Chapter 3

CHAPTER III.[1820.]

EVIDENCE AGAINST QUEEN CAROLINE. DIVIDED OPINIONS RESPECTING HER IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. DECLARATION OF LORD GRENVILLE. THE BILL OF PAINS AND PENALTIES ABANDONED. THE KING DISSATISFIED WITH HIS MINISTERS. CONVERSATION OF LORD GRENVILLE WITH THE KING. MINISTERIAL MANAGEMENT OF THE QUEEN'S CASE. HER CONDUCT AFTER THE CONCLUSION OF PROCEEDINGS AGAINST HER. REACTION IN THE PUBLIC MIND. THE QUEEN LOSES GROUND IN POPULAR ESTIMATION. RETURNING POPULARITY OF THE KING.

CHAPTER III.

It is unnecessary to follow minutely the proceedings that took place in both Houses of the Legislature, then generally looked upon as the trial of Caroline of Brunswick,—let it suffice to state, that despite the disclosures which they furnished, the Queen did not lose any of her popularity. It was enough for the multitude which had so enthusiastically embraced her cause, that the witnesses against her were foreigners; and their national prejudices thus enlisted in her behalf, carried her triumphantly through an ordeal that would have been destructive to a much better reputation.[44]

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Putney Heath, Aug. 12, 1820.My dear Lord,In spite of the rumours I hear on every side, I suppose the House of Lords will meet on the 17th to prove the preamble of the Bill of Pains and Penalties;—indeed, in the present state of things, I see not what other course can be adopted. Lord John Russell's plan really seems to me more pregnant with certain mischief than any which has yet been suggested; and we are now suffering enough from fluctuating and oscillating counsels to warn us against any recurrence to measures which savour of timidity and hesitation. My own idea is this, that in reality the Queen's partisans mainly rely on the effect they can produce by their daily statements and daily intimidation on the electors, hoping through their instrumentality to make the elected subservient to their plans; and it is, I fear, impossible as yet to calculate whether they may not be successful in this. At all events, the Government will have received a shock in the control of the House of Commons, which, constituted as they now are, they never can recover. Never, indeed, in my recollection, do I remember so general an idea that there must be a change of Ministry. I hear it from quarters which astonish me.Lushington, I hear, now very much presides over the councils of her Majesty; in many respects he is well calculated to please her, for he is good-natured and obliging in his demeanour, rash in his advice, and a lover to excess of popular applause. He is everywhere with her now: airs with her, assists her in receiving addresses, &c.The only counsel to be employed for the King, as I am informed, are the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Young, Parke, and two civilians,—viz., the King's Advocate and Dr. Adams. They must rely upon the Solicitor-General mainly, whose shoulders are quite equal to the burthen. They are very unfortunate in the choice of their civilians: the King's Advocate is clumsy and confused, and has no practice; Adams is injudicious and impracticable, and has no learning. I shall be exceedingly curious to see the outset of the business; but probably it will be difficult to get a place, even if the present heat continues.Canning left London for Italy a few days ago.Believe me ever, my dear Lord,Your obliged and faithful,Joseph Phillimore.P.S.—If there should be any idea of postponing the business (which I do not in the least expect), perhaps you will have the kindness to let me know as much.

Putney Heath, Aug. 12, 1820.

My dear Lord,

In spite of the rumours I hear on every side, I suppose the House of Lords will meet on the 17th to prove the preamble of the Bill of Pains and Penalties;—indeed, in the present state of things, I see not what other course can be adopted. Lord John Russell's plan really seems to me more pregnant with certain mischief than any which has yet been suggested; and we are now suffering enough from fluctuating and oscillating counsels to warn us against any recurrence to measures which savour of timidity and hesitation. My own idea is this, that in reality the Queen's partisans mainly rely on the effect they can produce by their daily statements and daily intimidation on the electors, hoping through their instrumentality to make the elected subservient to their plans; and it is, I fear, impossible as yet to calculate whether they may not be successful in this. At all events, the Government will have received a shock in the control of the House of Commons, which, constituted as they now are, they never can recover. Never, indeed, in my recollection, do I remember so general an idea that there must be a change of Ministry. I hear it from quarters which astonish me.

Lushington, I hear, now very much presides over the councils of her Majesty; in many respects he is well calculated to please her, for he is good-natured and obliging in his demeanour, rash in his advice, and a lover to excess of popular applause. He is everywhere with her now: airs with her, assists her in receiving addresses, &c.

The only counsel to be employed for the King, as I am informed, are the Attorney and Solicitor-General, Young, Parke, and two civilians,—viz., the King's Advocate and Dr. Adams. They must rely upon the Solicitor-General mainly, whose shoulders are quite equal to the burthen. They are very unfortunate in the choice of their civilians: the King's Advocate is clumsy and confused, and has no practice; Adams is injudicious and impracticable, and has no learning. I shall be exceedingly curious to see the outset of the business; but probably it will be difficult to get a place, even if the present heat continues.

Canning left London for Italy a few days ago.

Believe me ever, my dear Lord,

Your obliged and faithful,

Joseph Phillimore.

P.S.—If there should be any idea of postponing the business (which I do not in the least expect), perhaps you will have the kindness to let me know as much.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Aug. 30, 1820.My dear Lord,The discussions which have taken place, and the decision of yesterday, astound everybody here. The Chancellor and the Prime Minister differing and dividing on a question which the former argues as vital to the jurisprudence of the country, is what England, I believe, has never before witnessed; and these Ministers remaining in the same Cabinet, and continuing to act together. How can all this end? I was in town for a few hours on Monday, and it appeared to me that in the streets the cry was increased instead of diminished for the Queen. I saw several lawyers, dispassionate men, and intelligent, who all confirmed this, and assured me that their belief was, that be the evidence ever so strong, and the facts proved, the public—and included in this, the middling class, the shopkeepers—were determined to support her as an oppressed and injured woman, and as hating and despising the character of the witnesses. It also has not a little benefited her cause, that it appears how much the King personally has prepared the evidence by his emissaries abroad, and more particularly by his Hanoverian engines. I assure you I am quite low-spirited about it. One cannot calculate on anything less than subversion of all Government and authority, if this is to go on; and how it is to end, no one can foresee. I think, however (what I did not do when you told me so in town), that the Commons will never entertain the Bill. But, again, when will it ever come to the Commons? The mischief will be all done previously; and the Press now is completely open to treason, sedition, blasphemy, and falsehood with impunity. This alone, if it continues, must debauch the public mind. I want some volunteer establishments to be formed, or something to be done without a moment's delay, by the well-disposed and loyal who have influence, to check the torrent and to guard against the explosion which must inevitably take place. I don't know whether you see theCobbetts,Independent Whig, and many other papers now circulating most extensively, and which are dangerous much beyond anything I can describe. I have an opportunity of seeing them, and can speak therefore from knowledge; and the Government taking no steps (knowing, perhaps, they cannot depend on a jury) to prosecute. What do you find in the language of Government since the division? Is the Chancellor submissive? and does he still cling to the Purse, or will he surrender it?The King here confines himself to the Cottage, hashourlymessengers—that is, dragoons, who are posted on the road by dozens—and we hear is in a state of the greatest irritation; but he is very seldom seen, and this is only what one picks up.—You have no conception how thoroughly the public mind, even in this neighbourhood, is inflamed by this melancholy subject, and how the Queen is still supported.—Adieu, my dear Lord. I should be glad to know how you are, and what you think of the state of things since I saw you.Yours most faithfully,W. H. Fremantle.

