CHAPTER XV.

[1]This emulation between the brothers is also vouched byOrdericus Vitalis. Gaimar, in one MS. calls Gurth, Gerard; another MS. reads Gerd.

[2]Benoitbears ample testimony to the personal qualifications of Harold:Pros ert Heraut e virtuos,E empernanz e corajoz:N'estoveit pas en nule terreSos ciel meillor chevaler querre:Beaus esteit trop, e beaus parlers,Donierre e larges viandiers.His mother, according to the same authority, dissuaded him from the enterprise, equally with his brother; who, besides the reasons urged inWace, presses the army's need of repose after the late campaign.

[2]Benoitbears ample testimony to the personal qualifications of Harold:

Pros ert Heraut e virtuos,E empernanz e corajoz:N'estoveit pas en nule terreSos ciel meillor chevaler querre:Beaus esteit trop, e beaus parlers,Donierre e larges viandiers.

His mother, according to the same authority, dissuaded him from the enterprise, equally with his brother; who, besides the reasons urged inWace, presses the army's need of repose after the late campaign.

[3]In the continuation of Wace'sBrut d'Angleterre, Harold's morning is differently employed; and a curious legend is given, assigning a reason for his defeat. See our appendix.

[4]The spy's mistake is also told byWilliam of Malmesbury. The Bayeux tapestry constantly represents the English with moustaches, and the Normans with none. The latter, however, soon adopted the fashion of flowing hair. In 1106, the bishop of Seez thought it necessary, in a sermon before Hen. I. to inveigh bitterly against the custom of wearing long hair and long toes, then assumed by the Normans.

Then the duke chose a messenger, a monk learned and wise, well instructed and experienced, and sent him to king Harold. He gave him his choice, to take which he would of three things. He should either resign England and take his daughter to wife; or submit to the good judgment of the apostle and his people; or meet him singly and fight body to body[1], on the terms that he who killed the other, or could conquer and take him prisoner, should have England in peace, nobody else suffering. Harold said he would do neither; he would neither perform his covenant, nor put the matter in judgment, nor would he meet him and fight body to body.

Before the day of the battle, which was now become certain, the duke of his great courage told his barons, that he would himself speak with Harold; and summon him with his own mouth to render up what he had defrauded him of, and see what he would answer; that he would appeal him of perjury, and summon him on his pledged faith; and if he would not submit, and make reparation forthwith, he would straightway defy, and fight him on the morrow; but that if he yielded, he would, with the consent of his council, give up to him all beyond the Humber towards Scotland.

The barons approved this, and some said to him, "Fair sir, one thing we wish to say to you; if we must fight, let us fight promptly, and let there be no delay. Delay may be to our injury, for we have nothing to wait for, but Harold's people increase daily; they come strengthening his army constantly with fresh forces." The duke said this was true, and he promised them that there should be no more delay.

Then he made a score of knights mount upon their war-horses. All had their swords girt, and their other arms were borne by the squires who went with them. A hundred other knights mounted next, and went riding after them, but at a little distance; and then a thousand knights also mounted and followed the hundred, but only so near as to see what the hundred and the twenty did.

The duke then sent to Harold, whether by monk or abbot I know not, and desired him to come into the field, and speak with him, and to fear nothing, but bring with him whom he would, that they might talk of an arrangement. But Gurth did not wait for Harold's answer, and neither let him speak, nor go to talk with the duke; for he instantly sprang up on his feet, and said to the messenger, "Harold will not go! tell your lord to send his message to us hither, and let us know what he will take, and what he will leave, or what other arrangement he is willing to make,"

Whilst the messenger returned to carry this answer, Harold called together his friends and his earls, all by their names, to hear what message the duke would send back. And he sent word to Harold, that if he would abide by his covenant, he would give him all Northumberland, and whatever belonged to the kingdom beyond Humber; and would also give to his brother Gurth the lands of Godwin their father. And if he refused this, he challenged him for perjury in not delivering up the kingdom, and not taking his daughter to wife, as he ought: in all this he had lied and broken faith; and unless he made reparation he defied him. And he desired the English should know and take notice, that all who came with Harold, or supported him in this affair, were excommunicated by the apostle and the clergy. At this excommunication the English were much troubled;they feared it greatly, and the battle still more. And much murmuring was to be heard on all hands, and consulting one with the other; none was so brave, but that he wished the battle might be prevented.

