The Project Gutenberg eBook ofMaximilian in MexicoThis ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online atwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.Title: Maximilian in MexicoAuthor: J. KemperTranslator: George P. UptonRelease date: June 22, 2020 [eBook #62449]Most recently updated: October 18, 2024Language: EnglishCredits: Produced by D A Alexander, Stephen Hutcheson, and theOnline Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net(This file was produced from images generously madeavailable by The Internet Archive)*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO ***
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online atwww.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
Title: Maximilian in MexicoAuthor: J. KemperTranslator: George P. UptonRelease date: June 22, 2020 [eBook #62449]Most recently updated: October 18, 2024Language: EnglishCredits: Produced by D A Alexander, Stephen Hutcheson, and theOnline Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net(This file was produced from images generously madeavailable by The Internet Archive)
Title: Maximilian in Mexico
Author: J. KemperTranslator: George P. Upton
Author: J. Kemper
Translator: George P. Upton
Release date: June 22, 2020 [eBook #62449]Most recently updated: October 18, 2024
Language: English
Credits: Produced by D A Alexander, Stephen Hutcheson, and theOnline Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net(This file was produced from images generously madeavailable by The Internet Archive)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAXIMILIAN IN MEXICO ***
EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN
EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN
Life Stories for Young PeopleMaximilian in MexicoTranslated from the German ofJ. KemperBYGEORGE P. UPTONTranslator of “Memories,” “Immensee,” etc.WITH THREE ILLUSTRATIONSA. C. McCLURG & CO.CHICAGOA. C. McCLURG & CO.1911
Life Stories for Young People
Translated from the German ofJ. Kemper
BYGEORGE P. UPTONTranslator of “Memories,” “Immensee,” etc.
WITH THREE ILLUSTRATIONS
A. C. McCLURG & CO.
CHICAGOA. C. McCLURG & CO.1911
CopyrightA. C. McClurg & Co.1911Published September, 1911
THE · PLIMPTON · PRESS[W·D·O]NORWOOD · MASS · U·S·A
The life story of Maximilian First in Mexico is one of the saddest of tragedies. Admitting that he was in some respects a weak sovereign and incompetent for the task he undertook, the tragedy is none the less sad. The dreadful fate which overtook the Empress Carlotta only adds to the gloom of the situation, and, if all reports are true, serves to emphasize Mexican cruelty and treachery, for in official circles it is generally believed she was made insane by a poisonous herb secretly mixed with her drink. Maximilian himself was a gentleman in the best sense of the term, gentle, courteous, refined, and scholarly; unfitted for the position he held, inexperienced in political matters, and ignorant how to contend with guile and treachery of the basest kind. He was virtually forced to ascend the Mexican throne, and consented only when he was assured that the Mexican people had enthusiastically elected him. Once there, he found himself the victim of treacherous plots and deadly hatred. He had but few friends upon whom he could rely, and they were unable to aid him in the hour of greatest danger. Louis Napoleon, who was chiefly instrumental in sending him there, violated his agreements, withdrew the French troops from Mexico, and abandoned him as a prey to his vindictive enemies, at whose hands he died like a gentleman and a hero, leaving the Empress to suffer the tortures of living death in a European asylum. History recalls few sadder tragedies than the one contained in the story of Maximilian’s three years in Mexico.
G. P. U.
Chicago,May, 1911
Ferdinand Maximilian, born at Schönbrunn on the sixth of July, 1832, was the second son of Archduke Charles of Austria and the Archduchess Sophie of Bavaria, a clever and highly cultivated princess, under whose personal supervision the young Archduke received a careful and thorough education, in which Count Bombelles, whose son afterward accompanied Maximilian to Mexico, also had an important share.
From early childhood the prince showed that marked love of nature, and especially of the sea, which was so characteristic of his later years and which made his education for the navy—his destined career—an easy and pleasant task. To this chosen profession, indeed, he applied himself with such zeal and devotion that he may be regarded as the real founder of the Austrian navy.
His leisure hours were devoted to the study of the fine arts and to the practice of all sorts of athletic pursuits, in which he excelled, being tall and well built, and quick and elastic in all his motions.
In 1850, upon the completion of his scientific studies, he made his first long cruise, to Greece and Smyrna, followed by voyages to Spain, Portugal, and Algiers. In 1853 he was made captain of a corvette, and a year later received the appointment of commander-in-chief of the navy, soon after which, escorted by a squadron of seventeen warships, he visited Greece, Crete, Egypt, and Palestine.
