Bologna, December 19, 1489.Med. Arch.[357]Letter of Franceschetto, Rome, March 10, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 334-337, Lorenzo to Andrea da Fojano,ibid.p. 334.[358]Pecci,Memorie ec. della Città di Siena che servono alla vita civile di Pandolfo Petrucci(Siena, 1755), p. 64et seq.Letter of Fr. Cybò, l. c. Andrea da Fojano to Lorenzo, Siena, October 19, 1489,ibid.p. 331-334.[359]A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, in anno 1470, Fabroni, l. c. p. cxiii.[360]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Signoria of Siena, Flor. June 27, 1489, MS. in the Sienese Arch. A. Guidoni, Flor., January 19, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 305.[361]Tommasi, l. c. p. 341. Mazzarosa,Storia di Lucca, ii. 25. Documents, June 3 to July 18, 1490, in the Lucchese State Archives. Cf. Bongi,Inventario del R. Archivio di Stato in Lucca, i. 164.[362]Brief addressed by the Pope to the Priori, July 9, 1488.[363]Cronaca del Graziani, in anno 1488et seq., inCronache e Storie della Città di Perugia, i. 677et seq.Lorenzo de’ Medici to G. Lanfredini, 1489, in Fabroni, i. 329, 330.[364]Cronache della Città di Fermo(Flor. 1870) p. 215et seq.Ugolini,Storia dei Conti e Duchi d’Urbino, ii. 60, 65. Reposati,Zecca di Gubbio, i. 291. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 330.[365]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 359.[366]Ferrante to Ant. di Gennaro, April 24, 1493, in Trinchera,Codice Aragon.vol. ii pt. i. p. 381.[367]Commissioni di Rinaldo degli Albizzi, iii. 681.[368]Med. Arch.—Ricordi di lettere, February 28, March 2 and 6, 1483. Lorenzo’s instructions to his son Piero, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[369]Cf. i. 288, andante, p. 238.[370]G. Cambi l. c. ii. 65.[371]Cappelli, l.c. p. 248.[372]Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 376. In another letter on the same subject preserved in theMed. Arch.fol. 51, he says: ‘Alexandro da Farnese, il quale dà opera alle lettere Greche et è persona dotta e molto gentile.’[373]Guicciardini,Del reggimento di Firenze, p. 44;Storia fiorentina, cap. 9.[374]G. Cambi, l. c. p. 68.[375]G. Cambi (son of Neri), l.c. p. 41. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliv (very hostile to the Gonfaloniere). F. Guicciardini,Storia fior., ch. viii.[376]Cambi, l. c. p. 60. Pagnini,Delia Decima, i. 162et seq.contains details on the relative value of the coins.[377]N. Valori, l. c. p. 174. ‘Proventus certiores et justiores, nec principe viro indigni.’ On his finances seeante, Bk. 5, ch. 1.[378]Cappelli, l. c. p. 315, 316. In his correspondence with Lanfredini in Rome the alum-farming plays a great part.[379]Gaye, l. c. p. 583.[380]Contracts and receipts of the Medici-Sassetti and Medici-Tornabuoni bank, Lyons, for 1478, 1485, 1494, in (Molini’s)Documenti di Storia Ital., i. 13-16.[381]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[382]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix. J. Nardi,Istorie di Firenze, book i. (ed. by L. Arbib, Flor. 1842), i. 26.
[177]A. Guglielmotti,Della rocca d’Ostia e delle condizioni dell’architettura militare in Italia prima della calata di Carlo VIII.(Rome 1862). C. Ravioli,Notizie sopra i lavori di architettura militare dei nove da Sangallo(Rome 1863).[178]The circumstance that the name Sangallo is to be found as early as 1485 (notes to Vasari, l. c. p. 214) hardly tells against the truth of this story, as the building was probably begun long before. The appearance of the name in the collection of the Barberini drawings, begun in 1465, dates from a later time.[179]The Gondi Palace was finished in 1874, if not after the original design, at least in the style of the part previously existing.[180]From a drawing of Bernardino Poccetti and other documents in theMetropolitana Fior. Illustr., plate xiv.[181]In the commentary on Vasari, vii. 243. Francesco Albertini mentions in hisMemoriale(see Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 436) Lorenzo’s intention of finishing the façade (‘la quale Lorenzo de’ Medici voleva levare e riducerla a perfectione’) and his plan.[182]The façade now displays the naked rough brick wall.[183]Richa, ix. 11,et seq.Gaye, l. c., p. 570. Cf. i. 319.[184]Gaye, l. c. ii. 450. Pini,Scrittura d’Artisti.[185]Description by Poliziano in a letter to Francesco della Casa,Epist.l. iv. ep. 8. D. M. Manni,De Florentinis inventis(Ferrara, 1730), c. 29. Cancellieri,Le nuove Campane di Campidoglio(Rome, 1806), p. 8. Albertini mentions the clock in the Palace of the Signoria in 1510; it was probably taken there in 1495.[186]Gaye, l. c. p. 254.[187]There is great confusion in Vasari, viii. 115,et seq.The commentary begins its continuous dates only in 1495, chiefly from Gaye.[188]Moreni,Contorni di Firenze, v. 6,et seq.The chronology here is very confused; it is no better in Moisè’sSta. Croce, p. 90. The bells of San Marco were hung in the belfry in 1498.[189]Diary of Luca Landini, in Vasari, l. c. p. 121.[190]Fr. Albertini, l. c., p. 442.[191]Cf. A. v. Zahn’sJahrbücher, vi. p. 136.[192]Florence, February 13, 1498, in Gaye, l. c., p. 340.[193]The monument of Sixtus IV. was finished in 1493 for Card. Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II.). That of Innocent VIII. must not be judged from its present mutilated condition.[194]Monuments sépulcraux, plate iv. Inscription (by Poliziano):ILLE EGO SUM PER QUEM PICTURA EXTINCTA REVIXITCUI QUAM RECTA MANUS TAM FUIT ET FACILISNATURÆ DEERAT NOSTRÆ QUOD DEFUIT ARTIPLUS LICUIT NULLI PINGERE NEC MELIUSMIRARIS TURREM EGREGIAM SACRO ÆRE SONANTEMHÆC QUOQUE DE MODULO CREVIT AD ASTRA MEODENIQUE SUM IOCTUS QUID OPUS FUIT ILLA REFERREHOC NOMEN LONGI CARMINIS INSTAR ERATOB. AN. MCCCXXXVI. CIVES POS. B. M. MCCCCLXXXX.[195]Del Migliore, l. c., p. 36. Richa, vi. 121.Monuments sépulcraux, plate vi. Inscription (attributed to Lorenzo):MULTUM PROFECTO DEBET MUSICA ANTONIOSQUARCIALUPO ORGANISTE IS ENIM ITA ARTIGRATIAM CONIUNXIT UT QUARTAM SIBI VIDERENTUR CHARITES MUSICAM ASCIVISSE SOROREM FLORENTINA CIVITAS ORATI ANIMIOFFICIUM RATA EIUS MEMORIAM PROPAGARECUIUS MANUS SEPE MORTALES IN DULCEM ADMIRATIONEM ADDUXERAT CIVI SUO MONUMENTUM POSUIT.[196]Engraved in seven plates by G. P. Lasinio (Flor. 1823). Mellini’s bust is in the Uffizi collection.[197]Monuments sépulcraux, plate liii.[198]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv. Inscription: ‘Bernardo Junio eqtiFlornopuaesconcordiæ. semper. auctori. et. civi. vere. populari. pii. fratres. fratri. de. se. deq. repeaoptomerito. posuerunt.—Vixit ann. LXVIIII. men. VI. di. XII. Obiit ann. MCCCCLXVI. Opus Mini.—Cf. i. 145.[199]Paradiso, xvi. 127.Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv.[200]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xlv. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 230.[201]Represented in Cicognara, vol. ii. plate xv.[202]Plates and details in Cicognara, Litta, and Colas’Trésor de Numismatique et de Glyptique. See Vasari’sLife of Pisanello, ii. 152,et seq.On Guazzalotti, see Julius Friedländer (Berlin, 1857), trans. by Cesare Guasti (Prato, 1862), with notes and documents, among which is a letter from Guazzalotti to Lorenzo, dated September 11, 1478.[203]V. da Bisticci, l. c., p. 476.[204]Vasari, l. c., iii. 112. On the Medicean treasures. Cf.ante, p. 132.[205]Vasari,Life of Valerio Vicentino, ix. 236,et seq.G. Pelli, in hisSaggio istorico della R. Galeria di Firenze(Flor. 1779), i. 8,et seq., ii. 9,et seq., gives some account of the Medici collections. In the Museum of Naples alone (formerly in the palace of Capodimonte) are preserved more than twenty cameos with Lorenzo’s name, and a great number of gems set as rings. They came from a Bourbon-Parma inheritance, many of the family treasures having passed, through Margaret of Austria, wife of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici, to her son by her second marriage, Alessandro Farnese, and, at the extinction of the Farnese family, to the Spanish Bourbons. The question whether all the stones marked with Lorenzo’s name or with the initials L. M. are modern, or whether the name or initials were also engraved on antique gems to indicate the owner, cannot be discussed here. The epigram:COELATUM ARGENTO VEL FULVO QUIDQUID IN AURO ESTÆDIBUS HOC LAURENS VIDIMUS ESSE TUIS, &C.is in Bandini’s Catalogue of the Laurentian MSS., iii. 545.