Englefield Green, Aug. 30, 1820.

My dear Lord,

The discussions which have taken place, and the decision of yesterday, astound everybody here. The Chancellor and the Prime Minister differing and dividing on a question which the former argues as vital to the jurisprudence of the country, is what England, I believe, has never before witnessed; and these Ministers remaining in the same Cabinet, and continuing to act together. How can all this end? I was in town for a few hours on Monday, and it appeared to me that in the streets the cry was increased instead of diminished for the Queen. I saw several lawyers, dispassionate men, and intelligent, who all confirmed this, and assured me that their belief was, that be the evidence ever so strong, and the facts proved, the public—and included in this, the middling class, the shopkeepers—were determined to support her as an oppressed and injured woman, and as hating and despising the character of the witnesses. It also has not a little benefited her cause, that it appears how much the King personally has prepared the evidence by his emissaries abroad, and more particularly by his Hanoverian engines. I assure you I am quite low-spirited about it. One cannot calculate on anything less than subversion of all Government and authority, if this is to go on; and how it is to end, no one can foresee. I think, however (what I did not do when you told me so in town), that the Commons will never entertain the Bill. But, again, when will it ever come to the Commons? The mischief will be all done previously; and the Press now is completely open to treason, sedition, blasphemy, and falsehood with impunity. This alone, if it continues, must debauch the public mind. I want some volunteer establishments to be formed, or something to be done without a moment's delay, by the well-disposed and loyal who have influence, to check the torrent and to guard against the explosion which must inevitably take place. I don't know whether you see theCobbetts,Independent Whig, and many other papers now circulating most extensively, and which are dangerous much beyond anything I can describe. I have an opportunity of seeing them, and can speak therefore from knowledge; and the Government taking no steps (knowing, perhaps, they cannot depend on a jury) to prosecute. What do you find in the language of Government since the division? Is the Chancellor submissive? and does he still cling to the Purse, or will he surrender it?

The King here confines himself to the Cottage, hashourlymessengers—that is, dragoons, who are posted on the road by dozens—and we hear is in a state of the greatest irritation; but he is very seldom seen, and this is only what one picks up.—You have no conception how thoroughly the public mind, even in this neighbourhood, is inflamed by this melancholy subject, and how the Queen is still supported.—Adieu, my dear Lord. I should be glad to know how you are, and what you think of the state of things since I saw you.

Yours most faithfully,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

My dear B——,Your prognostications of the present Bill standing over for the decision of the rising generation, seem to be now, I will not say verified, but far exceeded, as it must remain not for that which is rising, but for that which is yet unborn,ifit be proceeded in. You know the strong bias of my opinion was originally towards an impeachment for misdemeanour, if a simple Divorce Bill could not be carried; and really, as is usual on such occasions, everything which passes seems to supply me with a fresh argument in favour of that course. Certain, however, it is, that no course could possibly have been adopted which would not have been marred by the weakness and indecision of Ministers. The double cross-examination now authorized, seems to me in its effect infinitely more inconvenient than a communication of the list of witnesses, objectionable as I thought that measure would have been originally. That at least would have expedited the business, since it would have left no pretence for calling for extended delay to prepare her defence. As it is, under the most favourable circumstances to the Bill, I do not see how it is to reach the House of Commons till after Christmas, allowing an interval of six weeks or two months for preparing her defence, which I suppose must be given. If this be the case, how will it be possible for the House of Commons to proceed to effect with such an examination as this, and at the same time to go through the ordinary business of the session, increased as it will be beyond precedent by the arrears and omissions of the last?There are many whose object it will be studiously and declaredly to protract, in order that the business may necessarily drop to the ground; and from the general aversion to the whole proceeding, it seems to me that they must succeed.The evidence against the Queen seems already decisive, so far as to establish her criminality; but I understand that, in order to guard against a possibility of the contradiction of these facts, the whole crew of theVero Fidele, &c. &c., are to be examined.Wilberforce's notion of a Committee to be established by Act of Parliament for the trial of this particular case, seems to me too absurd for even him to persist in, since the obvious consequence must be a declaration that the same course must be followed in all subsequent trials, the two Houses being by their own confession as unfit to act judicially as the House of Commons was on election cases; and if that be the case, really the sooner Henry Hunt comes with his long brush to sweep us all out, the better.

My dear B——,

Your prognostications of the present Bill standing over for the decision of the rising generation, seem to be now, I will not say verified, but far exceeded, as it must remain not for that which is rising, but for that which is yet unborn,ifit be proceeded in. You know the strong bias of my opinion was originally towards an impeachment for misdemeanour, if a simple Divorce Bill could not be carried; and really, as is usual on such occasions, everything which passes seems to supply me with a fresh argument in favour of that course. Certain, however, it is, that no course could possibly have been adopted which would not have been marred by the weakness and indecision of Ministers. The double cross-examination now authorized, seems to me in its effect infinitely more inconvenient than a communication of the list of witnesses, objectionable as I thought that measure would have been originally. That at least would have expedited the business, since it would have left no pretence for calling for extended delay to prepare her defence. As it is, under the most favourable circumstances to the Bill, I do not see how it is to reach the House of Commons till after Christmas, allowing an interval of six weeks or two months for preparing her defence, which I suppose must be given. If this be the case, how will it be possible for the House of Commons to proceed to effect with such an examination as this, and at the same time to go through the ordinary business of the session, increased as it will be beyond precedent by the arrears and omissions of the last?

There are many whose object it will be studiously and declaredly to protract, in order that the business may necessarily drop to the ground; and from the general aversion to the whole proceeding, it seems to me that they must succeed.

The evidence against the Queen seems already decisive, so far as to establish her criminality; but I understand that, in order to guard against a possibility of the contradiction of these facts, the whole crew of theVero Fidele, &c. &c., are to be examined.

Wilberforce's notion of a Committee to be established by Act of Parliament for the trial of this particular case, seems to me too absurd for even him to persist in, since the obvious consequence must be a declaration that the same course must be followed in all subsequent trials, the two Houses being by their own confession as unfit to act judicially as the House of Commons was on election cases; and if that be the case, really the sooner Henry Hunt comes with his long brush to sweep us all out, the better.