The years 1856-57 were spent chiefly in European travel, during which time the Archduke made the acquaintance of his future wife, the Princess Carlotta, daughter of King Leopold Second of Belgium, to whom he was married in 1857 and who proved so loyal and devoted a companion in joy and sorrow until overtaken by the tragic fate of which we shall hear later. Soon after his marriage, Maximilian, then only in his twenty-fifth year, was made governor-general of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom by his brother, the Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria—an office which he held for two years, and which served in some measure as a preparation for his subsequent mission in Mexico for, as governor-general, he had many difficulties to contend with, even though they were of quite a different nature from those that afterward confronted him in America.
The war that broke out in 1859 between Italy and Austria put an end to Maximilian’s political career and he retired to the seclusion of Miramar, the beautiful palace erected at Trieste some years before. Here he lived quietly and peacefully, occupied with his favorite literary and artistic pursuits, and it was here that he wrote the “Sketches of Travel,” afterward published; also the “Aphorisms,” which speak the thoughts and aspirations of a great soul.
Maximilian has been called weak and irresolute, and in fact he did prove hopelessly unequal to the task that was set for him in Mexico—a task far less suited to his gentle, kindly nature than to the bolder character of his rival, Juarez, a man of quite another stamp, who hesitated at no means to attain his ends and for whom the high-minded Hapsburger was no match. That Maximilian made many grave errors cannot be denied, but his entire administration should not be condemned for that reason. It is certain that he was inspired by the noblest aims and intentions, and had the Mexicans but realized this and given him their loyal support his plans might have been realized and ensured both the country’s welfare and his own.
During the Archduke’s travels, in 1856, he had visited Paris and spent twelve days at St. Cloud with Napoleon Third and Eugénie. He became much interested in the Emperor’s ambitious schemes, while Napoleon and his wife on their part were so pleased with Maximilian’s frank and manly character that by the time he took his departure the French sovereigns had already made plans for the future of their guest, the situation in Mexico offering a favorable opportunity.
The better class of Mexicans were anxious for a strong hand to assume the reins of government and restore order to that distracted and wellnigh ruined land, and as Napoleon Third was then in control of affairs there, it was an easy matter for him to arouse the interest of the Mexicans in the young Archduke as their prospective ruler. The throne of Mexico therefore was duly offered to Maximilian, but he was at first unwilling to accept it. Fully acquainted with the disordered state of that country, there was little temptation for him to exchange the peaceful seclusion of Miramar for so doubtful a gift. Negotiations were carried on for eight months between Paris and Miramar before the Archduke would consent to accept the crown. At length, however, he agreed on condition that both France and England would guarantee their support in this enterprise. Further delays were caused by discussions between France, Spain, and England, but not until England and Spain had finally yielded and withdrawn all their troops from Mexico did Napoleon fully realize the complications of the situation there.
Meanwhile Maximilian at Miramar became devoted to the idea of being Emperor of Mexico, being principally actuated by the fact that his wife would be an Empress. Both applied themselves closely to the study not only of the geography but of the language and customs of the country, actively corresponding at the same time with those who might be able to exert an influence upon the destinies of Mexico.
The first public negotiations were conducted in person by Napoleon Third and the Emperor Francis Joseph of Austria, the latter of whom sent his minister, Count Rechberg, to Miramar to discuss the matter with his brother Maximilian. Both the Archduke and his wife attached great weight to the opinion of her father, King Leopold, who was well known as a shrewd and clear-headed thinker. He pointed out plainly the dangers and difficulties attendant on assuming the sovereignty of Mexico, but did not regard them as insurmountable, and his advice decided the question. Maximilian announced himself ready to accept the throne on certain conditions, the chief of which was that his choice as Emperor should be confirmed by a vote of the Mexican people.