"Seignors," said Gurth, "I know and see that you are in great alarm; that you fear the event of the battle, and desire an arrangement: and so do I as much, and in truth more, I believe; but I have also great fear of duke William, who is very full of treachery. You have heard what he says, and how low he rates us, and how he will only give us what he likes of a land which is not his yet. If we take what he offers, and go beyond the Humber, he will not long leave us even that, but will push us yet further. He will always keep his eye upon us, and bring us to ruin in the end. When he has got the uppermost, and has the best of the land, he will leave little for us, and will soon try to take it all. He wants to cheat us into taking instead of a rich country, a poor portion of one, and presently he will have even that. I have another fear, which is more on your than on my own account, for I think I could easily secure myself. He has given away all your lands to knights of other countries. There is neither earl nor baron to whom he has not made some rich present: there is no earldom, barony, nor chatelainie, which he has not given away: and I tell you for a truth, that he has already taken homagefrom many, for your inheritances which he has given them. They will chase you from your lands, and still worse, will kill you. They will pillage your vassals, and ruin your sons and daughters: they do not come merely for your goods, but utterly to ruin you and your heirs. Defend yourselves then and your children, and all that belong to you, while you may. My brother hath never given away, nor agreed to give away the great fiefs, the honors, or lands of your ancestors; but earls have remained earls, and barons enjoyed their rights; the sons have had their lands and fiefs after their fathers' deaths: and you know this to be true which I tell you, that peace was never disturbed. We may let things remain thus if we will, and it is best for us so to determine. But if you lose your houses, your manors, demesnes, and other possessions, where you have been nourished all your lives, what will you become, and what will you do? Into what country will you flee, and what will become of your kindred, your wives and children? In what land will they go begging, and where shall they seek an abode? When they thus lose their own honour, how shall they seek it of others?"

By these words of Gurth, and by others which were said at his instance, and by pledges from Harold to add to the fiefs of the barons, and by his promises of things which were then out of his power to give, the English were aroused, and swore byGod, and cried out, that the Normans had come on an evil day, and had embarked on a foolish matter. Those who had lately desired peace, and feared the battle, now carried themselves boldly, and were eager to fight; and Gurth had so excited the council, that no man who had talked of peace would have been listened to, but would have been reproved by the most powerful there[2].

[1]William of Poitiersmentions only the last of these proposals, and says that it greatly alarmed Harold; on the same grounds, no doubt, as Gurth had urged, against a vassal's coming into personal conflict with one to whom he was bound in fealty, especially when ratified by an oath; notwithstanding an entirely fraudulent creation of the pledge in the first instance.

[2]Benoitfollows the story that Harold had planned a surprise on William's army, and had sent another force round by sea to intercept his retreat.La nuit que li ceus fu teniègres,Soprendre quidout l'ost NormantEn la pointe del ajornant,Si qu'el champ out ses gens arméesE ses batailles devisées:Enz la mer out fait genz entrerPor ceus prendre, por ceus garderQui de la bataille fuireient,E qui as nefs revertireient.Treis cenz en i orent e plus.Dès ore ne quident que li duxLor puisse eschaper, ne seit pris,Ou en la grant bataille occis.

[2]Benoitfollows the story that Harold had planned a surprise on William's army, and had sent another force round by sea to intercept his retreat.

