CHAPTER IX.

[1]Seneschal, 'lieutenant du duc pour l'administration civile;' 'ce mot, dérivé de la langue Franke, signifie proprement serviteur gardien des troupeaux ou gardien de la famille,senes-skalch.C'était un office de la maison des rois franks, et, par suite de la conquête, une dignité politique de la Gaule.'Thierry, i. 270.

[2]Wace generally writes Harold's name thus; we shall, however, henceforth use the usual historical spelling: as also in the case of Godwin, whom Wace calls Gwigne, and some of the Norman chronicles Gaudvin.

[3]Alias Githe or Githa.

[4]Ead-githa of the Saxon chronicle, who married in 1043, and died in 1075.

[5]The scene of the Bayeux tapestry opens here.

[6]'I cannot say how the truth may be,I but tell the tale as 'twas told to me.'Benoit de Sainte-More sends the archbishop of Canterbury to William, at Edward's desire, to convey his intention of leaving to the duke the inheritance of the English crown.L'arcevesque de Cantorbire,Li plus hauz hom de son empire,Out en Normendie tramis,Les anz avant, si cum je vos dis,Por afermer ce qu'il li done,Tot le reaume e la corone.And Harold's mission is described as being expressly intended, in the following year, to confirm the same bequest:Por estre plus certains e meres,E qu'il n'i sorsist encombrier,Resout l'ovre plus esforcier.Heraut, qui quens ert del pais,Trestot li plus poestéisQue nul des autres del reiaume,Ce lui tramist al duc Guillaume,Que del regne enterinementTot qui a la corone apentLi feist feuté jurée,Eissi cum ele ert devisée:Veut qu'il l'en face serrementEt qu'il l'en donge tenement....

[6]

'I cannot say how the truth may be,I but tell the tale as 'twas told to me.'

Benoit de Sainte-More sends the archbishop of Canterbury to William, at Edward's desire, to convey his intention of leaving to the duke the inheritance of the English crown.

L'arcevesque de Cantorbire,Li plus hauz hom de son empire,Out en Normendie tramis,Les anz avant, si cum je vos dis,Por afermer ce qu'il li done,Tot le reaume e la corone.

And Harold's mission is described as being expressly intended, in the following year, to confirm the same bequest:

Por estre plus certains e meres,E qu'il n'i sorsist encombrier,Resout l'ovre plus esforcier.Heraut, qui quens ert del pais,Trestot li plus poestéisQue nul des autres del reiaume,Ce lui tramist al duc Guillaume,Que del regne enterinementTot qui a la corone apentLi feist feuté jurée,Eissi cum ele ert devisée:Veut qu'il l'en face serrementEt qu'il l'en donge tenement....

[7]Bosham, near Chichester; a manor which Domesday shows to have belonged to Harold's father Godwin. See Ellis,Domesday,i. 310.

[8]Guy succeeded his brother Enguerran, William's brother-in-law, who was killed before Arques. Guy, after being captured at Mortemer, was, according toOrdericus Vitalis, p. 658, kept prisoner at Bayeux, and was ultimately released on homage and fealty to the duke. See our previous notes on this family, and a subsequent one on Aumale. Benoit states positively that a storm carried Harold to Ponthieu:—trop lor fu la mer sauvage:Kar granz tempers e fort orageNe les i laissa ariver:Ainceis les covint devalerDreit en Pontif. La pristrent port,Eissi ateint e eissi mort;Mieux vousissent estre en sezile.

—trop lor fu la mer sauvage:Kar granz tempers e fort orageNe les i laissa ariver:Ainceis les covint devalerDreit en Pontif. La pristrent port,Eissi ateint e eissi mort;Mieux vousissent estre en sezile.

[9]Beaurain on the Canche, arrondissement of Hesdin.

[10]According toWilliam of Poitiers, Guy himself conducted his prisoner to William at Eu. Benoit ascribes the surrender to William's threats and military preparations, for which purpose....manda li dux ses genzSempres, a milliers e a cenz;Vers Ou chevaucha irascuzDunt Heraut ne li ert renduz.

[10]According toWilliam of Poitiers, Guy himself conducted his prisoner to William at Eu. Benoit ascribes the surrender to William's threats and military preparations, for which purpose

....manda li dux ses genzSempres, a milliers e a cenz;Vers Ou chevaucha irascuzDunt Heraut ne li ert renduz.