On the third of October, 1863, an embassy from Mexico arrived at Miramar with a formal offer of the crown. It was headed by Don Gutierrez de Estrada, who had labored for twenty years to restore a monarchy in Mexico. Maximilian’s reply was as follows:
“I am deeply moved by the wishes of the Mexican assembly. It is most flattering to our house that their choice should have fallen on a descendant of Charles the Fifth. Yet noble and lofty a mission as it is to establish the welfare and independence of Mexico, I agree with the Emperor Napoleon that the monarchy can be restored on a firm and stable basis only by the free consent of the people. My acceptance must therefore be conditional on that. On the other hand, it shall be my duty to secure the guarantees necessary to protect Mexico against the dangers that menace her honor and her liberties. If I succeed in this and the vote of the people be in my favor, then I shall be ready, with the consent of my imperial brother, to accept the crown. Should Providence call me to this high mission, it is my firm intention, after the pacification of the country, to open the way for progress by granting a constitution and to make this fundamental law permanent by an oath. Only in this way can a new and truly national policy be created, by means of which all parties, forgetting their differences, may work with me to lift Mexico to an eminent place among the nations. Bring me this declaration, then, on the part of your fellow-citizens and, if possible, ascertain what form of government they desire.”
This was a frank and manly answer, and no doubt the emissaries of the Mexican people who carried it back across the Atlantic were equally honorable in their intentions. How the vote was really obtained, however, is told us by Montlong:
At Monterey the French general, Jeanningres, summoned the most influential citizens and addressed them thus: “The Emperor of the French, always solicitous for the welfare of this unhappy country, has determined to transform the Mexican republic into a great and prosperous empire, and in the interests of this undertaking has chosen for your Emperor one of the most liberal and enlightened princes in Europe, the Archduke Maximilian of Austria. But as Napoleon wishes him to be elected by general consent of the people I have summoned you here in order to receive your votes.” Then with a threatening glance he added: “You accept, do you not, gentlemen, the prince chosen for you by the Emperor Napoleon?”
Intimidated by the General’s manner and the ranks of soldiery behind him, all replied in the affirmative, whereupon Jeanningres, addressing the general staff officer who was to record the votes, ordered him: “Write, sir, that this city votes unanimously for the Empire, and permit these gentlemen to sign it.”
The same method of procedure was enacted in every town. When the principal citizens of Potosi refused to sign a similar document, the officer in command caused them all to be imprisoned for thirty-six hours till hunger forced them to yield. Thus by fraud the Empire was founded, as by treachery it fell, both marked characteristics of this nation as we shall see later.
The way now seemed clear, but at the last moment an unforeseen difficulty arose. While the Archduke was making a round of farewell visits at various European courts, it was decided at Vienna to demand a renunciation of all rights of succession to the throne of Austria on the part of Maximilian and his possible descendants. Emperor Francis Joseph strongly opposed this, justly maintaining that if such a step were considered necessary, it should not have been deferred till the last moment, but Count Rechberg and Baron Lichtenfels were firm. The former undertook to lay the matter before the Archduke on his return, but was so coldly received that he abandoned any further attempt, while Maximilian himself declared that had this point been presented to him earlier, negotiations with Mexico would have been broken off at once. This, of course, was now out of the question, and after much discussion he finally agreed to sign the act of renunciation, thus removing the last obstacle.
On the tenth of April, 1864, a second embassy, consisting of twenty distinguished Mexicans, again headed by Estrada, arrived at Miramar to perform the coronation ceremony. In his address, spoken in French, Don Gutierrez alluded, first of all, to the gratifying result of the popular vote. As to the method by which it had been secured the good man probably had as little knowledge as Maximilian himself. He then recalled France’s service to his native country, whose future prosperity he hoped would be assured under the new monarchy. Mexico gratefully acknowledged the Archduke’s self-sacrifice in accepting this difficult position and was ready to hail with joy her chosen sovereign, whose motto was,Justitia regnorum fundamentum.
Maximilian’s reply was in Spanish. He declared that since the two conditions required by him had been fulfilled, he was now able to redeem the promise given six months before and was ready to accept the offered crown. The oath was then administered. Maximilian swore to guard the liberties of the Mexican nation under all circumstances and to do all in his power for the welfare and prosperity of the people, after which Estrada swore allegiance in the name of Mexico and was decorated by his sovereign with the grand cross of the newly revived Guadeloupe order. A triple “Viva” followed to the new Emperor and Empress in whose honor the imperial Mexican flag was hoisted on the tower of Miramar, amidst salvos from batteries and battle ships. A solemn Te Deum in the palace chapel concluded the ceremonies.