La nuit que li ceus fu teniègres,Soprendre quidout l'ost NormantEn la pointe del ajornant,Si qu'el champ out ses gens arméesE ses batailles devisées:Enz la mer out fait genz entrerPor ceus prendre, por ceus garderQui de la bataille fuireient,E qui as nefs revertireient.Treis cenz en i orent e plus.Dès ore ne quident que li duxLor puisse eschaper, ne seit pris,Ou en la grant bataille occis.

The duke and his men tried no further negotiation, but returned to their tents, sure of fighting on the morrow. Then men were to be seen on every side straightening lances, fitting hauberks and helmets; making ready the saddles and stirrups; filling the quivers, stringing the bows, and making all ready for the battle.

I have heard tell that the night before the day of battle, the English were very merry, laughing much and enjoying themselves. All night they ateand drank, and never lay down on their beds. They might be seen carousing, gambolling and dancing, and singing; BUBLIE they cried, and WEISSEL, and LATICOME and DRINCHEHEIL, DRINC-HINDREWART and DRINTOME, DRINC-HELF, and DRINC-TOME[1]. Thus they bemeaned themselves; but the Normans and French betook themselves all night to their orisons, and were in very serious mood. They made confession of their sins, and accusedthemselves to the priests; and whoso had no priest near him, confessed himself to his neighbour.

The day on which the battle was to take place being Saturday, the Normans, by the advice of the priests, vowed that they would nevermore while they lived eat flesh on that day. Giffrei[2], bishop of Coutanes, received confessions, and gave benedictions, and imposed penances on many; and so did the bishop of Bayeux, who carried himself very nobly.He was bishop of the Bessin, Odes by name, the son of Herluin[3], and brother of the duke on the mother's side. He brought to his brother a great body of knights and other men, being very rich in gold and silver.

On the fourteenth day of October was fought the battle whereof I am about to tell you.

The priests had watched all night, and besought and called on God, and prayed to him in their chapels which were fitted up throughout the host. They offered and vowed fasts, penances, and orisons; they said psalms and misereres, litanies and kyriels; they cried on God, and for his mercy, and said paternosters and masses; some the SPIRITUS DOMINI, others SALUS POPULI, and many SALVE SANCTE PARENS, being suited to the season, as belonging to that day, which was Saturday. And when the masses were sung, which were finished betimes in the morning, all the barons assembled and came to the duke, and it was arranged they should form three divisions, so as to make the attack in three places.

The duke stood on a hill, where he could best see his men; the barons surrounded him, and he spoke to them proudly:

"Much ought I," said he, "to love you all, and much should I confide in you; much ought and willI thank you who have crossed the sea for me, and have come with me into this land. It grieves me that I cannot now render such thanks as are due to you, but when I can I will, and what I have shall be yours. If I conquer, you will conquer. If I win lands, you shall have lands; for I say most truly that I am not come merely to take for myself what I claim, but to punish the felonies, treasons, and falsehoods which the men of this country have always done and said to our people. They have done much ill to our kindred, as well as to other people, for they do all the treason and mischief they can. On the night of the feast of St Briçun, they committed horrible treachery; they slew all the Danes in one day; they had eaten with them, and then slew them in their sleep; no fouler crime was ever heard of than in this manner to kill the people who trusted in them.

"You have all heard of Alwered[4], and how Godwin betrayed him; he saluted and kissed him, ate and drank with him; then betrayed, seized and bound him, and delivered him to the felon king, who confined him in the Isle of Eli, tore out his eyes, and afterwards killed him. He had the men of Normandyalso brought to Gedefort[5], and decimated them; and when the tenth was set apart, hear what felony they committed! they decimated that tenth once more, because it appeared too many to save. These felonies, and many other which they have done to our ancestors, and to our friends who demeaned themselves honourably, we will revenge on them, if God so please. When we have conquered them, we will take their gold and silver, and the wealth of which they have plenty, and their manors, which are rich. We shall certainly easily conquer them, for in all the world there is not so brave an army, neither such proved men and vassals, as are here assembled[6]."