Thus had proceeded the months of June, July, and August; in September, affairs looked worse. Libels against the Government abounded; the most violent language was indulged in by the democratic leaders; formidable riots became of frequent occurrence; in short, everything seemed to denote a revolution.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Brighton, Sept. 27, 1820.My dear Lord,From all I hear, and from general conversation, I have no doubt if the Bill proceeds in the Commons we shall have a riot, and I doubt extremely whether the Divorce Bill can be carried. I dined yesterday with the Duke of York, who is here alone. His conversation was violent against the Queen, and fair and candid with regard to the state of the country. He spoke, however, with great confidence on the state and disposition of the army; in fact, after all that is said and done, it must eventually depend upon the troops, for sure I am they will be called upon. I took the opportunity of holding the language you suggested, and indeed it is what I really feel. He said it was not intended in the first instance to have troops to guard the avenues of the Commons, but they would be in the way; the whole arrangements would continue; and if the House found it necessary to call for them, there they would be. There has been, as you heard from the K——, a general quarrel between the K——, Duke of York, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Gloucester, none of them now speaking to the latter. He has acted like an obstinate ——. What an abominable thing it is the King not going ashore, and not showing himself to any of his subjects! His conduct is an excitement to popular hatred. What can it mean? Lord King is here, and appears to me to chuckle quite at the thoughts of what is likely to happen. I fancy a great number of Peers, when it comes to the close, will avoid the vote.Perry, the editor, who is here, tells me the cry, instead of diminishing, increases in favour of the Queen; and he does not seem himself to favour her, or at least he does not speak in her praise.Lord Bathurst is here, and from his language, and that of the Duke of B——, I should say the Government is confoundedly frightened; the latter certainly implied the necessity of strengthening it, and lamented once or twice the want of energy, and the whole line which had been adopted. He leaves this for town to-morrow.Ever, &c.,W. H. F.

Brighton, Sept. 27, 1820.

My dear Lord,

From all I hear, and from general conversation, I have no doubt if the Bill proceeds in the Commons we shall have a riot, and I doubt extremely whether the Divorce Bill can be carried. I dined yesterday with the Duke of York, who is here alone. His conversation was violent against the Queen, and fair and candid with regard to the state of the country. He spoke, however, with great confidence on the state and disposition of the army; in fact, after all that is said and done, it must eventually depend upon the troops, for sure I am they will be called upon. I took the opportunity of holding the language you suggested, and indeed it is what I really feel. He said it was not intended in the first instance to have troops to guard the avenues of the Commons, but they would be in the way; the whole arrangements would continue; and if the House found it necessary to call for them, there they would be. There has been, as you heard from the K——, a general quarrel between the K——, Duke of York, Lord Liverpool, and the Duke of Gloucester, none of them now speaking to the latter. He has acted like an obstinate ——. What an abominable thing it is the King not going ashore, and not showing himself to any of his subjects! His conduct is an excitement to popular hatred. What can it mean? Lord King is here, and appears to me to chuckle quite at the thoughts of what is likely to happen. I fancy a great number of Peers, when it comes to the close, will avoid the vote.

Perry, the editor, who is here, tells me the cry, instead of diminishing, increases in favour of the Queen; and he does not seem himself to favour her, or at least he does not speak in her praise.

Lord Bathurst is here, and from his language, and that of the Duke of B——, I should say the Government is confoundedly frightened; the latter certainly implied the necessity of strengthening it, and lamented once or twice the want of energy, and the whole line which had been adopted. He leaves this for town to-morrow.

Ever, &c.,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Six o'clock.You have no idea of the state of the town: it is all confusion. The King and his Ministers are at issue on the question, as it is said, of the Queen; and the latter have sent in their resignation, unless the propositions they make are complied with. Lord Castlereagh was deputed yesterday to notify this decision to him, and he had a conference offourhours. The King, however, was not to be persuaded, and was again to have a decision of the Cabinet to-day. It is at this moment sitting at Carlton House. These are, as I am well informed,facts. The supposed cause is the Queen. The Council had prepared a Form of Prayer which the King positively refused to sign or sanction. The Funds fell to-day. As to the King forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present servants, with the avowed object of persecuting the Queen, it would be impossible; it would be making her the popular object, and throwing the country in a flame. However, be assured that the general belief is that the Government will be broken up. You may judge of this when I tell you that my authorities are Lord Conyngham, Lord Howden, and others in the interior of Carlton House. I hear you are at Dropmore, and send this to you. Be assured that the King on this subject is no lessthan madHe has said he would rather die, or lose his crown, than submit to any compromise of any sort with the Queen.Adieu. You shall hear to-morrow.Ever truly yours,W. H. F.

Six o'clock.

You have no idea of the state of the town: it is all confusion. The King and his Ministers are at issue on the question, as it is said, of the Queen; and the latter have sent in their resignation, unless the propositions they make are complied with. Lord Castlereagh was deputed yesterday to notify this decision to him, and he had a conference offourhours. The King, however, was not to be persuaded, and was again to have a decision of the Cabinet to-day. It is at this moment sitting at Carlton House. These are, as I am well informed,facts. The supposed cause is the Queen. The Council had prepared a Form of Prayer which the King positively refused to sign or sanction. The Funds fell to-day. As to the King forming a Government, after the resignation of all his present servants, with the avowed object of persecuting the Queen, it would be impossible; it would be making her the popular object, and throwing the country in a flame. However, be assured that the general belief is that the Government will be broken up. You may judge of this when I tell you that my authorities are Lord Conyngham, Lord Howden, and others in the interior of Carlton House. I hear you are at Dropmore, and send this to you. Be assured that the King on this subject is no lessthan madHe has said he would rather die, or lose his crown, than submit to any compromise of any sort with the Queen.

Adieu. You shall hear to-morrow.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

In the months of October and November it became evident that the frenzy outside the Houses of Parliament was exerting an influence within its walls. Notwithstanding Lord Grenville's manly declaration in his place in the House of Lords, on the 6th of November, that the proceedings before that assembly had furnished a mass of evidence that, in nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a thousand, would have ensured a conviction, several influential members of the Whig party as boldly declared that nothing of the slightest importance had been brought forward against the Queen.

The proceedings were drawing on, but the aspect of affairs looked blacker every hour. "Matters here are in a critical state," writes Lord Sidmouth to Mr. Bathurst, on the 27th of October. "Fear and faction are actively and not unsuccessfully at work; and it is possible that we may be in a minority, and that the fate of the Government may be decided in a few days."[45]Plumer Ward, in his "Diary," has this entry under the date of November 2nd:—

"Called upon [Wellesley] Pole. He was at breakfast, and we had a long chat. He thought everything very bad—Ministers, Opposition, King, Queen, Country—and what was more, no prospect of getting right. All ties were loosened. Insolence and insubordination out of doors; weakness and wickedness within. The Whigs, he said, were already half Radicals, and would be entirely so if we did not give way. I said his brother, the Duke [of Wellington], felt this too, but would not give way, nevertheless. He replied that the issue would soon be tried, for the Queen's question must determine it; and asked how I calculated it would be. I said I could not hope for a majority of more than thirty—so many friends of Government were against us on the policy, though they had no doubt of the guilt."[46]

Under these untoward circumstances, sanguine members of the neutral party were, as usual, speculating on a change in the Government. His Majesty, according to some accounts, was taking the matter very pleasantly. "The King," said Wellesley Pole, "to use his expression, was as merry as a grig. At first he had been annoyed, but was now enjoying himself at Brighton. He wished he would show himself more."[47]

The same authority affords many other peeps behind the political curtain. We quote one:—

"On leaving Pole, I met Hammond, my quondam colleague when we were Under Secretaries of State together. He told me it was certain Lord Grenville would support the Bill, and then asked me, with much concern, whether the report was true that, if it did not pass, Ministers had resolved to resign? I answered, that what they had resolved in their own minds no one could tell, but that I thought I could answer that no such resolution had been made a Cabinet measure. He said he was very glad. I related this to ——, who said with some vehemence, there was no reason on earth why they should resign. They had been right and straightforward from the beginning, and for one, he never would consent to it. —— said, Hammond being the mouthpiece of Canning, he had no doubt this was set on foot by his party. I thought this was going too far; nevertheless, it is surprising what industry they are showing against the Bill."[48]

"Lord Grenville," adds the diarist, "voted for the second reading, and spoke very ably, but so as to make us regret he had not spoken earlier."[49]

The second reading of the Bill was carried, and this, according to Lord Grey, stamped the Queen with a verdict of guilty. Having done this, Ministers prepared to get rid of the proceedings as soon as possible.