On the same day the Emperor signed the important convention with Napoleon, known as the Treaty of Miramar, whereby it was agreed to reduce the French troops as soon as possible to 25,000, including the foreign legion. This body should evacuate the country as soon as forces could be organized to take their place, yet the foreign legion of 8000 was to remain, if required, for six years after the above withdrawal and be supported from this time by the Mexican government. The transport service for French military supplies must be paid by the same government with 400,000 francs for the round trip, likewise the cost of the French expedition, fixed at 270,000,000 francs for the whole time, till July 1, 1864, with interest at three per cent per annum. After this date the expenses of the Mexican army rested with Mexico, which had also to give 1000 francs for the maintenance of each French soldier, pay included. Against these sums the Mexican government had to pay at once 66,000,000 francs in bonds of the late loan and 25,000,000 francs in specie annually. A mixed commission of three Frenchmen and three Mexicans was to meet at Mexico within three months to adjust the claims of French citizens. All Mexican prisoners of war held by the French were to be released as soon as Maximilian entered his States. In addition to this, there were three secret clauses, by utilizing which France afterward, and not without some show of reason, attempted to extricate herself from her dangerous position.
On the tenth of April, 1864, the die was cast for Archduke Maximilian and Carlotta. On the fourteenth, the day set for departure, all was bustle and confusion at Miramar, usually so peaceful. The harbor of Trieste was filled with vessels, large and small, and, anchored at some distance from shore, lay theNovara, the Austrian warship that was to convey the imperial pair to Mexico. Little did any one then suspect that this same vessel was so soon to bring back the body of Maximilian, cruelly murdered by Mexican rebels! To-day all was joyous anticipation. A gayly decorated barge carried the Emperor and Empress out to theNovara. Showers of blossoms were flung after them as they left the shore, lined with thousands of spectators, and floated gently out upon the blue waves of the Adriatic. Cannon thundered a farewell. Maximilian looked for the last time upon his native shores.
Two nights later the travellers rounded the southernmost point of Italy, and on the eighteenth reached Civita Vecchia where they landed and were met by the French and Italian ambassadors, envoys from Belgium and Austria, and the Cardinals sent by Pope Pius Ninth to welcome Maximilian. A special train was waiting to convey the entire party to Rome where, on the nineteenth of April, the Emperor had an audience with the Pope. Church affairs in Mexico had been completely demoralized by Juarez, and one of the Emperor’s chief tasks was to restore order and provide for the religious needs of his people. The following day Pope Pius Ninth returned the visit at the Palazzo Marescotti, after which the imperial party returned to Civita Vecchia, where they again boarded theNovaraand resumed their voyage. At Gibraltar another stop of two days was made, and on the twenty-eighth of May theNovaraanchored before the city of Vera Cruz. The goal was reached—but what of Maximilian’s reception by the people of Mexico who had chosen him as their sovereign by a unanimous vote?
Although the French frigateThemis, which escorted theNovaraacross the Atlantic, had hastened on in advance to notify the city of the Emperor’s arrival, there was no commotion in the harbor. No flags were flying, no guns roared a welcome, no one was waiting to receive him. A feeling of uneasiness pervaded the Emperor’s household, but Maximilian himself made no comment. After a long delay the commander-in-chief of the French fleet, Rear-admiral Bosse, and his adjutant finally made their appearance, though even then, according to the Countess Kollowitz, their greeting was none too warm. Quite different, however, was the Emperor’s reception in the towns between Vera Cruz and Mexico; his journey to the capital was like a triumphal progress.
Thus did Maximilian enter the land that was henceforth to claim his whole attention and best endeavor. For this indifferent and ungrateful people he had undertaken the Herculean task of regenerating a country wasted by forty years of civil warfare; regulating a society demoralized by anarchy; restoring national prosperity; reviving industries; and reconciling to law and order a people to whom outlawry and robbery had become second nature. The army must be reorganized, the land rid of marauders, contending factions appeased and made to work together for the common good. The Church must be placed once more on a settled basis, new channels of trade established, and the whole national standard of civilization raised. These were surely problems to daunt the bravest! Well may Maximilian have hesitated long before accepting such responsibilities, yet with heroic self-sacrifice the young Emperor set himself to this stupendous work. That he failed was no doubt due partly to his unfitness for the task, but more to the insuperable obstacles that loomed before and finally crushed the noble Hapsburger.