[11]The Eaulne.

[12]'Tales togeder thei told, ilk on a good palfray.'Robert Brunne'sChronicle, quoted inThierry, i. 250. Benoit de Sainte-More says of this part of the story,Od que li Dux out jostées,Mult granz e mult desmesurées:Por aller essilier Bretons,Vers lui torcenos e felonsQui n'el deignoient sopleier,Le mena od sei osteier;Là fist de lui si grant chertéC'unc tant n'out de sa volunté,Ne fu nul leu mais tant joizQu'il cil afaires fu feniz.

[12]'Tales togeder thei told, ilk on a good palfray.'Robert Brunne'sChronicle, quoted inThierry, i. 250. Benoit de Sainte-More says of this part of the story,

Od que li Dux out jostées,Mult granz e mult desmesurées:Por aller essilier Bretons,Vers lui torcenos e felonsQui n'el deignoient sopleier,Le mena od sei osteier;Là fist de lui si grant chertéC'unc tant n'out de sa volunté,Ne fu nul leu mais tant joizQu'il cil afaires fu feniz.

[13]Adela. According toOrdericus Vitalisit was Agatha, another daughter. He adds a pathetic story as to her felling in love with Harold, and dying of grief at her disappointment, and at an attempt made to consign her to a new match with the king of Gallicia. SeeMaseres'snote, p. 103, and Mr. Amyot's dissertation in theArchæologia. The story of her attachment to Harold is rather inconsistent with the date of 1053, usually assigned to William's marriage; as his daughter would not be more than eleven years old at Harold's visit. The date, however, of the marriage is uncertain. See a note in M. Deville's volume onSt. Georges de Bocherville. According to Benoit de Sainte-More, it was part of the agreement that Harold should not only have "Aeliz la proz e la sage," but with her "del regne une moitie." Nothing is said by him of any contrivance as to the relics on which the oath was administered. The oath and agreement, as narrated by him, will be found in the appendix I.

[14]Ordericus Vitalisfixes the scene at Rouen, andWilliam of Poitiersat Bonneville-sur-Touques. The latter places the event before the expedition to Brittany; which, except on Wace's authority, is not known to have occurred more than once.

[15]Either from its figure or the ornaments upon it.

[16]"Ki Dex li dont!" It is unnecessary to observe how variously these events have been told. In the words ofWilliam of Malmsbury, 'Lectorem premonitum velim, quod hic quasi ancipitem viam narrationis video, quia veritas factorum pendet in dubio.' The accounts of Thierry, Sir Francis Palgrave, and Depping, may be referred to as those of the latest writers. In Wace we are following the story of a Norman, as told at a Norman court: but on the whole there is little in his history that is at variance with probability, or with the best evidence on the subject. It will be observed that he does not go the full length of some of the Norman historians, in pretending that the English nation gave any formal assent to Edward's views as to the disposition of his kingdom in favour of his kinsman William.

The day came that no man can escape, and king Edward drew near to die. He had it much at heart, that William should have his kingdom, if possible; but he was too far off, and it was too long to tarry for him, and Edward could not defer his hour. He lay in heavy sickness, in the illness whereof he was to die; and he was very weak, for death pressed hard upon him[1].

Then Harold assembled his kindred, and sent for his friends and other people, and entered into the king's chamber, taking with him whomsoever he pleased. An Englishman began to speak first, asHarold had directed him, and said; "Sire, we sorrow greatly that we are about to lose thee; and we are much alarmed, and fear that great trouble may come upon us: yet we cannot lengthen thy life, nor alter thy fate. Each one must die for himself, and none for another; neither can we cure thee; so that thou canst not escape death; but dust must return to dust. No heir of thine remains who may comfort us after thy death. Thou hast lived long, and art now old, but thou hast had no child, son or daughter; nor hast thou other heir, who may remain instead of thee to protect and guard us, and to become king by lineage. On this account the people weep and cry aloud, and say they are ruined, and that they shall never have peace again if thou failest them. And in this, I trow, they say truly; for without a king they will have no peace, and a king they cannot have, save through thee. Give then thy kingdom in thy lifetime to some one who is strong enough to maintain us in peace. God grant that none other than such may be our king! Wretched is a realm, and little worth, when justice and peace fail; and he who doth not or cannot maintain them, has little right to the kingdom he hath. Well hast thou lived, well hast thou done, and well wilt thou do; thou hast ever served God, and wilt be rewarded of him. Behold the best of thy people, the noblest of thy friends; all are come to beseech thee, and thou must grant their prayer before thou goest hence, or thou wilt not see God. All come to implore thee that Harold may be king of this land. We can give thee no better advice, and no better canst thou do."