How the affair terminated is well described in Plumer Ward's "Diary," under the date November 10th. We can only afford space for a few lines:—

"The debate was now drawing to a close, and most of the peers who were speaking, whether for or against the third reading (the Duke of Northumberland very emphatically), were declaring their conviction that the Queen was guilty. At length the division was called, and Lord Gage enforced the standing order, that each peer should give his vote in his place,seriatim. The result was the small majority of 9; the numbers being 108 to 99. Lord Liverpool then got up and withdrew the Bill, resting it upon so small a majorityin the circumstances of the country."[50]

The Opposition were, of course, in raptures with this conclusion of the contest; but Ministers were still more delighted, the Duke of Wellington especially. "Well," said he, "we have done exceedingly well, and have avoided all sort of mischief, I think, with safety and without dishonour. The votes put the question of guilt or innocence out of doubt; the withdrawing is grounded upon mere expediency, and has nothing to do with the verdict; had we given up before the third reading, it would have been different."[51]

The metropolis was illuminated in consequence of the Government having abandoned the prosecution.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Nov. 12, 1820.Upon the whole, my dear B——, with the very imperfect means of information which, at the distance of a hundred and eighty miles from the scene of action, I possess, I am inclined to think the conclusion to which this business has been brought, the best that circumstances admitted of, and such as will afford the least triumph to the Radicals. Still, though the least, it is far too great for the safety of the country; and after the saturnalia which the shameful supineness and cowardice of Ministers have allowed, I know not how popular commotion is to be avoided. I feel as strongly as you do the claim of duty which the country possesses upon every man in such a conjuncture; yet I should most deeply regret if circumstances should oblige us to connect ourselves with men from whose previous conduct we could expect nothing but the shipwreck of our own character, and the loss of those means, which we may possibly possess by that character, of being of service hereafter.After their inconsistency and vacillation upon so important a subject as the Divorce clause, and voting against their own declared opinion on a measure which they had themselves originated, what dependence couldwe, small as could be our power, place upon their support and co-operation in measures which we might think necessary, and which, on the faith of that support, we might pledge ourselves to?At all events, I am most anxious that we should, for the present, stand aloof, when there has been so much to disgust us in the conduct of both parties, till we see what effect is produced by what has happened. Something certainly might depend upon the nature of the split which might take place in the Administration; but I fear that there could scarcely be any one which would not ensure the retirement of the only man whom it would be important to retain—Lord Liverpool. Castlereagh might, perhaps, try as Premier; but surely you would not think those encouraging auspices to start under, insisting as you must do absolutely on the dismissal of the Doctor and his whole train.I had much rather myself if an opportunity offered of coming in with the Whigs, trust to the usual and never-failing effect of office in making them vehement anti-Radicals, in case we could make some conditions for immediate measures, or rather against immediate concessions; but I feel that this is, at the present moment, too visionary a speculation. On the whole, I should repeat that we must at present wait the course of events; and, above all, avoid courting any offer from either party. Place and power are not objects which you can be bound to seek, though it may be your duty to accept them at a moment so perilous.I expect company here, which would make it difficult for me to join you at Stowe for some time. Of course, there will be a prorogation on the 23rd; and it should seem most probable that, unless the next three or four days should produce a general resignation, they will endeavour to wait over the first ferment produced by the abandonment of the Bill before they attempt any new arrangement.Ever most affectionately yours,C. W. W.

Llangedwin, Nov. 12, 1820.

Upon the whole, my dear B——, with the very imperfect means of information which, at the distance of a hundred and eighty miles from the scene of action, I possess, I am inclined to think the conclusion to which this business has been brought, the best that circumstances admitted of, and such as will afford the least triumph to the Radicals. Still, though the least, it is far too great for the safety of the country; and after the saturnalia which the shameful supineness and cowardice of Ministers have allowed, I know not how popular commotion is to be avoided. I feel as strongly as you do the claim of duty which the country possesses upon every man in such a conjuncture; yet I should most deeply regret if circumstances should oblige us to connect ourselves with men from whose previous conduct we could expect nothing but the shipwreck of our own character, and the loss of those means, which we may possibly possess by that character, of being of service hereafter.

After their inconsistency and vacillation upon so important a subject as the Divorce clause, and voting against their own declared opinion on a measure which they had themselves originated, what dependence couldwe, small as could be our power, place upon their support and co-operation in measures which we might think necessary, and which, on the faith of that support, we might pledge ourselves to?

At all events, I am most anxious that we should, for the present, stand aloof, when there has been so much to disgust us in the conduct of both parties, till we see what effect is produced by what has happened. Something certainly might depend upon the nature of the split which might take place in the Administration; but I fear that there could scarcely be any one which would not ensure the retirement of the only man whom it would be important to retain—Lord Liverpool. Castlereagh might, perhaps, try as Premier; but surely you would not think those encouraging auspices to start under, insisting as you must do absolutely on the dismissal of the Doctor and his whole train.

I had much rather myself if an opportunity offered of coming in with the Whigs, trust to the usual and never-failing effect of office in making them vehement anti-Radicals, in case we could make some conditions for immediate measures, or rather against immediate concessions; but I feel that this is, at the present moment, too visionary a speculation. On the whole, I should repeat that we must at present wait the course of events; and, above all, avoid courting any offer from either party. Place and power are not objects which you can be bound to seek, though it may be your duty to accept them at a moment so perilous.

I expect company here, which would make it difficult for me to join you at Stowe for some time. Of course, there will be a prorogation on the 23rd; and it should seem most probable that, unless the next three or four days should produce a general resignation, they will endeavour to wait over the first ferment produced by the abandonment of the Bill before they attempt any new arrangement.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

That the King was dissatisfied with his Ministers, is very apparent from the following communications:—

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Nov. 23, 1820.My dear Lord,Such a scene was never witnessed as that which took place in the House of Commons this afternoon. After a petition had been presented, and certain new members had been sworn, Denman got up to make a communication from the Queen. Sir Thomas Tyrrwhit instantly made his appearance; a clamour beyond all imagination arose; and the Speaker descended from the chair, amidst cries of "Shame! shame!" re-echoed through the House. The interpretation of this I understand to be, that Denman saw the Speaker yesterday, who advised him to change his form of proceeding from a Message from the Queen to a communication from her; andtold him, if he would be in the House a quarter before two, he should have an opportunity of making it. The Speaker having left the House in this state of ferment and indignation, preparations were made to receive him on his return (to read, as he usually does, the King's Speech) with a sharp volley; but the Lords Commissioners, it seems, delivered no speech, and the Speaker, instead of returning to us, retired to his own home. It is but just to add, that I was not an eyewitness of all these proceedings, for I reached the House just as the Speaker was entering the House of Peers; but I heard the relation from every one, and the indignation expressed at the Speaker's conduct was not confined to the members of Opposition.I hear no account of changes, &c., on which I can at all rely. The Government, since the abandonment of their Bill, seem to have lost their senses. They have done, I think, everything they ought not. In my opinion, they are irretrievably gone. I have no idea that they can long stand against the storm they have been so instrumental in raising against themselves; and this is the persuasion among many of those who have hitherto supported them.Excuse haste. But believe me your Lordship's obliged and faithful,Joseph Phillimore.