One of the first necessities that confronted Maximilian in the execution of his mission was the establishment of diplomatic relations with the world. The courts of Vienna, Rome, Paris, and Brussels had been informed at once of his acceptance of the throne of Mexico. It now remained to notify the remaining powers of this event. A decree was issued on the twenty-first of June, 1864, empowering the foreign office to make the necessary arrangements. By the end of the year Mexico had been recognized as an Empire by Russia, Sweden, Turkey, Denmark, Portugal, Spain, Italy, France, and England, also by the German Confederation and the Shah of Persia. Far more valuable to the new monarchy would have been its recognition by the United States, but the White House at Washington still looked upon Juarez as President of Mexico, as did its smaller and less important neighbors on the south, the republics of Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, San Salvador, and Costa Rica. Thus the Empire was surrounded by hostile countries, while its only ally in America, the Emperor Don Pedro Second of Brazil, could be of little use.
Maximilian appointed the advocate Don José Ramirez as minister of foreign affairs—a man concerning whom opinion is divided. There can be no question, however, as to his ability and his loyalty to Maximilian, to whom he proved a valuable counsellor, although the Emperor unfortunately did not always follow his advice. Maximilian took no further action in governmental affairs until he had gained a more intimate knowledge of the country. Though well versed in the language and history of Mexico as well as its political complications, he discovered at once the necessity of a personal acquaintance with the various portions of his new realm and determined to make a tour of those provinces loyal to him. Meanwhile he devoted himself to learning the needs of his people. With this object in view he spent much time walking about the streets of the capital or visiting various public and charitable institutions. The Empress was her husband’s constant companion, sharing all his cares and interests, and although Maximilian did not always agree with her opinions, her clever pen, her quick wit, and cultivated mind often proved of great help to him.
He soon discovered many evils the existence of which he had not suspected. The Mexican is profuse in promises which are never kept, and Maximilian had daily proof of this national characteristic. In spite of his personal charm and kindness the French officers kept jealously aloof from him, regarding themselves as slighted in the distribution of orders. The clergy, disappointed that the Church property confiscated by Juarez had not been immediately restored to them, were dissatisfied with the new government, while the republicans under Juarez refused, of course, to acknowledge the Empire.
The accusation made by these malcontents that Maximilian did not attempt to improve conditions was entirely unjustified, however. Few that followed his career realized how diligently and self-sacrificingly he labored for that end. That the restoration of order must be gradually accomplished was self-evident. Realizing that drastic measures were necessary at many points in the affairs of state, he was forced to take time for observation and investigation before attempting any change. Many evils had to be endured temporarily before any radical changes could be made, and he had also to consult the opinions of his advisers, whether in accordance with his own or not.
His first attention was devoted to the regulation of military and financial matters. A commission, headed by General Bazaine, commander-in-chief of the French troops, was appointed to meet on the fourteenth of July to consider the reorganization of the army. The relations between Maximilian and this officer had been none too friendly from the first. Bazaine considered himself his own master and troubled himself little as to the Emperor’s views. In justice to Napoleon Third, however, it must be said that he seems to have been very imperfectly informed as to the actions and practices of his generals in Mexico. All correspondence with France had to pass through the hands of Bazaine or his subordinates, who could easily color reports to suit themselves. On the fifteenth of July a commission, presided over by Velasquez de Leon, and consisting of landed proprietors, merchants, manufacturers, and mine owners, met to discuss the regulation of financial affairs.
From the first Maximilian exerted himself to do away with antiquated customs, and as early as the sixteenth of July a decree was issued requiring all officers of justice to be at their posts from nine to twelve in the morning and shortening their annual leave of absence from three months to six weeks, an innovation that met with small favor from the Mexicans, as may be imagined.
On the tenth of August the Emperor set out upon his tour into the interior, the government during his absence being left in charge of the Empress. He was accompanied by his life-long friend, Count Bombelles, his secretary, Iglesias, Privy Councillor Scherzenlechner, and the Lord Chamberlain Felipe Raygosa. Originally planned for four weeks, the journey extended over three months. A proclamation had been issued by Velasquez de Leon, shortly before the Emperor’s departure, announcing his tour and forbidding any state receptions or entertainments in order to spare expense to the people, impoverished by years of civil strife. In spite of this prohibition, however, magnificent triumphal arches were erected in many places in honor of the Emperor, who was welcomed with great enthusiasm by the populace, the Indians, in particular, gathering in crowds everywhere to gaze at their new sovereign.