As soon as he had named Harold, all the English in the chamber cried out that he said well, and that the king ought to give heed to him. "Sire," they said," if thou dost it not, we shall never in our lives have peace."

Then the king sat up in his bed, and turned his face to the English there, and said, "Seignors, you well know, and have ofttimes heard, that I have given my realm at my death to the duke of Normandy; and as I have given it, so have some among you sworn that it shall go."

But Harold, who stood by, said, "Whatever thou hast heretofore done, sire, consent now that I shall be king, and that your land be mine; I wish for no other title, and want no one to do any thing more for me." "Harold," said the king, "thou shalt have it, but I know full well that it will cost thee thy life. If I know any thing of the duke, and the barons that are with him, and the multitude of people that he can command, none but God can avail to save thee."

Then Harold said that he would stand the hazard, and that if the king would do what he asked, he feared no one, be he Norman or other. So the king turned round and said,—whether of his own free will I know not,—"Let the English make either the dukeor Harold king as they please, I consent." Thus he made Harold heir to his kingdom, as William could not have it. A kingdom must have a king; without one, in fact, it would be no kingdom; so he let his barons have their own will.

And now he could abide no longer. He died, and the English lamented much over him. His body was greatly honoured, and was buried at Westminster; and the tomb which was made for him was rich, and endureth still. As soon as king Edward was dead, Harold, who was rich and powerful, had himself anointed and crowned, and said nought of it to the duke, but took the homage and fealty of the richest, and best born of the land[2].

The duke was in his park at Rouen[3]. He held in his hand a bow, which he had strung and bent, making it ready for the arrow; and he had given it into the hands of a page, for he was going forth, I believe, to the chace, and had with him manyknights and pages[4]and esquires, when behold! at the gate appeared a serjeant, who came journeying from England, and went straight to the duke and saluted him, and drew him on one side, and told him privily that king Edward was dead, and that Harold was raised to be king.

When the duke had listened to him, and learnt all the truth, how that Edward was dead, and Harold was made king, he became as a man enraged, and left the craft of the woods. Oft he tied his mantle, and oft he untied it again; and spoke to no man, neither dared any man speak to him. Then he crossed the Seine in his boat, and came to his hall, and entered therein; and sat down at the end of a bench, shifting his place from time to time, covering his face with his mantle, and resting his head against a pillar. Thus he remained long, in deep thought, for no one dared speak to him; but many asked aside, "What ails the duke, why makes hesuch bad cheer?" Then behold in came his seneschal[5], who rode from the park on horseback; and he passed close by the duke, humming a tune as he went along the hall; and many came round him, asking how it came to pass that the duke was in such plight. And he said to them, "Ye will hear news, but press not for it out of season; news will always spread some time or another, and he who gets it not fresh, has it old."

Then the duke raised himself up, and the seneschal said to him, "Sire, sire, why do you conceal the news you have heard? If men hear it not at one time, they will at another; concealment will do you no good, nor will the telling of it do harm. What you keep so close, is by this time known all over the city; for men go through the streets telling, and all know, both great and small, that king Edward is dead, and that Harold is become king in his stead, and possesses the realm."

"That indeed is the cause of my sorrow," saidthe duke, "but I know no help for it. I sorrow for Edward, and for his death, and for the wrong that Harold has done me. He has wronged me in taking the kingdom that was granted and promised to me, as he himself had sworn."

To these words Fitz Osber, the bold of heart, replied, "Sire, do not vex yourself, but bestir yourself for your redress; that you may be revenged on Harold, who hath been so disloyal to you. If your courage fail not, the land shall not abide with him. Call together all that you can call; cross the sea, and take the kingdom from him. A bold man should begin nothing unless he pursue it to the end; what he begins he should carry through, or abandon it without more ado."