Whitehall, Nov. 23, 1820.

My dear Lord,

Such a scene was never witnessed as that which took place in the House of Commons this afternoon. After a petition had been presented, and certain new members had been sworn, Denman got up to make a communication from the Queen. Sir Thomas Tyrrwhit instantly made his appearance; a clamour beyond all imagination arose; and the Speaker descended from the chair, amidst cries of "Shame! shame!" re-echoed through the House. The interpretation of this I understand to be, that Denman saw the Speaker yesterday, who advised him to change his form of proceeding from a Message from the Queen to a communication from her; andtold him, if he would be in the House a quarter before two, he should have an opportunity of making it. The Speaker having left the House in this state of ferment and indignation, preparations were made to receive him on his return (to read, as he usually does, the King's Speech) with a sharp volley; but the Lords Commissioners, it seems, delivered no speech, and the Speaker, instead of returning to us, retired to his own home. It is but just to add, that I was not an eyewitness of all these proceedings, for I reached the House just as the Speaker was entering the House of Peers; but I heard the relation from every one, and the indignation expressed at the Speaker's conduct was not confined to the members of Opposition.

I hear no account of changes, &c., on which I can at all rely. The Government, since the abandonment of their Bill, seem to have lost their senses. They have done, I think, everything they ought not. In my opinion, they are irretrievably gone. I have no idea that they can long stand against the storm they have been so instrumental in raising against themselves; and this is the persuasion among many of those who have hitherto supported them.

Excuse haste. But believe me your Lordship's obliged and faithful,

Joseph Phillimore.

RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Sunday, Two o'clockp.m., Nov. 26, 1820.My dear Lord Buckingham,Lord Grenville has been employed this morning in making a note of a very long conversation which the King held with him yesterday, having sent for him to his Cottage. Lord G—— had intended to have added a few words to you upon this subject, but he has such a violent headache that he has been obliged to desire me to enclose to you his memorandum of what passed yesterday. He desires that you would return it by his servant as soon as you have read it, and strongly urges me to dwell upon the indispensable necessity of no part of that memorandum beingeither copied or quoted by you. You will see that he desired the K—— to mention to Lord L—— that such a conversation had taken place; and as it occupied five hours, it will probably be very generally known that Lord G—— was at the Cottage. The way in which Lord G—— means to speak of it when it is mentioned in his presence is, that "everybody knows his absolute determination not to embark in any official business, or in any possible Administration; but that the public danger appears to be so great, that it is very natural for the K—— to wish to converse with anybody on whose integrity and experience he places any reliance; and that, instead of being surprised that the K—— should wish to discuss these dangers with Lord G——, it is only surprising that he does not extend the same discussion to many others whom he may believe equally attached with Lord G—— to the constitution of our limited monarchy."This general observation seems quite sufficient, and is, in truth, a very fair picture of all that is fit to be said in public on such a topic. My brother thought that the K—— looked thin and worn, but said that he spoke with feeling and good sense throughout the whole conversation.My own speculation is, that C—— means to oppose the Cabinet in their exclusion from the Liturgy, and that he will quit on that ground; but we shall see whether any middle course will be adopted. I think Lord G—— did all that became him in declining to advise between the two parties of Government and Opposition; and that he will have done some good if, at his suggestion, the K—— forces his Ministers to look into their situation and to ascertain it, instead of going a-shooting and revelling.Lady L—— has broken a bloodvessel. Lord Kirkwall is dead. Lord G——'s servant returns early to-morrow.

Sunday, Two o'clockp.m., Nov. 26, 1820.

My dear Lord Buckingham,

Lord Grenville has been employed this morning in making a note of a very long conversation which the King held with him yesterday, having sent for him to his Cottage. Lord G—— had intended to have added a few words to you upon this subject, but he has such a violent headache that he has been obliged to desire me to enclose to you his memorandum of what passed yesterday. He desires that you would return it by his servant as soon as you have read it, and strongly urges me to dwell upon the indispensable necessity of no part of that memorandum beingeither copied or quoted by you. You will see that he desired the K—— to mention to Lord L—— that such a conversation had taken place; and as it occupied five hours, it will probably be very generally known that Lord G—— was at the Cottage. The way in which Lord G—— means to speak of it when it is mentioned in his presence is, that "everybody knows his absolute determination not to embark in any official business, or in any possible Administration; but that the public danger appears to be so great, that it is very natural for the K—— to wish to converse with anybody on whose integrity and experience he places any reliance; and that, instead of being surprised that the K—— should wish to discuss these dangers with Lord G——, it is only surprising that he does not extend the same discussion to many others whom he may believe equally attached with Lord G—— to the constitution of our limited monarchy."

This general observation seems quite sufficient, and is, in truth, a very fair picture of all that is fit to be said in public on such a topic. My brother thought that the K—— looked thin and worn, but said that he spoke with feeling and good sense throughout the whole conversation.

My own speculation is, that C—— means to oppose the Cabinet in their exclusion from the Liturgy, and that he will quit on that ground; but we shall see whether any middle course will be adopted. I think Lord G—— did all that became him in declining to advise between the two parties of Government and Opposition; and that he will have done some good if, at his suggestion, the K—— forces his Ministers to look into their situation and to ascertain it, instead of going a-shooting and revelling.

Lady L—— has broken a bloodvessel. Lord Kirkwall is dead. Lord G——'s servant returns early to-morrow.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 23, 1820.My dear Lord,I found Lord Shaftesbury at Lord Verulam's, and I think I never saw anybody so sore or so depressed as he appeared to be. I found from him that there is a considerable difference between Lord Liverpool and the Chancellor; and the history of the protestors, I am quite sure, arises from a wish of the latter to wound the former. Lords Bridgewater and Verulam have been persuaded by Lord Shaftesbury into it, and fancy they are acting a very independent and manly part by so doing.—The King has been urging the Government to go on with the businessnowwithout adjournment, and was most eager that the question of Income, Palace, and Liturgy should be immediately discussed; and in this he has again been advised by L——. He is very angry with his Ministers for not complying with his orders, and has abused both Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh. Notwithstanding all this, however, they are determined to try the game as they stand, and will meet Parliament without change. The Whigs and Radicals are both fearful of the Grenville party joining the Government; and Cobbett has been attacking you violently in his last number, which I do not think will lessen you in public opinion.—I did not go up to-day, for Lord Shaftesbury told me it was determined, if possible, to prevent any discussion.—I hope you continue to mend. You shall have whatever I pick up.Ever most truly yours,W. H. Fremantle.

Englefield Green, Nov. 23, 1820.