On the seventeenth of August Maximilian arrived at Querétaro where he was received with great enthusiasm and remained for several days, being royally entertained. Little did any of those who joined in the festivities suspect that in this very town, only three years later, the Emperor was to lay down his life for Mexico! From there he went on to Celaya which was reached a week later. In many places through which they passed evidences were visible of the effects of the famine that existed in the interior of the country, and where the suffering was greatest Maximilian distributed considerable sums of money from his own purse. At Trapuato the Emperor was suddenly seized with an attack of quinsy which confined him to his bed for two weeks. This delay, together with other unforeseen occurrences in the capital, obliged him to abandon the rest of his journey, and the party returned to Mexico, though by a different route, arriving on the thirtieth of October.
This tour of Maximilian’s had proved a continuous ovation, but how much of the popular enthusiasm was due to his personality rather than to allegiance to him as a sovereign is a question. He had shown himself everywhere most gracious and kindly, granting audiences to persons of all classes with a fearlessness which, considering the state of the country, must have commanded the respect even of his enemies. Whether he allowed himself to be deceived by these demonstrations is uncertain. At all events he returned well content with the results of his journey and full of hope for the future. That many of the great changes planned by him for the benefit of the people were never put into execution was not altogether his fault. To carry out any thorough system of reform large sums of money are needed, and the treasury was exhausted.
Maximilian’s first act after his return was to form a ministry. During his travels he had met many able and patriotic Mexicans who, he fancied, would be of great assistance to him in his projected reforms, and from these he chose his ministers exclusively, though doubtless well aware that in some cases the positions would have been better filled by Austrians, Belgians, or Frenchmen. When reminded of this by his friends, however, he would say, “Have patience! When the country learns that Mexican ministers are good-for-nothing, I may be justified in appointing others, and my people can then have nothing to reproach me with.” This was no doubt wise on the Emperor’s part. The appointment of foreigners would have excited suspicion if not rebellion at once among the excitable and distrustful Mexicans.
On his tour Maximilian had discovered that the country’s most pressing need was the revival of commerce. New channels of trade must be created, and for this purpose the laying out of highways and the building of bridges was ordered. Robles, minister of public works, was commissioned to build a railroad between Querétaro and Guanajuato, an undertaking which was never carried out, however. A railroad from Mexico to Vera Cruz was also planned, the execution of which was entrusted to an English company, and three different companies received permission to run steamship lines between the more important seaports of the country. To exterminate the robber bands and secure safety for the life and property of the people, a much needed system of militia was instituted on the seventh of November, 1864. At the same time the Emperor urged most strictly upon all magistrates of the various provinces the following injunctions: preservation of law and order, firm administration of justice, supervision of the press, construction and maintenance of roads, extermination of marauders and outlaws, sanitation, improvements in agriculture and the breeding of cattle, conservation of forests, etc.
All this proves the loftiness of Maximilian’s aims—nor were his hands idle as some of his enemies maliciously maintained. Could he but have had the necessary support and coöperation, conditions in that unfortunate country must soon have improved. But with only the fickle and treacherous Mexicans to depend upon, all these reforms were of brief duration—a mere ripple on the stream.
The most difficult problem now awaiting solution was the religious situation in Mexico. Forty years of internal strife and anarchy had inevitably lowered the standards of the people and weakened their sense of right and wrong, as was proved by Juarez’s treatment of Church property. The claim of the enemies of the Catholic Church, however, that the priesthood was responsible for this moral degradation, is entirely without foundation. All reports agree that the priests were then, as now, the friends and guardians of the Indians. Many of the stanchest supporters of Mexican independence—among them Hidalgo, Morelos, and Guerrero—belonged to the clerical party, and even at the present day a large part of the minor clergy are Indians.
Accounts vary as to the value of the Church’s property in Mexico at that time, but it is a matter of little importance, since it had been seized and disposed of by Juarez and his followers long before Maximilian’s arrival. Indeed, this had been one of the chief causes for the latter’s hesitation in accepting the throne.
The only possible method of dealing with this knotty question seemed to be that of direct negotiation with the papal chair, and a special envoy was sent to Mexico by Pope Pius Ninth for this purpose. The nuncio, Monsignore Meglia, was received by Maximilian with every mark of honor and escorted in state to the capital where a round of festivities ensued, after which the Emperor and his guest devoted themselves to the matter in hand. Nine points were submitted by Maximilian and his ministers for debate, the chief of which may be briefly stated as follows: Free observance of all religions in Mexico, in so far as they did not violate the laws of the country; all expenses of Catholic worship to be borne by the State; no taxes nor gratuities of any kind to be paid to the clergy by the people; cession by the Church of all possessions declared to be national property; enjoyment by the Emperor of all rights possessed by his predecessors, the Kings of Spain, in Mexico; a mutual agreement to exist between the Pope and the Emperor to resist aggression on the part of any or all religious orders in Mexico; existing communities to remain on condition that no more novices be received until conditions were settled.