Thus the fame of king Harold's act went through the country. William sent to him often, and reminded him of his oath; and Harold replied injuriously, that he would do nought for him, neither take his daughter, nor yield up the land. Then Williamsent him his defiance, but Harold always answered that he feared him nought[6]. The Normans who dwelt in England, who had wives and children there, men whom Edward had invited and endowed with castles and fiefs, Harold chased out of the country, nor would he leave one there; he drove out fathers and mothers, sons and daughters, brothers and sisters[7].

Harold received the crown at Easter (Christmas - see note - mdh); but it would have been better for him if he had done otherwise, for he brought nought but evil on his heirs, and on all the land. He perjured himself for a kingdom, and that kingdom endured but little space; to him it was a great loss, and it brought all his lineage to sorrow. He refused to take the duke's daughter to wife, he would neither give nor take according to his covenant, and heavily will he suffer for it; he, and all he loves most.

When William found that Harold would do nothing towards performing his covenant, he consideredand took counsel, how to cross the sea, and fight him, and by our Lord's leave, take vengeance for his perjury. He pondered much on the wrongs Harold had done him, and on his not deigning even to speak with him before he got himself crowned, and thus robbed him of what Edward had given him, and Harold himself had sworn to observe. If, he said, he could attack and punish him without crossing the sea, he would willingly have done so; but he would rather cross the sea than not revenge himself, and pursue his right. So he determined to go over sea, and take his revenge.

[1]According to the quotation inThierry, i. 236, Edward's last moments were disturbed by melancholy forebodings. 'Behold,' he cried, 'the Lord hath bent his bow; the Lord hath brandished his sword, and made ready; by fire and sword will he chasten!' Benoit merely says, 'Glouriouse fin out e sainte!' The reader may usefully compare the narrative here, with the illustrative quotations from the old chroniclers, which are to be found inThierry.

[2]Benoit de Sainte-More's account is somewhat different. He in particular denies that Harold was anointed at all, or had any title but his own usurpation.Heraut de coveitise espris,Senz autre conseil qui'n fust pris,Saisi le reigne demaneis;Parjurez e faus se fist reis,Eissi, senz icele unction,E senz cele sacration,Qu'en deit faire à rei saintementLe jor de son coronement.In this part of his chronicle he relates an expedition by Harold against 'li Galeis' and 'reis Griffins, qui d'eus ert sire.'——Heraut l'ocist,Sa femme Aldit saisi e prist,Qui fille ert del bon conte Algar.

[2]Benoit de Sainte-More's account is somewhat different. He in particular denies that Harold was anointed at all, or had any title but his own usurpation.

Heraut de coveitise espris,Senz autre conseil qui'n fust pris,Saisi le reigne demaneis;Parjurez e faus se fist reis,Eissi, senz icele unction,E senz cele sacration,Qu'en deit faire à rei saintementLe jor de son coronement.

In this part of his chronicle he relates an expedition by Harold against 'li Galeis' and 'reis Griffins, qui d'eus ert sire.'

——Heraut l'ocist,Sa femme Aldit saisi e prist,Qui fille ert del bon conte Algar.

[3]The park of Quevilly. Henry II. built a palace there, which eventually became the priory of St. Julien; the chapel of which still subsists. An extensive forest adjoined.

[4]'Damoisels,' young men of gentle birth, not yet knights.

[5]WILLIAM FITZ OSBERN, lord of Breteuil (de Bretolio), in the arrondissement of Evreux. He was, by his father, the grandson of Herfast, brother of the duchess Gunnor; and, by his mother, grandson of Ralf, count of Ivry. Both father and son held the office of seneschal, these household offices being among the Normans held by the persons of highest birth and eminence. Wace says of the household of duke Richard II.:Gentil furent li capelain,Gentil furent li escrivain,Gentil furent li cunestable,E bien poessanz e bien aidable;Gentil furent li senescal,Gentil furent li marescal,Gentil furent li buteillier,Gentil furent li despensier;Li chamberlenc e li uissierFurent tuit noble chevalier.William became earl of Hereford, and was killed in 1070.Ordericus Vitalis536, exclaims, 'Ubi est Guillelmus Osberni filius, Herfordensis comes, et regis vicarius, Normanniæ dapifer, et magister militum bellicosus? Hic nimirum primus et maximus oppressor Anglorum fuit, et enormem causam per temeritatem suam enutrivit, per quam multis millibus ruina miseræ mortis incubuit.' His family were soon involved in rebellion, and disappeared in England. The Osbernus episcopus—of Exeter—inDomesday, was his brother. See Ellis'sIntroduction to Domesday,i. 460-511.