[206]Perfetti,Galeria dell’Accad. delle b. Arti(Flor. 1845). The collection in the Academy contains many important works of this period.[207]Now in the English National Gallery. Outline in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 132.[208]Cf.ante, p. 40. Engraving in theMetropolitana fior. illustr., plate xxxvii. Remarks in Gaye, l. c., ii. 5. Cf.ibid., i. 563.[209]Vasari, iv. 102, 103.[210]Vasari, v. 115.[211]Galeria dell Acc. delle B. A., engraved by F. Livy.[212]Lucrezia Tornabuoni Medici, in the Berlin Museum (No. 81), wrongly described as the wife of Lorenzo, a mistake repeated in Crowe and Cavalcaselle (l. c., p. 173) from Vasari, but corrected in Lemonnier’s edition, l. c, p. 121. The Bella Simonetta is in the Pitti Palace; there is an engraving by L. Calamatta in his work on the Bardi gallery.[213]Cf. i. 405. G. Milanesi,Sulla Storia dell’Arte Toscana, p. 292. Crowe and Cavalcaselle (iii. 159) strangely see in this commission a proof of the estimation in which Botticelli was held as an artist. These pictures of shame, with which tardy debtors were also punished,e.g.Ranuccio Farnese in 1425 (Gaye, l. c., i. 550) were not much relished by artists, and seem to have been only executed at a high price; in this case it was forty florins. Andrea del Castagno, to whom Vasari erroneously attributed these paintings, which were executed more than forty years after his death, received from a similar commission in 1445 the surname ‘degli Impiccati,’ which poor Andrea del Sarto seems to have likewise dreaded during the siege in 1530.[214]Contract dated April 21, 1487 (remarkable for the reservations on the part of the employer), in Lorenzo Strozzi’sVita di Filippo Strozzi il Vecchio, p. 60,et seq.[215]Now in the Uffizi. Gaye, in theKunstblatt, 1836, No. 90, and Carteggio, i. 579-581.[216]Engraved in Litta,Fam. Medici.[217]The fresco in Sant’Ambrogio is dated, not 1465, as it was read by Rumohr (Ital. Forsch., ii. 262), on the picture, which is much blackened and varnished, but 1486, according to G. Milanesi, in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, l. c., p. 291.[218]An.MCCCCLXXXX., quo pulcherrima civitas opibus victoriis artibus ædificiisque nobilis copia salubritate pace perfruebatur.[219]Father Della Valle gave the various names in a note to Vasari (also in Lemonnier’s edition, v. 76) from documents in the Tornabuoni family. On the female portraits, cf. Palmerini,Opere d’intaglio del cav. Raff. Morghen(Pisa, 1824), p. 108et seq.[220]The ‘Education of Pan’, formerly in the Corsi Palace, is now in the Berlin Museum. Sketch in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iv. 5.[221]Miniature painting can only be treated of very briefly here. The editors of Lemonnier’sVasarihave added much information to the biographies of Fra Angelico (iv. 25,et seq.), Don Bartolommeo (v. 44,et seq.[on Attavante,seep. 55]), Gherardo (ibid.p. 60,et seq.), &c., and furnished materials valuable for a history of Florentine and Sienese art, in a detailed commentary (vi. 159-351). On the Dominicans, cf. V. Marchese,Memorie, i. 171-210. In the same author’s work on San Marco are drawings of two miniatures by Fra Benedetto. The passages referring to the treasures of Urbino, Upper Italy, &c., may be passed over here.[222]Vasari, iv. 105; v. 60, 83; vi. 167; xi. 286.[223]xii. 11. Cf.Life of Torrigiano, vii. 204, and of Michel Angelo, xii. 157.[224]The old tradition which has come down to our own days, which derives the Buonarotti Simoni from the Counts of Canossa (and which was believed in the family itself in Michelangelo’s days, as must be concluded from Ascanio Condivi’s words in his biography, published during the artist’s lifetime), rests on no historical foundation. Cf. G. Campori,Catalogo degli artisti sc. negli Stati Estensi(Modena 1855), p. 100et seq.The noble family of Buonarotti has of late years become extinct in Florence. Lodovico, Michelangelo’s father, was already connected with the Medici when holding an official post in the Casentino, where his son was born within view of the great mountain of Alvernia—thecrudo sassoof theDivine Comedy.[225]G. Milanesi,Documenti inediti riguardanti Leonardo da Vinci, in theArch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. xvi. 219.[226]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este (Flor., December 17, 1482), in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.[227]Provisioni della Republica fiorentina dei 10 e 19 Aprile 1480, per la formazione dell’ordine dei Settanta, in the Appendix to Jacopo Pitti, l. c. p. 313et seq., with Gino Capponi’s introduction. Cf. Cambia, l. c. ii. 1et seq., for the names of the Signori, the colleges, the original thirty and the two hundred and ten citizens entrusted with the election business. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxi.et seq.; J. Pitti, p. 25; Fr. Guicciardini, p. 61.[228]Cf.ante, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 4.[229]L. c. p. 174.[230]Ricordi, l. c. p. cxxxv.[231]Canestrini, l. c. p. 237et seq.[232]Bartolommeo Signippi, chancellor of the Ferrarese embassy, to Ant. Montecatino, Flor. June 3 and 6; Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, June 9, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 253-255.[233]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatino, Ferrara, January 10, 1482, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 259.[234]For a detailed account of the ceremony, see Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., October 2, 3, 8, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 255-258.[235]Marin Sanuto,Commentarii della guerra di Ferrara nel 1482. (Venice 1829, ed. by Leonardo Manin). Sanuto was an eye-witness of the events of the war. Many details are given by Malipiero, who took part in the naval war. Romanin, book xi. ch. 4 (iv. 401et seq.).[236]Fac. Volaterr., l. c. col. 173.[237]Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Paris 1684). Documents, p. 312. C. de Cherrier,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Par. 1868), i. 32. U. Legeay,Histoire de Louis XI.(Paris 1874), ii. 444. [Very meagre with regard to Louis’ Italian transactions].[238]For details of the battle of Campomorto (S. Pietro in Formis), see the Roman diaries and Montecatino’s reports to Ercole d’Este in Cappelli, l. c. p. 260et seq.[239]Gino Capponi,Storia della Republica Fiorentina(Flor. 1874), ii. 149.[240]Coleti, in Farlati’sIllyricum sacrum, vii. 438et seq.Jacopo Volterrano, Stefano Infessura, and the unpublished histories of Sigismondo de’ Conti and Rinaldus, give many details. Jacob Burckhardt’sAndreas Erzbischof von Krain(Basel, 1852) gives an authentic account of the proceedings at Basel. Cf.Arch. stor. Ital., N. S., vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 249et seq.Ugolini’s letter to Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 227-233.[241]Instruction of February 5, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 241-243.[242]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.[243]Cappelli, l. c. p. 245.[244]Fr. Guicciardini, l. c. p. 66, is doubtful as to the presence of Riario; he is not mentioned in Ant. Campo,Cremona fedelissima città(Milan, 1582), p. 133. He is named as one of those present by Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 90.[245]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. February 28, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.[246]Itinerario di Marin Sanuto per la Terraferma Veneziana nell’anno 1483(ed. by Rawdon Browne, Padua, 1847), p. 51.[247]Despatches to the envoy Antonio Loredano, January to February 1484. Cf. Romanin, iv. 415. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 8, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 266.[248]Nic. Valori, l. c. p. 175.[249]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. July 23, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269.