Then they began to cry out, "You will not see one coward; none here will fear to die for love of you, if need be."

And he answered them, "I thank you well. For God's sake spare not; strike hard at the beginning; stay not to take spoil; all the booty shall be in common, and there will be plenty for every one. There will be no safety in peace or flight; the English will never love or spare Normans. Felons they were and are; false they were and false they will be. Shewno weakness towards them, for they will have no pity on you; neither the coward for his flight, nor the bold man for his strokes, will be the better liked by the English, nor will any be the more spared on that account. You may fly to the sea, but you can fly no further; you will find neither ship nor bridge there; there will be no sailors to receive you; and the English will overtake you and kill you in your shame. More of you will die in flight than in battle; flight, therefore, will not secure you; but fight, and you will conquer. I have no doubt of the victory; we are come for glory, the victory is in our hands, and we may make sure of obtaining it if we so please."

As the duke said this, and would have said yet more, William Fitz Osber rode up, his horse being all coated with iron[7]; "Sire," said he to his lord, "we tarry here too long, let us all arm ourselves. Allons! allons!"

Then all went to their tents and armed themselves as they best might; and the duke was very busy, giving every one his orders; and he was courteousto all the vassals, giving away many arms and horses to them.

When he prepared to arm himself, he called first for his good hauberk, and a man brought it on his arm, and placed before him; but in putting his head in, to get it on, he inadvertently turned it the wrong way, with the back part in front. He quickly changed it, but, when he saw that those who stood by were sorely alarmed, he said, "I have seen many a man who, if such a thing had happened to him, would not have borne arms, or entered the field the same day; but I never believed in omens, and I never will. I trust in God; for he does in all things his pleasure, and ordains what is to come to pass, according to his will. I have never liked fortune-tellers, nor believed in diviners; but I commend myself to our Lady. Let not this mischance give you trouble. The hauberk which was turned wrong, and then set right by me, signifies that a change will arise out of the matter we are now moving. You shall see the name of duke changed into king. Yea, a king shall I be, who hitherto have been but duke[8]."

Then he crossed himself, and straightway took his hauberk, stooped his head, and put it on aright; and laced his helmet and girt his sword, which a varlet brought him.

[1]We make no attempt to translate Wace's Saxon; for which a previous examination of his original MS. not now in existence, would certainly be a necessary preliminary. The existing copies are obviously the work of French transcribers, wholly ignorant, no doubt, of the Saxon. The MS. of Duchesne is said to read, for the two first words, 'bufler' and 'welseil,' Three of the words sound at least like 'wassail,' 'drink to me,' and 'drink health' or 'half.' In the appendix to M. Raynouard's observations on Wace, some suggestions are given from high English authority; but they throw very little light upon the matter. SeeJeffrey of Monmouth'sstory of Vortigern and Rowena.Robert de Brunne,in translating the passage, makes Rowena give this explanation of the Saxon custom:This is ther custom and ther gestWhan thei are at the ale or fest;Ilk man that loves where him thinkSall saywassail, and to him drink.He that bids sall saywassail;The tother sall say againdrinkhail;That saidwassaildrinkes of the cup,Kissand his felow he gives it up;Drinkhail, HE says, and drinkes thereof,Kissand him in bord and skof.The king said, as the knight gan ken,Drinkhail, smiland on Rouwen;Rouwen drank as hire list,And gave the king, sine him kist.Ther was the first wassail in dede,And that first of fame gede;Of that wassail men told grete tale, &c.

This is ther custom and ther gestWhan thei are at the ale or fest;Ilk man that loves where him thinkSall saywassail, and to him drink.He that bids sall saywassail;The tother sall say againdrinkhail;That saidwassaildrinkes of the cup,Kissand his felow he gives it up;Drinkhail, HE says, and drinkes thereof,Kissand him in bord and skof.The king said, as the knight gan ken,Drinkhail, smiland on Rouwen;Rouwen drank as hire list,And gave the king, sine him kist.Ther was the first wassail in dede,And that first of fame gede;Of that wassail men told grete tale, &c.