Gentil furent li capelain,Gentil furent li escrivain,Gentil furent li cunestable,E bien poessanz e bien aidable;Gentil furent li senescal,Gentil furent li marescal,Gentil furent li buteillier,Gentil furent li despensier;Li chamberlenc e li uissierFurent tuit noble chevalier.

William became earl of Hereford, and was killed in 1070.Ordericus Vitalis536, exclaims, 'Ubi est Guillelmus Osberni filius, Herfordensis comes, et regis vicarius, Normanniæ dapifer, et magister militum bellicosus? Hic nimirum primus et maximus oppressor Anglorum fuit, et enormem causam per temeritatem suam enutrivit, per quam multis millibus ruina miseræ mortis incubuit.' His family were soon involved in rebellion, and disappeared in England. The Osbernus episcopus—of Exeter—inDomesday, was his brother. See Ellis'sIntroduction to Domesday,i. 460-511.

[6]Benoit's more particular account of William's messages to Harold will be found in our appendix.

[7]TheEstoire de Seint Ædward le rei, (a MS. in the university library at Cambridge) makes Harold's tyrannical proceedings a prominent motive for William's expedition.

To consult on this matter before he opened his mind to any other, he sent for Robert, the count d'Ou[1], who dwelt by the men of Vimou[2], and Rogier de Montgomeri, whom he accounted a great friend, and Fitz Osber of Bretuil, William by name, the proud of spirit; and for Gautier Giffart, a man of great worth; and for his brother Odun, the bishop, and Robert of Moretoin[3], who was his brother also, and loved him much. Both these were his brothers, but only on the mother's side. He sent moreover forRogier de Vilers[4], who was much honoured and esteemed for his wisdom, and was now of considerable age, having sons who were already noble and brave knights. He was lord of Belmont-le-Rogier[5], and possessed much land. And he sent also for Iwun al Chapel, who had Muriel to wife, sister of the duke on the mother's side, Herluin being her father[6]. I know not if children were born to them; I never heard speak of any.

To these barons he told his design, before he made any great preparation. He told them how he had lost his right, which Harold had seized; and that if they approved, he would cross the sea to avengehimself. If they were willing, he could easily recover his right by the aid of the people he could summon, and by God's permission. And they said they were all ready to go with him, if need were; and to pledge their lands, and even sell them, if necessary; that he need lose nothing of his right, but might rely on his men and his clerks. "You have," said they, "a great baronage, many valiant and wise men, who have very great power, and are as able as we to whom you speak: shew these things to them; all should be taken into counsel who have to share the labour."

So the barons were all summoned, and beingassembled at a set day[7], the duke shewed to them that Harold had cheated him, and had stolen the realm whereof Edward had made him heir; that he wished to avenge himself if he could, but that great aid was wanted; and that he could not, without their help, have many men and many ships, as he needed; let each say what he would do, how many men and ships he would bring. And they said they would speak together about it, and that after holding counsel, they would answer him; and he consented thereto.

They remained long in council; and the debate lasted a great while; for they hesitated long among themselves what they should say, what answer they should give, and what aid they would afford. They complained much to each other, saying that they had often been aggrieved; and they murmured much, conferring together in small parties; here five, there fifteen, here forty, there thirty, sixty, a hundred. Some said they were willing to bring ships and cross the sea with the duke; others said they would not go, for they owed much and were poor. Some would, others would not, and there was great contention amongst them.

Then Fitz Osber came forward and said, "Whydo you go on wrangling with your natural lord, who seeks to gain honour? You ought never to be wanting. You owe him service for your fiefs, and what you owe him you ought to render with all your might. Wait not for him to beseech you; ask him for no respite; but go forward at once, and offer him even more than you can perform. Let him not have cause to complain, nor miss his undertaking on your account. If he fail, he will perchance soon say (for he is of a jealous temper) that you are the cause of his loss. Take care that he has not to say, that his expedition failed through you."

"Sire," said they, "we fear the sea, and we are not bound to serve beyond it; speak for us, we pray you, we put the speech upon you. You shall say what you will, and we will do accordingly." "Do you put it upon me?" said he. "Yes," said each, "I agree, let us go to the duke; speak for us, for you know our minds."