[250]Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 2.[251]Guid’Antonio Vespucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rome, October 23 and November 3, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243-252. Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., May 25, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 268.[252]Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 87.[253]Inferno, xxix. 122.Purgatorio, xiii. 151.[254]Letter of February 26, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.[255]Jac. Volterrano,Diarium Romanumfor 1480. Muratori, l. c. col. 109.[256]G. Viani,Memorie della famiglia Cybò, Pisa, 1808.[257]Rome, August 29, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 256, 259.[258]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 262.[259]Johannis Burchardi Diarium, ed. A. Generelli (Flor. 1854), p. 57.Ibid.Instructions, from the Florentine Archives.[260]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263. Doc. of November 26, 1484.[261]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263.[262]Desjardins, l. c. p. 175.[263]‘Les Florentins se sont tousjours monstrés et exhibés, de tel et si ancien temps que ne est mémoire du contraire, vrays et loyaulx Françoys ... et si trouvent les lois et coustumes qui leurs furent baillés par Monseigneur Saint Charlemagne.’[264]Desjardins, l. c. p. 191.[265]Instructions of November 8, 1483, and other documents relating to the embassy, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 193et seq.[266]Med. Arch., f. 56. Printed in A. Gelli; rev. by De Cherrier,Arch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. vol. xv. 289.[267]Cappelli, l. c. p. 298. The expression is: ‘Che non voglia investire Massimiliano de l’Imperio de’ Romani.’[268]Report of Guid’Ant. Vespucci, Rome, September 18, in Burchard,Diarium, p. 51.[269]Letter of Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Milan, September 24, 1484, l. c. p. 51.[270]Reports of the Ferrarese ambassador, A. Guidoni, Flor. April 1485, &c., in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269et seq.[271]Archives of the Riformagioni at Siena.[272]A. Guidoni to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 6, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269. Ranuccio was first cousin to Pope Paul III.[273]Archives at Siena.[274]N. Valori, l. c. p. 175.[275]Regis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber, 1486-87 (ed. by Scipione Vopicella, Naples, 1861), p. 87et seq.[276]Ricordi, p. cxl.[277]Commines,Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 11. M. Sanuto,Chron. Ven.(Comment. de Bello Gallico),R. Ital. Ser., xxiv. pp. 12-16. Alfonso was called ‘the idol of the flesh’ (dio della carne).[278]Cronaca di Notar-Giacomo, p. 156.[279]Romanin, l. c. pp. 421, 422.[280]On G. Albino, the historian of his time, cf. C. Minieri Riccio,Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli.[281]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[282]A. Guidoni to E. d’Este, Flor., November 11, 1485, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 273. The Ferrarese despatches contain many details of all these affairs. Scipione Ammirato, in his twenty-fifth book, is a trustworthy guide.[283]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 269.[284]Letter of the Anziani, May 15, 1485, Lucca archives.[285]L. c. p. 177.[286]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[287]Lorenzo to Albino, l. c.[288]A. Guidoni, November 28 and 30, 1485, l. c. p. 274.[289]Burcard, l. c. p. 72, 73.[290]Vinc. Acciaiuolo,Vita di Piero Capponi, l. c. p. 20et seq.[291]Trivulzio’s letters to the Duke of Milan from Florence, Montepulciano, Cortona, Pitigliano, and afterwards from the camp of the League, from February 21, 1486, onwards, are in Rosmini, l. c. ii. 130et seq., with the despatches addressed to him from Milan.[292]Letter of A. Sforza to his nephew the Duke of Milan, March 6, 1486, copies of which were sent on the same day to the Duke of Calabria, and by P. Capponi to Lorenzo. Appendix to the life of P. Capponi,Arch. Stor. Ital., vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 66-71.[293]Storia fiorentina, ch. viii. The Ferrarese reports in Cappelli, p. 274-286, contain much that gives an insight into the position of affairs.[294]V. Acciaiuolo, l. c. p. 24.[295]A. Guidoni, Flor., August 13, 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 285. G. J. Trivulzio to the Duke of Milan, from the camp at Ponzano, August 12, in Rosmini, ii. 150. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxlii.:poi per manco male si accettò.[296]R. Ferdinandi Instruct.L., p. 153. The Duke of Calabria had written to the same effect to Filippo Strozzi, on November 27, 1486, from the camp.Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio, p. 36.[297]Camillo Porgio’s masterly account,La Congiura dei Baroni del Regno di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando I.(first printed at Rome in 1565) contains many illustrations and corrections from theRegis Ferdinandi Instructionum Liber(unfortunately not printed complete), and from the two suits against the king’s private secretaries and barons, which were printed in 1487 and 1488 by Ferrante’s command and sent to the foreign courts, and reprinted with notes by Stanislao d’Aloe as an appendix to his edition of Porgio (Naples, 1859).[298]The King to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, June 3, 1487. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 275.[299]Giov. Lanfredini to the Signoria, Naples, September 27, 1486, in Bandini,Collectio, &c. p. 10.[300]Guidoni’s reports (in Cappelli) contain a number of notices and hints from which Lorenzo’s state of mind at the time of the treaty of 1486 and his relations with the allies may be clearly made out. On Sarzanello, see Carlo Promis,Storia del forte di Sarzanello(Turin, 1888). From one of Guidoni’s reports it appears that the Florentines also used mines: ‘sperasiper certe cave fatte... che S. Francesco si acquisterà fra due dì.’[301]R. Ferdinandi Instr. L., p. 245.[302]The fullest detailed account of Boccalino de’ Guzzoni is given by Bernardino Baldi in the second book of his history of Guidubaldo of Montefeltro (Milan, 1821). Cf. Ugolini,Storia dei conti e duchi d’Urbino, ii. 49,et seq.[303]Lodovico to G. J. Trivulzio, Milan, April 29, 1486, in Rosmini, ii. 158.Ibid.other documents relating to this affair.[304]Burcard,Diarium. p. 88.[305]The Medicean Archives, F. 57, contain numerous documents relating to Osimo and Boccalino.[306]Florence, August 8, 1487.Med. Arch.F. 57. In a letter of November 24, referring to Boccalino’s nephew, who was kept in prison at Rome, and afterwards executed, he expresses himself still more strongly. ‘Stimo questa coss ... quanto la vita propria, perchè[307]Cappelli, l. c. p. 244.Ibid., letter, same date (March 25, 1482), to the Duke. In the register of Lorenzo’s letters are no less than 27 despatched on the same day to princes and ambassadors to announce Lucrezia’s death.[308]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292.[309]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 222.[310]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 313.[311]Burcard,Diarium, p. 87.[312]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 217et seq.Cf. supra p. 265.[313]A. Guidoni, Flor., July 7, 1487, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 295.[314]Med. Arch., fol. 57. There are a number of despatches of this and a somewhat later time relating to this affair.[315]Rainaldi,Ann. eccl.in anno 1487, Doc. x.[316]Stef. Infessura,Diarium, in MuratoriR. It. Scr.t. iii. pt. 2, p. 1218, 1219.[317]Med. Arch., l. c.[318]Stefano Taverna to the Duke of Milan, Flor., September 14, 1487, in Rosmini, ii. 188. A. Guidoni, Flor., September 6 and 12, in Cappelli, p. 296.