[2]JEFFERY DE MOUBRAY,—Molbraium inOrdericus Vitalis,—chief justiciary of England. See in Cotman'sNormandy, vol. i. p. 111, details concerning the munificent spirit of this prelate; and of the cathedral of Coutances, to the erection of which he dedicated his immense wealth. See also Ellis,Domesday, i. 400. The Moubray family at the conquest consisted of the bishop, his brother Roger, whom we shall find noticed below, and a sister Amy, married to Roger d'Aubigny, or de Albini, ancestor of the earls of Arundel. Roger Moubray's son Robert succeeded to the bishop's estates, comprising, it is said, 280 manors in England, and he became earl of Northumberland. At his disgrace not only his estates, but his wife passed to his cousin Nigel d'Aubigny, Amy's son, whose descendants took the name of Moubray. The scite of the castle of Monbrai is in the arrondissement of St. Lo. In the Norman Roll, red book of the Exchequer, we find 'Nigellus de Moubrai 5 mil. de honore de Moubrai, et de castro Gonteri: et ad servituum suum xi mil. quart. et octav.'

[3]ODO, the bishop of Bayeux; son of Herluin, the knight who married Arlette, William's mother.

[4]These transactions have been noticed in an earlier portion of our Chronicle, see page 35.

[5]Guildford.

[6]Henry of Huntingdonputs quite a different speech into William's mouth, reminding the Normans of their capture and detainer of the king of France, till he delivered Normandy to duke Richard, and (as the chronicler states) assented to the stipulation, that in conferences between the king and the duke,—the latter should wear his sword, but the king not even a knife. L'Estoire de Seint Ædward le reimakes William use similar expressions, but on a different occasion, that of rallying his men.

[7]A ço ke Willame diseit,Et encore plus dire voleit,Vint Willame li filz Osber,Son cheval tot covert de fer;"Sire," dist-il, "trop demoron,Armons nos tuit; allon! allon!"Issi sunt as tentes alé, &c.See the observations of M. Deville on this description, inMém. Ant. Norm. v. 81. Such an equipment of a horse at so early a period has no other authority, and is probably an anachronism. But it may be observed that Wace's description at least shows that the practice was already in existence in his day, which we believe could not be otherwise proved.

[7]

A ço ke Willame diseit,Et encore plus dire voleit,Vint Willame li filz Osber,Son cheval tot covert de fer;"Sire," dist-il, "trop demoron,Armons nos tuit; allon! allon!"Issi sunt as tentes alé, &c.

See the observations of M. Deville on this description, inMém. Ant. Norm. v. 81. Such an equipment of a horse at so early a period has no other authority, and is probably an anachronism. But it may be observed that Wace's description at least shows that the practice was already in existence in his day, which we believe could not be otherwise proved.

[8]This circumstance is also told byWilliam of Poitiers. In theEstoire de Seint Ædward le reithe scene of the reversed hauberk is thus described;Li ducs, ki s'arma tost après,Sun hauberc endosse envers.Dist ki l'arma, "Seit tort u dreitVerruns ke li ducs rois seit,"Li ducs, ki la raisun ot,Un petit surrist au mot,Dist, "Ore seit a la deviseCelui ki le mund justise!"

[8]This circumstance is also told byWilliam of Poitiers. In theEstoire de Seint Ædward le reithe scene of the reversed hauberk is thus described;

Li ducs, ki s'arma tost après,Sun hauberc endosse envers.Dist ki l'arma, "Seit tort u dreitVerruns ke li ducs rois seit,"Li ducs, ki la raisun ot,Un petit surrist au mot,Dist, "Ore seit a la deviseCelui ki le mund justise!"