My dear Lord,

I found Lord Shaftesbury at Lord Verulam's, and I think I never saw anybody so sore or so depressed as he appeared to be. I found from him that there is a considerable difference between Lord Liverpool and the Chancellor; and the history of the protestors, I am quite sure, arises from a wish of the latter to wound the former. Lords Bridgewater and Verulam have been persuaded by Lord Shaftesbury into it, and fancy they are acting a very independent and manly part by so doing.—The King has been urging the Government to go on with the businessnowwithout adjournment, and was most eager that the question of Income, Palace, and Liturgy should be immediately discussed; and in this he has again been advised by L——. He is very angry with his Ministers for not complying with his orders, and has abused both Lords Liverpool and Castlereagh. Notwithstanding all this, however, they are determined to try the game as they stand, and will meet Parliament without change. The Whigs and Radicals are both fearful of the Grenville party joining the Government; and Cobbett has been attacking you violently in his last number, which I do not think will lessen you in public opinion.—I did not go up to-day, for Lord Shaftesbury told me it was determined, if possible, to prevent any discussion.—I hope you continue to mend. You shall have whatever I pick up.

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Nov. 26, 1820.My dear Lord,Of course, before you get this, you will have heard that the King sent for Lord Grenville. Bloomfield went on Friday to Dropmore, and yesterday Lord G—— came to the Cottage at eleven, and stayed till three.—It happened that I dined with the King afterwards, at the Princess Augusta's, at Frogmore, who called me aside to tell me of the conference, saying how much satisfied he had been with Lord Grenville.—Of course he said nothing further to me, excepting that he had told Lord G—— all that was intended to be done; by which I implied that the interview was more for the purpose of consulting and asking his advice, than for any object of change.—Previous to dinner, I thought his Majesty looked dreadfully dejected and thoughtful; but when he had dined (professing to have no appetite), and ate as much as would serve me for three days, of fish—but no meat—together with a bottle of strong punch, he was in much better spirits, and vastly agreeable. There were only six people, four of which were ladies. He did not sit a quarter of an hour after they left us; and excepting talking a little on the indecent behaviour of theMountainin the House of Commons, and telling an anecdote or two of the women who went up with addresses to the Queen, not a word was said of politics. He remained till twelve o'clock, and he and Princess Augusta and myself sang glees.—He leaves the Cottage to-morrow.—You may suppose how very anxious I am to learn generally what has been the object of the interview at the Cottage. If for a change, I am persuaded Lord G—— would recommend in the first place Lord Lansdowne; but if I were to judge of what the King said of Tierney's conduct on the day of the meeting, this would not suit his present feelings.—What a game has Lord Grenville now in his hands! and what an influence he might possess in the country, could he be tempted to take a lead, which I am sure he will not!—Pray let me hear from you, as I am dying to know something about it.—Possibly this may reach you at Dropmore, if it leads to negotiation.Ever truly yours,W. H. F.P.S.—The King spoke kindly of you, and about Wootton.

Englefield Green, Nov. 26, 1820.

My dear Lord,

Of course, before you get this, you will have heard that the King sent for Lord Grenville. Bloomfield went on Friday to Dropmore, and yesterday Lord G—— came to the Cottage at eleven, and stayed till three.—It happened that I dined with the King afterwards, at the Princess Augusta's, at Frogmore, who called me aside to tell me of the conference, saying how much satisfied he had been with Lord Grenville.—Of course he said nothing further to me, excepting that he had told Lord G—— all that was intended to be done; by which I implied that the interview was more for the purpose of consulting and asking his advice, than for any object of change.—Previous to dinner, I thought his Majesty looked dreadfully dejected and thoughtful; but when he had dined (professing to have no appetite), and ate as much as would serve me for three days, of fish—but no meat—together with a bottle of strong punch, he was in much better spirits, and vastly agreeable. There were only six people, four of which were ladies. He did not sit a quarter of an hour after they left us; and excepting talking a little on the indecent behaviour of theMountainin the House of Commons, and telling an anecdote or two of the women who went up with addresses to the Queen, not a word was said of politics. He remained till twelve o'clock, and he and Princess Augusta and myself sang glees.—He leaves the Cottage to-morrow.—You may suppose how very anxious I am to learn generally what has been the object of the interview at the Cottage. If for a change, I am persuaded Lord G—— would recommend in the first place Lord Lansdowne; but if I were to judge of what the King said of Tierney's conduct on the day of the meeting, this would not suit his present feelings.—What a game has Lord Grenville now in his hands! and what an influence he might possess in the country, could he be tempted to take a lead, which I am sure he will not!—Pray let me hear from you, as I am dying to know something about it.—Possibly this may reach you at Dropmore, if it leads to negotiation.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.—The King spoke kindly of you, and about Wootton.

The Queen immediately tried to make the most of her "triumph," as it was called, and wrote to Lord Liverpool, demanding a palace. This was refused, though a handsome allowance was offered. She then agitated for a restoration of her name to the Liturgy, which was also firmly opposed.

The result of the withdrawal of the Bill was remarkable. A delirium of triumph appeared to have seized the entire country, and more particularly the populations of the large cities; but singularly true was Lord Castlereagh's prophecy, that in six months the King would be the most popular person in his dominions. The madness of the multitude necessarily brought about a reaction. "When the struggle was over and the victory gained," observes an historian of these events, "the King and his Ministers defeated, and the Queen secured in her rank and fortune, they began to reflect on what they had done, and the qualities of the exalted personage of whom they had proved themselves such doughty champions. They called to mind the evidence in the case, which they had little considered while the contest lasted; and they observed, not without secret misgivings, the effect it produced on the different classes of society. They saw that the experienced hesitated at it, the serious shunned it, the licentious gloated over it. The reaction, so usual in such cases when the struggle is over, ensued; and, satisfied with having won the victory, they began to regret that it had not been gained in a less questionable cause."[52]

The last entry in Plumer Ward's "Diary" of this date is very characteristic of the Duke of Wellington:—"Met the Duke just come to town. He took me under the arm, and walked me to Lord Bathurst's. He was in excellent humour, and asked what news—having, as he said, been a country gentleman for two days. I said, I thought the heat a little, and but a little, subsiding. He observed, he thought so too; and that it would more after to-morrow—the prorogation. He was more convinced than ever of the wisdom of that measure, and of withdrawing the Bill."[53]

As may be exemplified by a familiar hygrometer, this change of atmosphere sent the lady out of notice, and brought the gentleman again before the public gaze.

The Government have been much censured for their proceedings in the Queen's case, but it was quite an exceptional one; and their treatment of it, however open to objections it may be, is equally open to justification. Their task, from the first, was an up-hill one, which nothing but their devotion to their master's service made them continue; but when a thousand unmistakeable signs foretold a rebellion if they persevered, they had no alternative but to put an end to the thing with all convenient despatch. The value of this movement soon became apparent. It possessed advantages which a victory could not have secured.

Notwithstanding the opinions expressed by the heads of the great Whig families in favour of the Queen, they could scarcely have desired her to be at the head of the female aristocracy of the kingdom—their example, guardian, and liege mistress. The stout lady in the magnificent hat and feathers was very well as a source of Ministerial embarrassment; but much as some of them pretended to decry the evidence against her that was elicited during her trial, they took especial care not to allow her anything resembling an intimacy with their wives and daughters.