[319]Spedaletto, which passed after Lorenzo’s death to Maddalena Cybò and later to the Corsini family, to whom it still belongs, was visited in November 1654 by Cardinal de Retz, coming from Spain by sea, before he proceeded to the Grandduke Ferdinand II. at the Ambrogiana near Empoli, and thence to Rome. He knew that the villa, which he calls L’Hospitalità, had belonged to Lorenzo de’ Medici, but he wrongly places here the scene of the battle in which Catiline fell.Mèmoires du Card. de Retz, pt. iii. ch. i. Ed. by Champollion-Figeac (1866), iv. 246.[320]Lettere di Jacopo da Volterra a P. Innocenzo VIII., published with a commentary by M. Tabarrini in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. viii. pt. ii. p. 3,et seq.Jacopo Gherardi had been formerly in the service of Cardinal Ammanati. His writings passed into the Venetian archives after the sack of Rome in 1527. The Medicean archives contain a series of despatches relating to this mission. Lorenzo writes from Spedaletto on September 11-19; on the 21st he was in Florence; on October 2-10, at Spedaletto again. He says once: ‘I am here according to my custom, for the care of my health.’[321]Despatch of October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.[322]October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 219.[323]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 296. Burcard, p. 95; the date is wrong. On the house of the Cybò in the Borgo, see P. Adinolfi,La Portica di San Pietro(Rome, 1859), p. 119et seq.[324]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.[325]F. Gregorovius,Das Archiv der Notare des Capitols in Rom und das Protocollbuch des Notars Camillus de Beneimbene;Sitzungsberichte d. kk. Acad. d. Wissenschaften in München, 1872, p. 503.[326]Flor., August 8, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 312. Cf. i. 405.[327]Gregorovius, l. c. [purchase of Cerveteri, June 14, 1487]. Lorenzo to Lanfredini (1490), in Fabroni, ii. 388. Nibby,Diutorni di Roma(Rome, 1848), i. 348.[328]The palace (afterwards called Quaratesi) and the villa (for a time Catalani-Valabrègue, now Lavaggi) passed after the death of Franceschetto’s son Lorenzo, to the latter’s natural son, Ottavio, with a reservation of the usufruct to Lorenzo’s sister Caterina, the widowed Duchess of Camerino. The villa belonged for a time to Eleonora Cybò, daughter of Lorenzo, and wife of Gian Luigi Fiesco, Count of Lavagna, the hero of the conspiracy of 1547.[329]Med. Arch., fol. 57. The bull of Innocent VIII. is dated December 5, 1487.[330]Letters of December 9 and 10, 1487, February 23, March 9, April 14, 1488, in the above-mentionedRicordi di lettere.[331]Med. Arch., fol. 59. Cf. Isid. del Lungo,Una Lettera di Ser Matteo Franco, inArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. ix. 32et seq.[332]Poliziano,Prose volgari inedite, p. 74.[333]Med. Arch., fol. 59.[334]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292. Fabroni, l. c. i. 172, 173; ii. 316. On Roberto Orsini, see Litta,Fam. Orsini, table 23.[335]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.[336]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[337]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 386.[338]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[339]Med. Arch., fol. 57. Cf.post, p. 380et seq.[340]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[341]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 384. A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 302, 303.[342]From theMed. Arch., in A. Gelli, Lorenzo de’ Medici, in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. xvii. 431.[343]Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII.[ed. by D. Moreni, Flor. 1830], p. 18.[344]Med. Arch., fol. 57.[345]Med. Arch., fol. 57. On Maria [not Maddalena] de’ Medici, cf. Litta,Fam. Medici, table 7, and Passerini,Fam. Malatesta, table 7.[346]Del Lungo,Lettere di Ser Matteo Franco, l. c.[347]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 167.[348]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 169. Tristani Calchi,Nuptiæ Mediolanens. Ducum; cf. Ratti,Della Famiglia Sforza, ii. 54-60. Fabroni, l. c. i. 168, ii. 295-298. Several letters of Alamanni relating to these festivities are in theMed. Arch.[349]G. A. Vespucci to Lorenzo, Rome, September 25 and December 14, 1584, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 316-318.[350]Ricordi di Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.[351]Letters of Lodovico and Cecco dell’Orso, April 19, and of Stefano da Castrocaro, April 21, in Fabroni, ii. 318-325.[352]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, p. 298-301. The date of the despatch at p. 298 is wrong; it should probably be April 23 instead of 3.[353]Letter of Lorenzo to Giovanni Bentivoglio, Cafaggiuolo, July 1, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 242. Galeotto Manfredi had been with him at the villa, and the matter had been arranged there.[354]Florence, March 29, 1489, in Moreni,Lettere,ec., p. 21.[355]Letters of Piero Nasi and Dionigi Pucci, in Fabroni, ii. 325-328. To this project refers a letter of Giovanni Bentivoglio to Lorenzo, September 7, 1489 (Med. Arch.), and one of Caterina Riario Sforza, January 21, 1490 (ibid.). The latter begs for a decisive answer, ‘cum un bel si o cum bel non.’[356]Bologna, December 19, 1489.Med. Arch.[357]Letter of Franceschetto, Rome, March 10, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 334-337, Lorenzo to Andrea da Fojano,ibid.p. 334.[358]Pecci,Memorie ec. della Città di Siena che servono alla vita civile di Pandolfo Petrucci(Siena, 1755), p. 64et seq.Letter of Fr. Cybò, l. c. Andrea da Fojano to Lorenzo, Siena, October 19, 1489,ibid.p. 331-334.[359]A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, in anno 1470, Fabroni, l. c. p. cxiii.[360]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Signoria of Siena, Flor. June 27, 1489, MS. in the Sienese Arch. A. Guidoni, Flor., January 19, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 305.[361]Tommasi, l. c. p. 341. Mazzarosa,Storia di Lucca, ii. 25. Documents, June 3 to July 18, 1490, in the Lucchese State Archives. Cf. Bongi,Inventario del R. Archivio di Stato in Lucca, i. 164.[362]Brief addressed by the Pope to the Priori, July 9, 1488.[363]Cronaca del Graziani, in anno 1488et seq., inCronache e Storie della Città di Perugia, i. 677et seq.Lorenzo de’ Medici to G. Lanfredini, 1489, in Fabroni, i. 329, 330.[364]Cronache della Città di Fermo(Flor. 1870) p. 215et seq.Ugolini,Storia dei Conti e Duchi d’Urbino, ii. 60, 65. Reposati,Zecca di Gubbio, i. 291. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 330.[365]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 359.[366]Ferrante to Ant. di Gennaro, April 24, 1493, in Trinchera,Codice Aragon.vol. ii pt. i. p. 381.[367]Commissioni di Rinaldo degli Albizzi, iii. 681.[368]Med. Arch.—Ricordi di lettere, February 28, March 2 and 6, 1483. Lorenzo’s instructions to his son Piero, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.[369]Cf. i. 288, andante, p. 238.[370]G. Cambi l. c. ii. 65.[371]Cappelli, l.c. p. 248.[372]Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 376. In another letter on the same subject preserved in theMed. Arch.fol. 51, he says: ‘Alexandro da Farnese, il quale dà opera alle lettere Greche et è persona dotta e molto gentile.’[373]Guicciardini,Del reggimento di Firenze, p. 44;Storia fiorentina, cap. 9.[374]G. Cambi, l. c. p. 68.[375]G. Cambi (son of Neri), l.c. p. 41. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliv (very hostile to the Gonfaloniere). F. Guicciardini,Storia fior., ch. viii.[376]Cambi, l. c. p. 60. Pagnini,Delia Decima, i. 162et seq.contains details on the relative value of the coins.[377]N. Valori, l. c. p. 174. ‘Proventus certiores et justiores, nec principe viro indigni.’ On his finances seeante, Bk. 5, ch. 1.[378]Cappelli, l. c. p. 315, 316. In his correspondence with Lanfredini in Rome the alum-farming plays a great part.[379]Gaye, l. c. p. 583.[380]Contracts and receipts of the Medici-Sassetti and Medici-Tornabuoni bank, Lyons, for 1478, 1485, 1494, in (Molini’s)Documenti di Storia Ital., i. 13-16.[381]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.[382]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix. J. Nardi,Istorie di Firenze, book i. (ed. by L. Arbib, Flor. 1842), i. 26.