Then the duke called for his good horse; a better could not be found. It had been sent him by a king of Spain as a token of friendship[1]. Neither arms nor throng did it fear, when its lord spurred on. Galtier Giffart, who had been to St. Jago, brought it. The duke stretched out his hand, took the reins, put foot in stirrup and mounted; and the good horse pawed, pranced, reared himself up, and curvetted.

The viscount of Toarz saw how the duke bore himself in arms, and said to his people that were around him, "Never have I seen a man so fairly armed, nor one who rode so gallantly, or bore his arms, or became his hauberk so well; neither any one who bore his lance so gracefully, or sat his horse and manœuvred him so nobly. There is no other such knight under heaven! a fair count he is, and fair kinghe will be. Let him fight and he shall overcome; shame be to him who shall fail him!"

The duke called for horses, and had several led out to him; each had a good sword hanging at the saddlebow, and those who led the horses bore lances. Then the barons armed themselves, the knights and the lancemen[2]; and the whole were divided into three companies; each company having many lords and captains appointed to them, that there might be no cowardice, or fear of loss of member or life.

The duke called a serving man, and ordered him to bring forth the gonfanon which the pope had sent him; and he who bore it having unfolded it, the duke took it, reared it, and called to Raol de Conches[3]; "Bear my gonfanon," said he, "for I would not but do you right; by right and by ancestry your line are standard bearers of Normandy, and very good knights have they all been." "Many thanks to you," said Raol, "for acknowledging our right; butby my faith, the gonfanon shall not this day be borne by me. To-day I claim quittance of the service, for I would serve you in other guise. I will go with you into the battle, and will fight the English as long as life shall last, and know that my hand will be worth any twenty of such men."

Then the duke turned another way, and called to him Galtier Giffart[4]. "Do thou take this gonfanon," said he, "and bear it in the battle." But Galtier Giffart answered, "Sire, for God's mercy look at my white and bald head; my strength has fallen away, and my breath become shorter. The standard should be borne by one who can endure long labour; I shall be in the battle, and you have not any man who will serve you more truly; I will strike with my sword till it shall be died in your enemies' blood."

Then the duke said fiercely, "By the splendour of God[5], my lords, I think you mean to betray andfail me in this great need." "Sire," said Giffart, "not so! we have done no treason, nor do I refuse from any felony towards you; but I have to lead a great chivalry, both soldiers and the men of my fief. Never had I such good means of serving you as I now have; and if God please, I will serve you: if need be, I will die for you, and will give my own heart for yours."

"By my faith," quoth the duke, "I always loved thee, and now I love thee more; if I survive this day, thou shalt be the better for it all thy days." Then he called out a knight, whom he had heard much praised, Tosteins Fitz Rou le blanc[6], by name, whose abode was at Bec-en-Caux[7]. To him he delivered the gonfanon; and Tosteins took it right cheerfully, and bowed low to him in thanks, and bore it gallantly, and with good heart. His kindred still have quittance of all service for their inheritanceon that account, and their heirs are entitled so to hold their inheritance for ever.

William sat on his warhorse, and called out Rogier, whom they call de Montgomeri[8]. "I rely much on you," said he; "lead your men thitherward, and attack them from that side. William, the son of Osber[9], the seneschal, a right good vassal, shall go with you and help in the attack, and you shall have the men of Boilogne and Poix[10], and all my soldiers[11]. Alain Fergant and Aimeri shall attack on the other side; they shall lead the Poitevins and the Bretons, and all the barons of Maine; and I with my own great men, my friends and kindred, will fight in the middle throng, where the battle shall be the hottest."

The barons and knights and lancemen[12]were all now armed; the men on foot were well equipped, each bearing bow and sword: on their heads werecaps[13], and to their feet were bound buskins[14]. Some had good hides which they had bound round their bodies; and many were clad in frocks[15], and had quivers and bows hung to their girdles. The knights had hauberks and swords, boots of steel and shining helmets; shields at their necks, and in their hands lances. And all had their cognizances[16], so that each might know his fellow, and Norman might not strike Norman, nor Frenchman kill his countryman by mistake. Those on foot led the way, with serried ranks, bearing their bows. The knights rode next, supporting the archers from behind. Thus both horse and foot kept their course and order of march as they began; in close ranks at a gentle pace, that the one might not pass or separate from the other. All went firmly and compactly, bearing themselves gallantly; and in each host stood archers ready to exchange shots.