Then Fitz Osber went at their head, and spoke for them. "Sire, sire, look around; there is no people under Heaven that so love their lord, or that will do so much for his honour, as the people you have; and much should you love and protect them.They say that to advance you, they would swim through the sea, or throw themselves into the raging fire; you may trust them much, for they have served you long, and followed you at great cost, and they will willingly continue to serve you. If they have hitherto done well, they will hereafter do yet better. They will pass with you over sea, and double their service. He who should bring twenty knights, will cheerfully bring forty; he who should serve with thirty, will now serve you with sixty; and he who owes a hundred will willingly bring two hundred. For myself, I will in good love bring to my lord, in his need, sixty ships, well furnished and charged with fighting men."

At these words the barons marvelled and murmured much, grumbling loudly at the great promises he made, for which he had no warranty. Many began to disavow him, and the court became much troubled; great noise arose, and the barons stormed. They feared that doubling their service would be turned into a charge on their fiefs, that it would grow to a custom, and would thenceforth become permanently due. The assembly was greatly troubled, the noise was great, and the clamour loud. No one could hear another speak; no one could either listen to reason, or render it for himself.

Then the duke, being greatly disturbed by the noise, drew on one side, and sent for the barons one by one; and spoke with and entreated each, tellingthem what need he had; how much they stood in his love and grace; and that if they doubled their service, and did of their own accord more than they were bound in this undertaking, they would do well; but he pledged himself that they should not be called on in future for service beyond what was the custom of the land, and such as their ancestors were wont to do for their lord[8]. Each said what he would do, and how many ships he could bring; and the duke had it all recorded at once, numbering the ships and knights which the barons agreed to find; thus each named how many knights he would provide, and how many ships he could bring. Of his brother Odo, the bishop, he received forty ships as a gift. The bishop of Mans furnished thirty ships with their crews; for he desired much to advance the duke. Each of the barons in like manner promised ships, but how many each one said he would bring I do not know[9].

Then the duke called on his good neighbours, the Bretons, Mansels, and Angevins, and those of Pontif and Boloigne, to come with him in his need. To those who wished he promised lands, if he should conquer England. To many he promised other rewards, good pay, and rich gifts. From all sides he summoned soldiers who would serve for hire.

He shewed to the king of France his lord, how for good cause and for his honour's sake he was about to cross the sea against Harold, who had broken faith and defrauded him. The duke went to speak with the king at St. Girmer[10]in Belveisen. He sought and found him there, and told him his situation, and that if he would aid him, and if by his help he should have his right, he would hold England of him, and would willingly serve him for it.

But the king of France said he would not do it, and that with his consent William should not go. For the French had besought their king, and counselledhim not to advance the duke, or suffer him to strengthen himself. They said he was too strong already, and that it would be foolish to let him become still stronger; for if he were allowed to add the great power beyond sea, the wealth and great force of England, to the good chivalry and pride of Normandy, the king would never have peace in his life; he therefore ought rather to think of disturbing William, and preventing his rising higher, or passing into England. "You cannot aid the duke if you would," they said, "without means and money; all France would thereby be injured and impoverished, and therefore no Frenchman will follow you; no one will pass the sea, and if mischance befall you, you will be brought to great shame. The duke seeks your aid only for his own interest, for no good can come of it to you. When he shall have conquered England, you will have no more service from him; he serves you but little now, and he willthen serve you still less. The more he has, the less he will do for you."

After what the Frenchmen said, still more and more opposing it, the king would not assist the duke, but rather hindered him all he could. I know not exactly what the king answered, but I know well that he failed him altogether. When the duke took leave of him, he said like a man who is wroth at heart, "Sire, I will go, and will do the best I can. If God please, I will seek my right. If I win it (which God grant) you shall do me no harm; and if the English are able to defend themselves, so that I fail, I shall not lose heart or head on that account. All things shall be set in order[11]; my children shall have my land, and you shall not take any advantage of them; whether I die or live, whatever befall me, I fear the threats of no man." Then William tried no more to persuade the king, but went his way.

He besought the count of Flanders[12]to go withhim as his brother-in-law and friend; but the count answered, that if he would make sure of aid from him, he must first let him know what share of England he was to have, and what division he would make of the spoil.