[177]A. Guglielmotti,Della rocca d’Ostia e delle condizioni dell’architettura militare in Italia prima della calata di Carlo VIII.(Rome 1862). C. Ravioli,Notizie sopra i lavori di architettura militare dei nove da Sangallo(Rome 1863).
[178]The circumstance that the name Sangallo is to be found as early as 1485 (notes to Vasari, l. c. p. 214) hardly tells against the truth of this story, as the building was probably begun long before. The appearance of the name in the collection of the Barberini drawings, begun in 1465, dates from a later time.
[179]The Gondi Palace was finished in 1874, if not after the original design, at least in the style of the part previously existing.
[180]From a drawing of Bernardino Poccetti and other documents in theMetropolitana Fior. Illustr., plate xiv.
[181]In the commentary on Vasari, vii. 243. Francesco Albertini mentions in hisMemoriale(see Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 436) Lorenzo’s intention of finishing the façade (‘la quale Lorenzo de’ Medici voleva levare e riducerla a perfectione’) and his plan.
[182]The façade now displays the naked rough brick wall.
[183]Richa, ix. 11,et seq.Gaye, l. c., p. 570. Cf. i. 319.
[184]Gaye, l. c. ii. 450. Pini,Scrittura d’Artisti.
[185]Description by Poliziano in a letter to Francesco della Casa,Epist.l. iv. ep. 8. D. M. Manni,De Florentinis inventis(Ferrara, 1730), c. 29. Cancellieri,Le nuove Campane di Campidoglio(Rome, 1806), p. 8. Albertini mentions the clock in the Palace of the Signoria in 1510; it was probably taken there in 1495.
[186]Gaye, l. c. p. 254.
[187]There is great confusion in Vasari, viii. 115,et seq.The commentary begins its continuous dates only in 1495, chiefly from Gaye.
[188]Moreni,Contorni di Firenze, v. 6,et seq.The chronology here is very confused; it is no better in Moisè’sSta. Croce, p. 90. The bells of San Marco were hung in the belfry in 1498.
[189]Diary of Luca Landini, in Vasari, l. c. p. 121.
[190]Fr. Albertini, l. c., p. 442.
[191]Cf. A. v. Zahn’sJahrbücher, vi. p. 136.
[192]Florence, February 13, 1498, in Gaye, l. c., p. 340.
[193]The monument of Sixtus IV. was finished in 1493 for Card. Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II.). That of Innocent VIII. must not be judged from its present mutilated condition.
[194]Monuments sépulcraux, plate iv. Inscription (by Poliziano):
ILLE EGO SUM PER QUEM PICTURA EXTINCTA REVIXITCUI QUAM RECTA MANUS TAM FUIT ET FACILISNATURÆ DEERAT NOSTRÆ QUOD DEFUIT ARTIPLUS LICUIT NULLI PINGERE NEC MELIUSMIRARIS TURREM EGREGIAM SACRO ÆRE SONANTEMHÆC QUOQUE DE MODULO CREVIT AD ASTRA MEODENIQUE SUM IOCTUS QUID OPUS FUIT ILLA REFERREHOC NOMEN LONGI CARMINIS INSTAR ERATOB. AN. MCCCXXXVI. CIVES POS. B. M. MCCCCLXXXX.
[195]Del Migliore, l. c., p. 36. Richa, vi. 121.Monuments sépulcraux, plate vi. Inscription (attributed to Lorenzo):
MULTUM PROFECTO DEBET MUSICA ANTONIOSQUARCIALUPO ORGANISTE IS ENIM ITA ARTIGRATIAM CONIUNXIT UT QUARTAM SIBI VIDERENTUR CHARITES MUSICAM ASCIVISSE SOROREM FLORENTINA CIVITAS ORATI ANIMIOFFICIUM RATA EIUS MEMORIAM PROPAGARECUIUS MANUS SEPE MORTALES IN DULCEM ADMIRATIONEM ADDUXERAT CIVI SUO MONUMENTUM POSUIT.
[196]Engraved in seven plates by G. P. Lasinio (Flor. 1823). Mellini’s bust is in the Uffizi collection.
[197]Monuments sépulcraux, plate liii.
[198]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv. Inscription: ‘Bernardo Junio eqtiFlornopuaesconcordiæ. semper. auctori. et. civi. vere. populari. pii. fratres. fratri. de. se. deq. repeaoptomerito. posuerunt.—Vixit ann. LXVIIII. men. VI. di. XII. Obiit ann. MCCCCLXVI. Opus Mini.—Cf. i. 145.
[199]Paradiso, xvi. 127.Monuments sépulcraux, plate xxiv.
[200]Monuments sépulcraux, plate xlv. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 230.
[201]Represented in Cicognara, vol. ii. plate xv.
[202]Plates and details in Cicognara, Litta, and Colas’Trésor de Numismatique et de Glyptique. See Vasari’sLife of Pisanello, ii. 152,et seq.On Guazzalotti, see Julius Friedländer (Berlin, 1857), trans. by Cesare Guasti (Prato, 1862), with notes and documents, among which is a letter from Guazzalotti to Lorenzo, dated September 11, 1478.
[203]V. da Bisticci, l. c., p. 476.
[204]Vasari, l. c., iii. 112. On the Medicean treasures. Cf.ante, p. 132.
[205]Vasari,Life of Valerio Vicentino, ix. 236,et seq.G. Pelli, in hisSaggio istorico della R. Galeria di Firenze(Flor. 1779), i. 8,et seq., ii. 9,et seq., gives some account of the Medici collections. In the Museum of Naples alone (formerly in the palace of Capodimonte) are preserved more than twenty cameos with Lorenzo’s name, and a great number of gems set as rings. They came from a Bourbon-Parma inheritance, many of the family treasures having passed, through Margaret of Austria, wife of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici, to her son by her second marriage, Alessandro Farnese, and, at the extinction of the Farnese family, to the Spanish Bourbons. The question whether all the stones marked with Lorenzo’s name or with the initials L. M. are modern, or whether the name or initials were also engraved on antique gems to indicate the owner, cannot be discussed here. The epigram:
COELATUM ARGENTO VEL FULVO QUIDQUID IN AURO ESTÆDIBUS HOC LAURENS VIDIMUS ESSE TUIS, &C.
is in Bandini’s Catalogue of the Laurentian MSS., iii. 545.
[206]Perfetti,Galeria dell’Accad. delle b. Arti(Flor. 1845). The collection in the Academy contains many important works of this period.
[207]Now in the English National Gallery. Outline in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii. 132.
[208]Cf.ante, p. 40. Engraving in theMetropolitana fior. illustr., plate xxxvii. Remarks in Gaye, l. c., ii. 5. Cf.ibid., i. 563.