Plumer Ward describes in his "Diary" one of the Opposition peers who had been very active for the Queen during the discussion of the Bill, though acknowledging that he entertained no doubt of her guilt. "I suppose," observed Ward, "you mean to present Lady —— at Brandenburg House? He, with a sudden change to solemnity, and with great emphasis, exclaimed, 'Never!'"[54]

The Queen soon began to discover that her victory was a sensible defeat. "She is striving to keep the flame alive," we are told, "and blow it to fury."[55]But the mob, having nothing to clamour about, nothing to break windows for, ceased to shout and to throw stones. The better educated became influenced quite as strongly from a different source. The cause of the Queen had enjoyed every assistance which a considerable portion of the press could afford it; and Thomas Moore and George Cruikshank manufactured the most stinging satires and the most ludicrous caricatures upon every person of distinction who opposed her; but a writer had entered the field on the other side, whose caustic humour told more damagingly on the popular idol and her chief supporters than the pen of the poet or the pencil of the artist; and Theodore Hook, in the columns of theJohn Bull, made the respectable portion of the Queenites heartily ashamed of their cause.

The Queen went in state to St. Paul's, to offer her thanks for the signal advantage over her enemies Providence had afforded her,[56]and omitted nothing likely to maintain herprestige; but the careful observer might easily have seen that the tide was turning. Brandenburg House was losing its attraction, while Carlton Palace again became the main channel of loyal interest. Addresses from several of the most influential communities in the kingdom were received by the Sovereign in quick succession; and in one from the University of Oxford, the deputation was headed by Lord Grenville, who was honoured with a most gracious reception.

"I shall be very glad to hear of your loyal addresses coming up," writes Sir William Scott. "We want to be reinforced in our spirits by friendly declarations from respectable bodies and individuals. The Whigs appear too much disposed to a coalition with the Radicals, in order to compel the King to dismiss the Ministers, and that coalition is of itself a sufficient reason for a firm resistance to their admission into power; for they will be compelled to make very unpleasant concessions to their new allies, at the expense of the constitution."[57]

The following correspondence will further illustrate the transactions of this period:—

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 17, 1820.My dear Lord,Since I wrote to you last, I have been manufacturing an address from this neighbourhood, which has been carried with great success, and has pleased,particularlyin the quarter where I was anxious it should. I received a communication from the King through Princess Augusta, who was commanded to deliver it to me, that he should make an exception for his neighbours, and receive it in person, and that he should afterwards invite the principal persons to dine with him, directing me to make a proper selection for him to invite. This has placed me in great awkwardness, for I dare not avow this permission for fear of offending all my neighbours, and it is difficult to make a selection where all are perfectly unfit. However, I have endeavoured to get rid of it, by recommending it to be confined to those only who have been presented, or to noblemen and men of rank. Though highly flattering all this, I think you will agree with me it is highly absurd andinfra dignitate. My own opinion is, that he will not come to the neighbourhood this week, as he proposed; for you may rest assured he is extremely unwell—Ithink, seriously so. He has been bled twice or three times; the greatest pains are taken to keep this illness from the public; but my authority isgood, and what I can depend upon. He looked very ill when I last saw him, and I think Lord Grenville must have found his appearance much altered. The impression of my mind is that the complaint is in thehead. He has been agitated to a degree by the birth of this Clarence child, and by all the difficulties surrounding him; and not less from finding that he has no resource, but must submit to whatever his Ministers may decide as to the Queen. He still presses further resistance, and fancies the public will open their eyes to all the history which you know regarding the Princess Charlotte, which they will not believe one word about, but will only consider a further proof of conspiracy. On this point, however, he is uncontrollable, and nothing will convince him. What confirms me in his illness is, that Bloomfield was to have written to me two days ago to settle about our reception, &c. &c; he has not done so, and I am persuaded the King cannot leave town, and he don't like to acknowledge this.I heard a story—I don't vouch for the truth of it—that the Duke of Gloucester and Lord Craven had had some very high words at Coombe Abbey, where the former was on a visit. It began from strong opinions expressed by the former regarding the Queen, which the latter attacked; and it ended in the Royal personage going from his visit under great displeasure, and the visited declaring that he should never come to his house again. There may be no truth in this; but I rather believe it, because IknowLord Craven informed the King that he was to have this visit; that he regretted it, but it was an old invitation, and he could not put it off; otherwise, the behaviour of the Duke of Gloucester regarding the Queen was such that he never should have invited him. The King is outrageous with the Duke of Gloucester for not attending the University Address. I take it for granted Lord G—— goes with his, which will mark the neglect still stronger.I hope you observed our personal allusions to the King's conduct in our Address; I doubt if he will receive such another from any part of the kingdom.If I hear anything further, you shall immediately know it; and I probably shall in a few days.Ever truly yours,W. H. F.

Englefield Green, Dec. 17, 1820.

My dear Lord,

Since I wrote to you last, I have been manufacturing an address from this neighbourhood, which has been carried with great success, and has pleased,particularlyin the quarter where I was anxious it should. I received a communication from the King through Princess Augusta, who was commanded to deliver it to me, that he should make an exception for his neighbours, and receive it in person, and that he should afterwards invite the principal persons to dine with him, directing me to make a proper selection for him to invite. This has placed me in great awkwardness, for I dare not avow this permission for fear of offending all my neighbours, and it is difficult to make a selection where all are perfectly unfit. However, I have endeavoured to get rid of it, by recommending it to be confined to those only who have been presented, or to noblemen and men of rank. Though highly flattering all this, I think you will agree with me it is highly absurd andinfra dignitate. My own opinion is, that he will not come to the neighbourhood this week, as he proposed; for you may rest assured he is extremely unwell—Ithink, seriously so. He has been bled twice or three times; the greatest pains are taken to keep this illness from the public; but my authority isgood, and what I can depend upon. He looked very ill when I last saw him, and I think Lord Grenville must have found his appearance much altered. The impression of my mind is that the complaint is in thehead. He has been agitated to a degree by the birth of this Clarence child, and by all the difficulties surrounding him; and not less from finding that he has no resource, but must submit to whatever his Ministers may decide as to the Queen. He still presses further resistance, and fancies the public will open their eyes to all the history which you know regarding the Princess Charlotte, which they will not believe one word about, but will only consider a further proof of conspiracy. On this point, however, he is uncontrollable, and nothing will convince him. What confirms me in his illness is, that Bloomfield was to have written to me two days ago to settle about our reception, &c. &c; he has not done so, and I am persuaded the King cannot leave town, and he don't like to acknowledge this.

I heard a story—I don't vouch for the truth of it—that the Duke of Gloucester and Lord Craven had had some very high words at Coombe Abbey, where the former was on a visit. It began from strong opinions expressed by the former regarding the Queen, which the latter attacked; and it ended in the Royal personage going from his visit under great displeasure, and the visited declaring that he should never come to his house again. There may be no truth in this; but I rather believe it, because IknowLord Craven informed the King that he was to have this visit; that he regretted it, but it was an old invitation, and he could not put it off; otherwise, the behaviour of the Duke of Gloucester regarding the Queen was such that he never should have invited him. The King is outrageous with the Duke of Gloucester for not attending the University Address. I take it for granted Lord G—— goes with his, which will mark the neglect still stronger.

I hope you observed our personal allusions to the King's conduct in our Address; I doubt if he will receive such another from any part of the kingdom.