[1]Sent perhaps on the occasion of the betrothment of William's daughter to the king of Gallicia, which has been before mentioned.

[2]'Gueldon' is Wace's word here and elsewhere; which M. Pluquet interprets—a peasant armed with a long lance or pike.

[3]RALF DE CONCHES, in the arrondissement of Evreux,—sometimes called de Tony, or Toëny, which is in the commune of Gaillon, arrondissement of Louviers,—son of Roger de Tony, hereditary standard bearer of Normandy. Ralf is a landholder in Domesday; Saham-Tony in Norfolk still records the name. His father founded the abbey of Conches. See Ellis,Introduction to Domesday, i. 493. In the Norman roll in the Red book of the Exchequer, we find, 'de honore de Conches et de Toeneio 44 mil. et 6 mil. quos Matheus de Clara tenet: preter hoc quod comes de Albamarâ, et comes Hugo Bigot, et Hugo de Mortuomari tenent de fœdo illo: ad servitium vero regis nesciunt quot.'

[4]WALTER GIFFART, lord of Longueville, in the arrondissement of Dieppe, son of Osbern de Bolbec, and Aveline his wife, sister of Gunnor, the wife of duke Richard I. In reference to the allusions in the text to Walter Ginart's age, M. Le Prévost observes that it was his son, a second of the name, who lived till 1102, having been made earl of Buckingham. SeeIntrod. Domesday, vol. i. 484; also vol. ii. 23, as to an Osbern Giffart. In the Norman roll of the Red book, 'De honore comitis Giffardi 98 mil. et dim. et quartem partem et 2 part, ad serv. com.' He is also among the knights holding of the church of Bayeux '1 mil.'

[5]William's customary oath. Wace has before said, vol. ii. 51:Jura par la resplendor Dé,Ço ert surent sun serement.

[5]William's customary oath. Wace has before said, vol. ii. 51:

Jura par la resplendor Dé,Ço ert surent sun serement.

[6]TURSTINUS FILIUS ROLLONIS vexillum Normannorum portavit:Orderic. Vit.. Several Normans bore the name of Toustain or Turstin as a baptismal name: but it afterwards became the family name of a noble house in upper Normandy; who, in memory of the office performed at Hastings, took for supporters of their arms, two angels, each bearing a banner. A.L.P. Turstin Fitz-Rou received large English estates in England. Besides Turstin there is a Robert Fitz-Rou in Domesday, possibly his brother. See our subsequent note on Gilbert Crespin and his family, to which Turstin belonged; and seeIntrod. Domesday, i. 479, 497.

[7]Bec-aux-Cauchois, in the arrondissement of Ivetot; not Bec-Crespin, in that of Havre.

[8]ROGER, son of Hugh de Montgomeri. He was lord of Montgomeri, in the arrondissement of Lisieux; of Alençon and of Bellesme, in right of his wife Mabel; he became earl of Shrewsbury, of Chichester and Arundel, and died 1094. SeeIntrod. Domesday, i. 479. According toOrdericus Vitalis, A.D. 1067, Roger remained in Normandy during the expedition.

[9]Lord of Breteuil; seneschal of the duke as has been before mentioned.

[10]Poix in Picardy, and Boulogne-sur-mer. Wace seems to omit EUSTACE OF BOULOGNE, conspicuous in other historians. AIMERI was viscount of Thouars.

[11]'Soldéiers' is used byWacein its strict sense, of men serving merely for hire.

[12]'Gueldon,' as before.

[13]'Chapels,' perhaps hoods.

[14]'Panels.'

[15]'Gambais.' See before, page 22, as to cognizances and banners.