[209]Vasari, iv. 102, 103.
[210]Vasari, v. 115.
[211]Galeria dell Acc. delle B. A., engraved by F. Livy.
[212]Lucrezia Tornabuoni Medici, in the Berlin Museum (No. 81), wrongly described as the wife of Lorenzo, a mistake repeated in Crowe and Cavalcaselle (l. c., p. 173) from Vasari, but corrected in Lemonnier’s edition, l. c, p. 121. The Bella Simonetta is in the Pitti Palace; there is an engraving by L. Calamatta in his work on the Bardi gallery.
[213]Cf. i. 405. G. Milanesi,Sulla Storia dell’Arte Toscana, p. 292. Crowe and Cavalcaselle (iii. 159) strangely see in this commission a proof of the estimation in which Botticelli was held as an artist. These pictures of shame, with which tardy debtors were also punished,e.g.Ranuccio Farnese in 1425 (Gaye, l. c., i. 550) were not much relished by artists, and seem to have been only executed at a high price; in this case it was forty florins. Andrea del Castagno, to whom Vasari erroneously attributed these paintings, which were executed more than forty years after his death, received from a similar commission in 1445 the surname ‘degli Impiccati,’ which poor Andrea del Sarto seems to have likewise dreaded during the siege in 1530.
[214]Contract dated April 21, 1487 (remarkable for the reservations on the part of the employer), in Lorenzo Strozzi’sVita di Filippo Strozzi il Vecchio, p. 60,et seq.
[215]Now in the Uffizi. Gaye, in theKunstblatt, 1836, No. 90, and Carteggio, i. 579-581.
[216]Engraved in Litta,Fam. Medici.
[217]The fresco in Sant’Ambrogio is dated, not 1465, as it was read by Rumohr (Ital. Forsch., ii. 262), on the picture, which is much blackened and varnished, but 1486, according to G. Milanesi, in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, l. c., p. 291.
[218]An.MCCCCLXXXX., quo pulcherrima civitas opibus victoriis artibus ædificiisque nobilis copia salubritate pace perfruebatur.
[219]Father Della Valle gave the various names in a note to Vasari (also in Lemonnier’s edition, v. 76) from documents in the Tornabuoni family. On the female portraits, cf. Palmerini,Opere d’intaglio del cav. Raff. Morghen(Pisa, 1824), p. 108et seq.
[220]The ‘Education of Pan’, formerly in the Corsi Palace, is now in the Berlin Museum. Sketch in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iv. 5.
[221]Miniature painting can only be treated of very briefly here. The editors of Lemonnier’sVasarihave added much information to the biographies of Fra Angelico (iv. 25,et seq.), Don Bartolommeo (v. 44,et seq.[on Attavante,seep. 55]), Gherardo (ibid.p. 60,et seq.), &c., and furnished materials valuable for a history of Florentine and Sienese art, in a detailed commentary (vi. 159-351). On the Dominicans, cf. V. Marchese,Memorie, i. 171-210. In the same author’s work on San Marco are drawings of two miniatures by Fra Benedetto. The passages referring to the treasures of Urbino, Upper Italy, &c., may be passed over here.
[222]Vasari, iv. 105; v. 60, 83; vi. 167; xi. 286.
[223]xii. 11. Cf.Life of Torrigiano, vii. 204, and of Michel Angelo, xii. 157.
[224]The old tradition which has come down to our own days, which derives the Buonarotti Simoni from the Counts of Canossa (and which was believed in the family itself in Michelangelo’s days, as must be concluded from Ascanio Condivi’s words in his biography, published during the artist’s lifetime), rests on no historical foundation. Cf. G. Campori,Catalogo degli artisti sc. negli Stati Estensi(Modena 1855), p. 100et seq.The noble family of Buonarotti has of late years become extinct in Florence. Lodovico, Michelangelo’s father, was already connected with the Medici when holding an official post in the Casentino, where his son was born within view of the great mountain of Alvernia—thecrudo sassoof theDivine Comedy.
[225]G. Milanesi,Documenti inediti riguardanti Leonardo da Vinci, in theArch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. xvi. 219.
[226]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este (Flor., December 17, 1482), in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.
[227]Provisioni della Republica fiorentina dei 10 e 19 Aprile 1480, per la formazione dell’ordine dei Settanta, in the Appendix to Jacopo Pitti, l. c. p. 313et seq., with Gino Capponi’s introduction. Cf. Cambia, l. c. ii. 1et seq., for the names of the Signori, the colleges, the original thirty and the two hundred and ten citizens entrusted with the election business. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxxi.et seq.; J. Pitti, p. 25; Fr. Guicciardini, p. 61.
[228]Cf.ante, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 4.
[229]L. c. p. 174.
[230]Ricordi, l. c. p. cxxxv.
[231]Canestrini, l. c. p. 237et seq.
[232]Bartolommeo Signippi, chancellor of the Ferrarese embassy, to Ant. Montecatino, Flor. June 3 and 6; Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, June 9, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 253-255.
[233]Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatino, Ferrara, January 10, 1482, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 259.
[234]For a detailed account of the ceremony, see Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., October 2, 3, 8, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 255-258.
[235]Marin Sanuto,Commentarii della guerra di Ferrara nel 1482. (Venice 1829, ed. by Leonardo Manin). Sanuto was an eye-witness of the events of the war. Many details are given by Malipiero, who took part in the naval war. Romanin, book xi. ch. 4 (iv. 401et seq.).
[236]Fac. Volaterr., l. c. col. 173.
[237]Godefroy,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Paris 1684). Documents, p. 312. C. de Cherrier,Histoire de Charles VIII.(Par. 1868), i. 32. U. Legeay,Histoire de Louis XI.(Paris 1874), ii. 444. [Very meagre with regard to Louis’ Italian transactions].
[238]For details of the battle of Campomorto (S. Pietro in Formis), see the Roman diaries and Montecatino’s reports to Ercole d’Este in Cappelli, l. c. p. 260et seq.
[239]Gino Capponi,Storia della Republica Fiorentina(Flor. 1874), ii. 149.
[240]Coleti, in Farlati’sIllyricum sacrum, vii. 438et seq.Jacopo Volterrano, Stefano Infessura, and the unpublished histories of Sigismondo de’ Conti and Rinaldus, give many details. Jacob Burckhardt’sAndreas Erzbischof von Krain(Basel, 1852) gives an authentic account of the proceedings at Basel. Cf.Arch. stor. Ital., N. S., vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 249et seq.Ugolini’s letter to Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 227-233.
[241]Instruction of February 5, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 241-243.
[242]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.
[243]Cappelli, l. c. p. 245.
[244]Fr. Guicciardini, l. c. p. 66, is doubtful as to the presence of Riario; he is not mentioned in Ant. Campo,Cremona fedelissima città(Milan, 1582), p. 133. He is named as one of those present by Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 90.
[245]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. February 28, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.
[246]Itinerario di Marin Sanuto per la Terraferma Veneziana nell’anno 1483(ed. by Rawdon Browne, Padua, 1847), p. 51.
[247]Despatches to the envoy Antonio Loredano, January to February 1484. Cf. Romanin, iv. 415. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 8, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 266.
[248]Nic. Valori, l. c. p. 175.
[249]Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. July 23, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269.
[250]Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 2.
[251]Guid’Antonio Vespucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rome, October 23 and November 3, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243-252. Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor., May 25, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 268.
[252]Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 87.
[253]Inferno, xxix. 122.Purgatorio, xiii. 151.
[254]Letter of February 26, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.
[255]Jac. Volterrano,Diarium Romanumfor 1480. Muratori, l. c. col. 109.
[256]G. Viani,Memorie della famiglia Cybò, Pisa, 1808.
[257]Rome, August 29, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 256, 259.
[258]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 262.