If I hear anything further, you shall immediately know it; and I probably shall in a few days.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Dec. 19, 1820.I hear that Canning has given way to the continued omission of the Queen from the Liturgy, as conceiving it preferable to an omission in the payment of his salary, and will continue the same cordial support to Castlereagh which he has hitherto afforded.I suppose that the Opposition will be compelled to move an amendment to the Address, though they are fully aware how disadvantageous and injudicious a mode of attack that is.The next question, and that on which they will get the best division, will be the omission in the Liturgy. I have not yet heard what the sum to be proposed for her establishment is. I think that she is in equity, under her marriage settlement, entitled to £50,000, which has been, in a great degree, recognised by the vote of the House of Commons in 1814, though, on aquantum meruit, pence might be a fitter allowance than pounds. I hope, therefore, that that will be the sum proposed; and cannot conceive that she will have a dozen to vote for putting her on the same footing as the late Queen, agreeable to the notice which has been given. As far as I can judge, I believe thereactionnow going on in the public mind to be very strong against her, and that the parlour, and even the shop, are becoming nearly as unanimous that way, as the servants'-hall and alehouse the other.Ever affectionately yours,C. W. W.

Llangedwin, Dec. 19, 1820.

I hear that Canning has given way to the continued omission of the Queen from the Liturgy, as conceiving it preferable to an omission in the payment of his salary, and will continue the same cordial support to Castlereagh which he has hitherto afforded.

I suppose that the Opposition will be compelled to move an amendment to the Address, though they are fully aware how disadvantageous and injudicious a mode of attack that is.

The next question, and that on which they will get the best division, will be the omission in the Liturgy. I have not yet heard what the sum to be proposed for her establishment is. I think that she is in equity, under her marriage settlement, entitled to £50,000, which has been, in a great degree, recognised by the vote of the House of Commons in 1814, though, on aquantum meruit, pence might be a fitter allowance than pounds. I hope, therefore, that that will be the sum proposed; and cannot conceive that she will have a dozen to vote for putting her on the same footing as the late Queen, agreeable to the notice which has been given. As far as I can judge, I believe thereactionnow going on in the public mind to be very strong against her, and that the parlour, and even the shop, are becoming nearly as unanimous that way, as the servants'-hall and alehouse the other.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

On the 20th December Mr. Canning resigned the Presidentship of the Board of Control and his place in Council, as was alleged, in consequence of dissatisfaction with the recent proceedings of the Government in reference to the Queen.

It has been surmised that an instinct, of which he had already given some examples, prompted him to desert what many considered a sinking ship. The affair is thus described by one of his colleagues:—"The interval since I last wrote to you has been an unpleasant one. Liverpool went to Walmer in a very uneasy state of mind and spirits, and during his absence I had some painful communications at C—— H—— [Carlton House]. C—— [Canning] followed him to Walmer, where he stayed three or four days, and on Saturday he returned. On Tuesday, C—— circulated a draft of a letter from himself to the King, containing his resignation, and on Wednesday the letter was laid before his Majesty. I was immediately sent for to C—— H——. The King, however, I know, was taken by surprise. * * * It is a most unfortunate circumstance, and involves us in very serious difficulties. He means to go abroad. It appears to me to be very doubtful, from the irritability of one great house, and the restlessness of a greater, whether the Government will hold together."[58]

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 26, 1820.My dear Lord,Since I wrote to you last, I have dined with the K——, who was all gracious and civil; but nothing passed on the subject of politics. I thought him infinitely better in health and spirits for the few days' quiet he had enjoyed in this neighbourhood. The party did not break up till past twelve o'clock. The only persons besides the Princess's families were, besides Mrs. Fremantle and Miss Hervey, Lord and Lady Harcourt.—He eat a great quantity—but no meat—and sang the whole evening, and was in much more cheerful spirits.—He is gone to Brighton, where there is a littlesnugparty, consisting only of his own men, Lady Blomfield, and Lord and Lady Conyngham; and I have no doubt he will remain there as long as he can. He talked of coming here again, in which case I should probably see him.From all I learn, I am quite persuaded his Ministers have now made up their minds to try the experiment of fighting the question of the Liturgy. It is certainly right that he should know that the thing is not totally to be abandoned if they fail—for this was his impression, I am quite sure, when I last wrote to you. I have no doubt I shall, somehow or other, have the means of letting him know this, and your opinions; but it must depend on the accident of meeting him. A trip to Brighton is quite out of the question; it would create suspicion; and ten to one I should not see him.I doubt if Peel will be prevailed on to take office. They are trying hard; but I cannot see how it can answer to him, nor in truth do I think he would be any great gain to them. My own opinion is, that they will shuffle and cut and make some change of office—that is, by putting Wellesley Pole or B. Bathurst, or something of this sort, in the India Board, and bringing Huskisson or some minor character forward.I have great fears about your Bucks Address; I think it is better altogether to letwell alone, for fear of raising a flame you cannot subdue. However, you must be the best judge; and if numbers are wanted for a meeting, I shall not fail to attend.You may depend on hearing from me if anything occurs.—The Duke of Gloucester is returned to Bagshot; I shall probably see him in a day or two. Nothing cangoonso badas thisménage. I doubt if it can last, with all the exertions which are making to make it worse.Shewill not give up her family, andhewill not associate with them.—The Duke of Sussex is seriously ill. I don't know his complaint, but I hear something spinal.Ever truly yours,W. H. F.

Englefield Green, Dec. 26, 1820.

My dear Lord,

Since I wrote to you last, I have dined with the K——, who was all gracious and civil; but nothing passed on the subject of politics. I thought him infinitely better in health and spirits for the few days' quiet he had enjoyed in this neighbourhood. The party did not break up till past twelve o'clock. The only persons besides the Princess's families were, besides Mrs. Fremantle and Miss Hervey, Lord and Lady Harcourt.—He eat a great quantity—but no meat—and sang the whole evening, and was in much more cheerful spirits.—He is gone to Brighton, where there is a littlesnugparty, consisting only of his own men, Lady Blomfield, and Lord and Lady Conyngham; and I have no doubt he will remain there as long as he can. He talked of coming here again, in which case I should probably see him.

From all I learn, I am quite persuaded his Ministers have now made up their minds to try the experiment of fighting the question of the Liturgy. It is certainly right that he should know that the thing is not totally to be abandoned if they fail—for this was his impression, I am quite sure, when I last wrote to you. I have no doubt I shall, somehow or other, have the means of letting him know this, and your opinions; but it must depend on the accident of meeting him. A trip to Brighton is quite out of the question; it would create suspicion; and ten to one I should not see him.

I doubt if Peel will be prevailed on to take office. They are trying hard; but I cannot see how it can answer to him, nor in truth do I think he would be any great gain to them. My own opinion is, that they will shuffle and cut and make some change of office—that is, by putting Wellesley Pole or B. Bathurst, or something of this sort, in the India Board, and bringing Huskisson or some minor character forward.

I have great fears about your Bucks Address; I think it is better altogether to letwell alone, for fear of raising a flame you cannot subdue. However, you must be the best judge; and if numbers are wanted for a meeting, I shall not fail to attend.

You may depend on hearing from me if anything occurs.—The Duke of Gloucester is returned to Bagshot; I shall probably see him in a day or two. Nothing cangoonso badas thisménage. I doubt if it can last, with all the exertions which are making to make it worse.Shewill not give up her family, andhewill not associate with them.—The Duke of Sussex is seriously ill. I don't know his complaint, but I hear something spinal.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

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