Harold had summoned his men, earls, barons, and vavassors, from the castles and the cities; from the ports, the villages, and boroughs. The villains were also called together from the villages, bearing such arms as they found; clubs and great picks, iron forks and stakes. The English had enclosed the field where Harold was with his friends, and thebarons of the country whom he had summoned and called together. Those of London had come at once, and those of Kent, of Herfort, and of Essesse; those of Surée and Sussesse, of St. Edmund and Sufoc; of Norwis and Norfoc; of Cantorbierre and Stanfort; Bedefort and Hundetone[1]The men of Northanton also came; and those of Eurowic and Bokinkeham, of Bed and Notinkeham, Lindesie and Nichole. There came also from the west all who heard the summons; and very many were to be seen coming from Salebiere and Dorset, from Bat and from Sumerset. Many came too from about Glocestre, and many from Wirecestre, from Wincestre, Hontesire, and Brichesire; and many more from other counties that we have not named, and cannot indeed recount. All who could bear arms, and had learnt the news of the duke's arrival, came to defend the land. But none came from beyond Humbre, for they had other business upon their hands; the Danes and Tosti having much damaged and weakened them.

Harold knew that the Normans would come and attack him hand to hand: so he had early enclosedthe field in which he placed his men. He made them arm early, and range themselves for the battle; he himself having put on arms and equipments that became such a lord. The duke, he said, ought to seek him, as he wanted to conquer England; and it became him to abide the attack, who had to defend the land. He commanded his people, and counselled his barons to keep themselves all together, and defend themselves in a body; for if they once separated, they would with difficulty recover themselves. "The Normans," said he, "are good vassals[2], valiant on foot and on horseback; good knights are they on horseback, and well used to battle; all is lost if they once penetrate our ranks. They have brought long lances and swords, but you have pointed lances and keen edged bills[3]; and I do not expect that their arms can stand against yours. Cleave whenever you can; it will be ill done if you spare aught."

Harold had many and brave men that came from all quarters in great numbers; but a multitude of men is of little worth, if the favour of Heaven is wanting. Many and many have since said, that Harold had but a small force, and that he fell on thataccount. But many others say, and so do I, that he and the duke had man for man. The men of the duke were not more numerous; but he had certainly more barons, and the men were better. He had plenty of good knights, and great plenty of good archers.

The English peasants[4]carried hatchets[5], and keen edged bills[6]. They had built up a fence before them with their shields, and with ash and other wood; and had well joined and wattled in the whole work, so as not to leave even a crevice; and thus they had a barricade in their front, through which any Norman who would attack them must first pass. Being covered in this way by their shields and barricades, their aim was to defend themselves; and if they had remained steady for that purpose, they would not have been conquered that day; for every Norman who made his way in, lost his life in dishonour, either by hatchet or bill, by club or other weapon. They wore short[7]and close hauberks, and helmets that over hung their garments[8].

King Harold issued orders and made proclamationround, that all should be ranged with their faces toward the enemy; and that no one should move from where he was; so that whoever came might find them ready; and that whatever any one, be he Norman or other, should do, each should do his best to defend his own place. Then he ordered the men of Kent to go where the Normans were likely to make the attack; for they say that the men of Kent are entitled to strike first; and that whenever the king goes to battle, the first blow belongs to them. The right of the men of London is to guard the king's body, to place themselves around him, and to guard his standard; and they were accordingly placed by the standard, to watch and defend it.

When Harold had made all ready, and given his orders, he came into the midst of the English, and dismounted by the side of the standard, Leofwin and Gurth, his brothers, were with him; and around him he had barons enough, as he stood by his gonfanon, which was in truth a noble one, sparkling with gold and precious stones. After the victory William sent it to the apostle, to prove and commemorate his greatconquest and glory. The English stood in close ranks, ready and eager for the fight; and they had moreover made a fosse, which went across the field, guarding one side of their army[9].

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