The duke said that he would go and talk with his barons about the matter, and take their counsel, and afterwards state by letter what they advised him to do. So he went away without more ado, and did such a thing as no one ever did before; for he took a small piece of parchment which had neither letter nor writing upon it, sealed it up with wax, all blank as it was, and wrote upon the label that the count should have such part of England as the letter within stated.

Then he sent the letter to the count by a cunning varlet[13], who had long been with him; and the varlet delivered it to the count, who broke the seal, and opened the parchment, and looked within, but saw nothing. So he shewed it to the messenger,and the shrewd varlet said to him off hand, "Nought is there, and nought shalt thou have! therefore look for nothing! The honour that the duke seeks will be for your sister and nephews as much as for himself; and if he and they should win England, no one would have more advantage from their success than yourself. All theirs would in truth be yours. If God please, he will conquer it by himself, and seek none of your help." What the count answered I know not, but the varlet thereupon went his way.

The duke determined to make his preparations prudently. He sent to the apostle, by clerks who could tell truly how Harold had used him; how he had broken his oath and lied; and how he would neither take his daughter, nor render him up the kingdom which Edward had given him, and Harold had guaranteed on oath. He said that perjury ought to be punished according to the rules of holy church; and that if by God's will he should conquer England, he would receive it of St. Peter, and do servicefor it to none but God. The apostle granted his request, and sent him a gonfanon[14], and a very precious, rich and fair ring, which, he said, had under the stone one of Saint Peter's hairs[15]. With these tokens he commanded, and in God's name granted to him, that he should conquer England, and hold it of Saint Peter.

Now while these things were doing, a great star appeared, shining for fourteen days, with three long rays streaming towards the south; such a star as is wont to be seen when a kingdom is about to change its king. I have seen many men who saw it, men of full age at the time, and who lived many years after[16]. Those who discourse of the stars would call it a comet[17].

[1]Benoit de Sainte-More'saccount of William's council will be found in our appendix.

[2]Vimeu.

[3]As to ROGER DE MONTGOMERI, WALTER GIFFART, ODO, BISHOP OF BAYEUX, and ROBERT, COUNT OF MORTAIN—comes Moritolii—see our subsequent notes on the chiefs at the battle of Hastings.

[4]ROGER DE VIEILLES, not Villers,—nor Veules, as often written, owing to incorrect translation of the latin title, de Vetulis,—son of Humfry of the same name, who is stated to have died at Preaux, 1074. Vieilles is a small commune in the canton of Beaumont, arrondissement of Bernay; where the family appears to have been established before the building the castle, which still bears the name of Roger. Roger is below, and usually, stiled DE BEAUMONT or BELLOMONT. He could not have been very old at the conquest, (if Wace is to be understood as so asserting), for he lived till thirty years after. His son Robert became earl of Leicester on the grant of Hen. I.; having been adult, and distinguished himself at Hastings, according toWilliam of Poitiers. See our subsequent note, and Ellis'sDomesday, i. 380.

[5]Beaumont-le-Roger on the Rille.

[6]Historians have not mentioned an uterine sister of William, called Muriel. We remarked, at p. 45, their error as to Adelidis, usually so reckoned; but who, as we have seen, was of thewholeblood, and married Enguerran, count of Ponthieu; not Odo of Champagne, who, in fact, married her daughter. The mistakes hitherto prevailing as to Adelidis, render us less averse to suspect others of the same sort among the genealogists; and Wace's account of Muriel is confirmed from other sources. It would seem to have been to her, then a widow—ad Muriel sancti-monialem—sister of Odo, bishop of Bayeux—and therefore sister, or more properly half-sister of Adelidis, that the poet Serlon, the canon of Bayeux, (as to whom seeWace, ii. 235, 393) addressed his versesde captâ Bajocensium civitate. The baron here called Iwun-al-Chapel seems to be EUDO DE CAPELLO—du manteau, or capuchon—son of Turstain Halduc and Emma his wife, and subscribing himself Eudo Haldub in a charter of 1074.Mém. Ant. Norm. viii. 436. He was dapifer to duke William; although not the Eudo dapifer ofDomesday, who was son of Hubert de Rie. He was the head of the house of Haie-du-Puits in the Cotentin, and undoubtedly married a Muriel, as appears by the charters of Lessay, whether she were a daughter of Herluin or not. The estates of Eudo went to his nephew, which confirms Wace's account of his having no issue. See the Lessay charters inDugdaleandGallia Christiana, and our subsequent note on Haie.

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