[259]Johannis Burchardi Diarium, ed. A. Generelli (Flor. 1854), p. 57.Ibid.Instructions, from the Florentine Archives.
[260]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263. Doc. of November 26, 1484.
[261]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263.
[262]Desjardins, l. c. p. 175.
[263]‘Les Florentins se sont tousjours monstrés et exhibés, de tel et si ancien temps que ne est mémoire du contraire, vrays et loyaulx Françoys ... et si trouvent les lois et coustumes qui leurs furent baillés par Monseigneur Saint Charlemagne.’
[264]Desjardins, l. c. p. 191.
[265]Instructions of November 8, 1483, and other documents relating to the embassy, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 193et seq.
[266]Med. Arch., f. 56. Printed in A. Gelli; rev. by De Cherrier,Arch. stor. Ital., ser. iii. vol. xv. 289.
[267]Cappelli, l. c. p. 298. The expression is: ‘Che non voglia investire Massimiliano de l’Imperio de’ Romani.’
[268]Report of Guid’Ant. Vespucci, Rome, September 18, in Burchard,Diarium, p. 51.
[269]Letter of Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Milan, September 24, 1484, l. c. p. 51.
[270]Reports of the Ferrarese ambassador, A. Guidoni, Flor. April 1485, &c., in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269et seq.
[271]Archives of the Riformagioni at Siena.
[272]A. Guidoni to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 6, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269. Ranuccio was first cousin to Pope Paul III.
[273]Archives at Siena.
[274]N. Valori, l. c. p. 175.
[275]Regis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber, 1486-87 (ed. by Scipione Vopicella, Naples, 1861), p. 87et seq.
[276]Ricordi, p. cxl.
[277]Commines,Mémoires, l. vii. ch. 11. M. Sanuto,Chron. Ven.(Comment. de Bello Gallico),R. Ital. Ser., xxiv. pp. 12-16. Alfonso was called ‘the idol of the flesh’ (dio della carne).
[278]Cronaca di Notar-Giacomo, p. 156.
[279]Romanin, l. c. pp. 421, 422.
[280]On G. Albino, the historian of his time, cf. C. Minieri Riccio,Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli.
[281]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.
[282]A. Guidoni to E. d’Este, Flor., November 11, 1485, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 273. The Ferrarese despatches contain many details of all these affairs. Scipione Ammirato, in his twenty-fifth book, is a trustworthy guide.
[283]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 269.
[284]Letter of the Anziani, May 15, 1485, Lucca archives.
[285]L. c. p. 177.
[286]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.
[287]Lorenzo to Albino, l. c.
[288]A. Guidoni, November 28 and 30, 1485, l. c. p. 274.
[289]Burcard, l. c. p. 72, 73.
[290]Vinc. Acciaiuolo,Vita di Piero Capponi, l. c. p. 20et seq.
[291]Trivulzio’s letters to the Duke of Milan from Florence, Montepulciano, Cortona, Pitigliano, and afterwards from the camp of the League, from February 21, 1486, onwards, are in Rosmini, l. c. ii. 130et seq., with the despatches addressed to him from Milan.
[292]Letter of A. Sforza to his nephew the Duke of Milan, March 6, 1486, copies of which were sent on the same day to the Duke of Calabria, and by P. Capponi to Lorenzo. Appendix to the life of P. Capponi,Arch. Stor. Ital., vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 66-71.
[293]Storia fiorentina, ch. viii. The Ferrarese reports in Cappelli, p. 274-286, contain much that gives an insight into the position of affairs.
[294]V. Acciaiuolo, l. c. p. 24.
[295]A. Guidoni, Flor., August 13, 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 285. G. J. Trivulzio to the Duke of Milan, from the camp at Ponzano, August 12, in Rosmini, ii. 150. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxlii.:poi per manco male si accettò.
[296]R. Ferdinandi Instruct.L., p. 153. The Duke of Calabria had written to the same effect to Filippo Strozzi, on November 27, 1486, from the camp.Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio, p. 36.
[297]Camillo Porgio’s masterly account,La Congiura dei Baroni del Regno di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando I.(first printed at Rome in 1565) contains many illustrations and corrections from theRegis Ferdinandi Instructionum Liber(unfortunately not printed complete), and from the two suits against the king’s private secretaries and barons, which were printed in 1487 and 1488 by Ferrante’s command and sent to the foreign courts, and reprinted with notes by Stanislao d’Aloe as an appendix to his edition of Porgio (Naples, 1859).
[298]The King to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, June 3, 1487. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 275.
[299]Giov. Lanfredini to the Signoria, Naples, September 27, 1486, in Bandini,Collectio, &c. p. 10.
[300]Guidoni’s reports (in Cappelli) contain a number of notices and hints from which Lorenzo’s state of mind at the time of the treaty of 1486 and his relations with the allies may be clearly made out. On Sarzanello, see Carlo Promis,Storia del forte di Sarzanello(Turin, 1888). From one of Guidoni’s reports it appears that the Florentines also used mines: ‘sperasiper certe cave fatte... che S. Francesco si acquisterà fra due dì.’
[301]R. Ferdinandi Instr. L., p. 245.
[302]The fullest detailed account of Boccalino de’ Guzzoni is given by Bernardino Baldi in the second book of his history of Guidubaldo of Montefeltro (Milan, 1821). Cf. Ugolini,Storia dei conti e duchi d’Urbino, ii. 49,et seq.
[303]Lodovico to G. J. Trivulzio, Milan, April 29, 1486, in Rosmini, ii. 158.Ibid.other documents relating to this affair.
[304]Burcard,Diarium. p. 88.
[305]The Medicean Archives, F. 57, contain numerous documents relating to Osimo and Boccalino.
[306]Florence, August 8, 1487.Med. Arch.F. 57. In a letter of November 24, referring to Boccalino’s nephew, who was kept in prison at Rome, and afterwards executed, he expresses himself still more strongly. ‘Stimo questa coss ... quanto la vita propria, perchè
[307]Cappelli, l. c. p. 244.Ibid., letter, same date (March 25, 1482), to the Duke. In the register of Lorenzo’s letters are no less than 27 despatched on the same day to princes and ambassadors to announce Lucrezia’s death.
[308]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292.
[309]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 222.
[310]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 313.
[311]Burcard,Diarium, p. 87.
[312]R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 217et seq.Cf. supra p. 265.
[313]A. Guidoni, Flor., July 7, 1487, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 295.
[314]Med. Arch., fol. 57. There are a number of despatches of this and a somewhat later time relating to this affair.
[315]Rainaldi,Ann. eccl.in anno 1487, Doc. x.
[316]Stef. Infessura,Diarium, in MuratoriR. It. Scr.t. iii. pt. 2, p. 1218, 1219.
[317]Med. Arch., l. c.
[318]Stefano Taverna to the Duke of Milan, Flor., September 14, 1487, in Rosmini, ii. 188. A. Guidoni, Flor., September 6 and 12, in Cappelli, p. 296.
[319]Spedaletto, which passed after Lorenzo’s death to Maddalena Cybò and later to the Corsini family, to whom it still belongs, was visited in November 1654 by Cardinal de Retz, coming from Spain by sea, before he proceeded to the Grandduke Ferdinand II. at the Ambrogiana near Empoli, and thence to Rome. He knew that the villa, which he calls L’Hospitalità, had belonged to Lorenzo de’ Medici, but he wrongly places here the scene of the battle in which Catiline fell.Mèmoires du Card. de Retz, pt. iii. ch. i. Ed. by Champollion-Figeac (1866), iv. 246.
[320]Lettere di Jacopo da Volterra a P. Innocenzo VIII., published with a commentary by M. Tabarrini in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. vol. viii. pt. ii. p. 3,et seq.Jacopo Gherardi had been formerly in the service of Cardinal Ammanati. His writings passed into the Venetian archives after the sack of Rome in 1527. The Medicean archives contain a series of despatches relating to this mission. Lorenzo writes from Spedaletto on September 11-19; on the 21st he was in Florence; on October 2-10, at Spedaletto again. He says once: ‘I am here according to my custom, for the care of my health.’