The delicate nature of these matters may readily be perceived as well as the difficulty of their settlement. Negotiations, in fact, were soon broken off and an uncomfortable open rupture occurred between the Emperor’s ministers and Monsignore Meglia, who left the capital with his suite on the twenty-seventh of May, and returned to Rome without having accomplished his mission.
Maximilian’s failure to settle this question, so important to Mexico, not only was of the greatest detriment to the restoration of peace and order, but also lost him the sympathies of the clerical party, already averse to the new sovereignty.
The unsettled condition of the country has been already alluded to. It is impossible for peaceful industries to flourish where the lives and property of citizens are in constant danger. The path of outlawry and anarchy is marked only by mouldering corpses and smoking ruins. Some idea of the state of things may be obtained from a report sent by the prefect of Zamora to his chief, Antonio Moral, on the ninth of March, 1865:
“This prefecture has learned through spies and other sources of information that the robber chiefs Regules, Salazar, Egiulus, and others are assembling their bands in large numbers for attack. Should the troops stationed at Mazamitla and Uruapan be withdrawn, the bandits will capture this town without a doubt, an event which would be followed by the most serious consequences. I must add that all towns in the south of this department are in the same danger, and earnestly implore aid. Pazcuaro is menaced by more than 1400 outlaws. Unless General Neigre, who has been informed of the danger, speedily sends assistance, it will fall into their hands and a terrible catastrophe be precipitated.”
On the tenth of May, 1865, the Mexican commander-in-chief, Vicente Rosas, writes to the minister of war:
“Matters are bad and grow worse daily. Besides the bands of Regules and Pueblita, several others are roving about in this vicinity, plundering and burninghaciendas. Unless something can be done to remedy affairs, this whole department will be lost.”
The country’s most serious enemy, however, was its ex-President, Benito Juarez. Born about 1807, in the State of Oaxaca, of an Indian family, claiming descent from Zapotekos, Juarez’s childhood was spent in extreme poverty. With a natural thirst for knowledge, he eagerly availed himself of all the opportunities for learning that came within his reach, and, finally succeeding in obtaining some education, he determined to devote himself to the study of law. A wealthy Indian merchant, named Don José Hernandez, had taken him into his service as errand-boy from which position he soon rose to a clerkship, and afterward was admitted to the bar with the dignity of Doctor of Laws. Later he was elected to the Vice-Presidency under Comonfort, upon whose resignation, in 1858, Juarez became President of Mexico.
When Maximilian assumed the throne, Juarez’s term of office had nearly expired (November 30, 1864). He would have been wise therefore to recognize the Empire, under which he might have looked to hold some important position. Maximilian, indeed, did make overtures to the ex-President by offering him a place in the cabinet, but Juarez coldly declined, preferring to remain at the head of the revolutionists, who kept Mexico in a state of turmoil and effectually prevented any peaceful development of that distracted country.
The position taken by the United States toward the new Empire has already been alluded to. On the fourth of April, 1864, Congress adopted a resolution declaring the unwillingness of the United States tacitly to appear before the world as an indifferent spectator of the deplorable events then taking place in Mexico, and its refusal to recognize a monarchical government founded on the ruins of an American republic and under the protection of a European power.
Much to his regret, therefore, Maximilian was forced to abandon all thought of an embassy at Washington. Realizing fully how great an advantage recognition by the United States would have been to the Empire, both he and his ministers had used every effort to establish friendly relations between the two governments. The White House, however, still continued to recognize Juarez and his ambassador, Romero, a crafty official who succeeded, not only in establishing recruiting offices for his master in some of the large cities of the United States, but in winning over many of the newspapers also to his side.
The attitude taken by the French in Mexico has already been alluded to. Bazaine in particular seems from the first to have been little affected by the Emperor’s good example. He was well aware of France’s incalculable services to Mexico, and that it was French bayonets chiefly which still maintained some show of order in the country. As for Maximilian, while thoroughly appreciating Bazaine’s ability, he could not but regard him as the man of whose will he was more or less at the mercy, and felt most keenly the arbitrary acts of the Marshal and his underlings, of which the following examples will serve as illustrations.