[321]Despatch of October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.
[322]October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 219.
[323]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 296. Burcard, p. 95; the date is wrong. On the house of the Cybò in the Borgo, see P. Adinolfi,La Portica di San Pietro(Rome, 1859), p. 119et seq.
[324]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.
[325]F. Gregorovius,Das Archiv der Notare des Capitols in Rom und das Protocollbuch des Notars Camillus de Beneimbene;Sitzungsberichte d. kk. Acad. d. Wissenschaften in München, 1872, p. 503.
[326]Flor., August 8, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 312. Cf. i. 405.
[327]Gregorovius, l. c. [purchase of Cerveteri, June 14, 1487]. Lorenzo to Lanfredini (1490), in Fabroni, ii. 388. Nibby,Diutorni di Roma(Rome, 1848), i. 348.
[328]The palace (afterwards called Quaratesi) and the villa (for a time Catalani-Valabrègue, now Lavaggi) passed after the death of Franceschetto’s son Lorenzo, to the latter’s natural son, Ottavio, with a reservation of the usufruct to Lorenzo’s sister Caterina, the widowed Duchess of Camerino. The villa belonged for a time to Eleonora Cybò, daughter of Lorenzo, and wife of Gian Luigi Fiesco, Count of Lavagna, the hero of the conspiracy of 1547.
[329]Med. Arch., fol. 57. The bull of Innocent VIII. is dated December 5, 1487.
[330]Letters of December 9 and 10, 1487, February 23, March 9, April 14, 1488, in the above-mentionedRicordi di lettere.
[331]Med. Arch., fol. 59. Cf. Isid. del Lungo,Una Lettera di Ser Matteo Franco, inArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. ix. 32et seq.
[332]Poliziano,Prose volgari inedite, p. 74.
[333]Med. Arch., fol. 59.
[334]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292. Fabroni, l. c. i. 172, 173; ii. 316. On Roberto Orsini, see Litta,Fam. Orsini, table 23.
[335]A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.
[336]Med. Arch., fol. 57.
[337]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 386.
[338]Med. Arch., fol. 57.
[339]Med. Arch., fol. 57. Cf.post, p. 380et seq.
[340]Med. Arch., fol. 57.
[341]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 384. A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 302, 303.
[342]From theMed. Arch., in A. Gelli, Lorenzo de’ Medici, in theArch. Stor. Ital., s. iii. xvii. 431.
[343]Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII.[ed. by D. Moreni, Flor. 1830], p. 18.
[344]Med. Arch., fol. 57.
[345]Med. Arch., fol. 57. On Maria [not Maddalena] de’ Medici, cf. Litta,Fam. Medici, table 7, and Passerini,Fam. Malatesta, table 7.
[346]Del Lungo,Lettere di Ser Matteo Franco, l. c.
[347]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 167.
[348]Cronaca di Notar Giacomo, p. 169. Tristani Calchi,Nuptiæ Mediolanens. Ducum; cf. Ratti,Della Famiglia Sforza, ii. 54-60. Fabroni, l. c. i. 168, ii. 295-298. Several letters of Alamanni relating to these festivities are in theMed. Arch.
[349]G. A. Vespucci to Lorenzo, Rome, September 25 and December 14, 1584, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 316-318.
[350]Ricordi di Lorenzo, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.
[351]Letters of Lodovico and Cecco dell’Orso, April 19, and of Stefano da Castrocaro, April 21, in Fabroni, ii. 318-325.
[352]A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, p. 298-301. The date of the despatch at p. 298 is wrong; it should probably be April 23 instead of 3.
[353]Letter of Lorenzo to Giovanni Bentivoglio, Cafaggiuolo, July 1, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 242. Galeotto Manfredi had been with him at the villa, and the matter had been arranged there.
[354]Florence, March 29, 1489, in Moreni,Lettere,ec., p. 21.
[355]Letters of Piero Nasi and Dionigi Pucci, in Fabroni, ii. 325-328. To this project refers a letter of Giovanni Bentivoglio to Lorenzo, September 7, 1489 (Med. Arch.), and one of Caterina Riario Sforza, January 21, 1490 (ibid.). The latter begs for a decisive answer, ‘cum un bel si o cum bel non.’
[356]Bologna, December 19, 1489.Med. Arch.
[357]Letter of Franceschetto, Rome, March 10, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 334-337, Lorenzo to Andrea da Fojano,ibid.p. 334.
[358]Pecci,Memorie ec. della Città di Siena che servono alla vita civile di Pandolfo Petrucci(Siena, 1755), p. 64et seq.Letter of Fr. Cybò, l. c. Andrea da Fojano to Lorenzo, Siena, October 19, 1489,ibid.p. 331-334.
[359]A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, in anno 1470, Fabroni, l. c. p. cxiii.
[360]Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Signoria of Siena, Flor. June 27, 1489, MS. in the Sienese Arch. A. Guidoni, Flor., January 19, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 305.
[361]Tommasi, l. c. p. 341. Mazzarosa,Storia di Lucca, ii. 25. Documents, June 3 to July 18, 1490, in the Lucchese State Archives. Cf. Bongi,Inventario del R. Archivio di Stato in Lucca, i. 164.
[362]Brief addressed by the Pope to the Priori, July 9, 1488.
[363]Cronaca del Graziani, in anno 1488et seq., inCronache e Storie della Città di Perugia, i. 677et seq.Lorenzo de’ Medici to G. Lanfredini, 1489, in Fabroni, i. 329, 330.
[364]Cronache della Città di Fermo(Flor. 1870) p. 215et seq.Ugolini,Storia dei Conti e Duchi d’Urbino, ii. 60, 65. Reposati,Zecca di Gubbio, i. 291. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 330.
[365]Fabroni, l. c. ii. 359.
[366]Ferrante to Ant. di Gennaro, April 24, 1493, in Trinchera,Codice Aragon.vol. ii pt. i. p. 381.
[367]Commissioni di Rinaldo degli Albizzi, iii. 681.
[368]Med. Arch.—Ricordi di lettere, February 28, March 2 and 6, 1483. Lorenzo’s instructions to his son Piero, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.
[369]Cf. i. 288, andante, p. 238.
[370]G. Cambi l. c. ii. 65.
[371]Cappelli, l.c. p. 248.
[372]Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 376. In another letter on the same subject preserved in theMed. Arch.fol. 51, he says: ‘Alexandro da Farnese, il quale dà opera alle lettere Greche et è persona dotta e molto gentile.’
[373]Guicciardini,Del reggimento di Firenze, p. 44;Storia fiorentina, cap. 9.
[374]G. Cambi, l. c. p. 68.
[375]G. Cambi (son of Neri), l.c. p. 41. A. Rinuccini,Ricordi, p. cxliv (very hostile to the Gonfaloniere). F. Guicciardini,Storia fior., ch. viii.
[376]Cambi, l. c. p. 60. Pagnini,Delia Decima, i. 162et seq.contains details on the relative value of the coins.
[377]N. Valori, l. c. p. 174. ‘Proventus certiores et justiores, nec principe viro indigni.’ On his finances seeante, Bk. 5, ch. 1.
[378]Cappelli, l. c. p. 315, 316. In his correspondence with Lanfredini in Rome the alum-farming plays a great part.
[379]Gaye, l. c. p. 583.
[380]Contracts and receipts of the Medici-Sassetti and Medici-Tornabuoni bank, Lyons, for 1478, 1485, 1494, in (Molini’s)Documenti di Storia Ital., i. 13-16.
[381]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.
[382]Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix. J. Nardi,Istorie di Firenze, book i. (ed. by L. Arbib, Flor. 1842), i. 26.