Dec. 26, 1820.I return you Fremantle's letter; it tells me no more than I had already collected from what is passing.I do believe that there is arising in the country enough of a Royalist spirit and feeling to have enabled such a man as Pitt, with his courage and abilities, and with some foundation of natural personal popularity, to avail himself of it, and by putting a speedy end,quoquo modo, to the discussions about the Queen's business, to make a good stand for the maintenance of Government.But it is needless to remark, that these people have neither decision of mind to view their situation in its true light, nor the means of acting upon it in such a course as could alone extricate their master and themselves from all their difficulties.On the other hand, it is no less evident thathesatisfies himself with talking about his situation, and does not feel reliance enough upon himself to act upon it in either of the two ways which are alone open to him—that of making himself the active partisan and supporter of his present system, and lending himself fully to every exertion of personal aid which he could still give them, by appearing in public, holding his levees, opening his house, &c. &c.; or, on the other hand, of opening immediate communication for a capitulation, the terms of which, irksome as they would now be, must daily become more and more so by the inevitable course of events, independently of those peculiar circumstances of personal temper which are unhappily so evident even in this moment, and will certainly not lose their force by the continuance of the contest.The Ministers have chosen for their field of battle precisely the very weakest post in their whole position; and though personally (if I took any personal part in these things) I should not have an instant's hesitation in voting against any party interference with the manner in which the K—— in Council, as head of the Church, has directed his family to be prayed for, yet I have hardly a doubt, from what I hear, that the majority of this House of Commons will think otherwise.As to Canning, I am certainly no admirer of any part of his conduct, past, present, or likely to come, on the subject of the Q——; but I must, after all, in fairness, say that the past having been such as it has, I do not see how he could at this time continue in office to advise, conduct, and answer for the K——'s measures against her.I know nothing of Peel, nor have any clue to guess his intentions; but I am clear that it would be little short of an act of direct insanity for any man not already involved in this mass of difficulty to go voluntarily and implicate himself in it.If I had no other ground for this opinion—and, unfortunately, there are a thousand good reasons for it—I should think it quite enough to look at the way in which, in such a moment, these Ministers are up, running about in every direction—the Duke of Wellington to Chester, Bathurst to Longleat and I know not where else, Harrowby to Dawlish, and letting the K—— himself go to Brighton, leaving everything at sixes and sevens, and trusting to live through the next month as they can, till the meeting of Parliament brings on the great crisis.Truly, if they can, or think they can, do anything to prop up their Government, they ought to be actively employed in the measures for that purpose; and if they cannot, they owe it to him to tell him so at once, and plainly.But as for any idea of their asking others to join them, in the very moment of their approaching, and, as they themselves seem to consider it, inevitable defeat, it does seem that they are not absurd enough to expect it; nor, if they did, could any reasonable man entertain the notion, without very different ideas of their personal fitness for taking their part in such a contest than the past can allow us to entertain.I am sure you know I say this from no personal indisposition to them. My early habits and predilections were with them. I have long since and totally forgotten whatever of personal controversy the events of political life interposed between us, and I have with great pleasure resumed with some of them the course of old friendships. Nor am I indisposed—but quite the contrary—to the cause which, unhappily for itself and for us all, is now committed into their hands.I wish it success; and as far as the conduct of an independent and disconnected man goes, I think you are bound to contribute to it if you can. But your worst enemy could wish you nothing worse than that you should mix yourself up with all the mischief which must, I fear, inevitably result from their unfitness to contend with such a storm, though in peace and in calm they might, as others far inferior to them in qualifications have done, navigate the vessel safely in a course already tracked and known.So, here ends my sermon.—God bless you.I have not read Grey's Durham speech—I have no pleasure in such reading, and abstain from it all I can. But it is only justice to say that Grey did in the House of Lords declare that his vote was given on the ground ofnot guilty—admitting and condemning what he thought greatimproprietiesin her conduct, but not thinking the case ofadulterysufficiently proved.I do not agree with him, as you know, in this opinion; but it is not fair to impute it to him now as an inconsistency.As for Bucks, I know not who your sheriff is, but I trust he is one who will refuse, as his Berkshire neighbour has done, to call a meeting; and if one is called by the four or five gentlemen of that party in this county, I should most stronglydissuadeyour giving it so much countenance as to attend it and make it the scene of a contest. You would be much stronger in the shape of a counter-Address in that case.
Dec. 26, 1820.
I return you Fremantle's letter; it tells me no more than I had already collected from what is passing.
I do believe that there is arising in the country enough of a Royalist spirit and feeling to have enabled such a man as Pitt, with his courage and abilities, and with some foundation of natural personal popularity, to avail himself of it, and by putting a speedy end,quoquo modo, to the discussions about the Queen's business, to make a good stand for the maintenance of Government.
But it is needless to remark, that these people have neither decision of mind to view their situation in its true light, nor the means of acting upon it in such a course as could alone extricate their master and themselves from all their difficulties.
On the other hand, it is no less evident thathesatisfies himself with talking about his situation, and does not feel reliance enough upon himself to act upon it in either of the two ways which are alone open to him—that of making himself the active partisan and supporter of his present system, and lending himself fully to every exertion of personal aid which he could still give them, by appearing in public, holding his levees, opening his house, &c. &c.; or, on the other hand, of opening immediate communication for a capitulation, the terms of which, irksome as they would now be, must daily become more and more so by the inevitable course of events, independently of those peculiar circumstances of personal temper which are unhappily so evident even in this moment, and will certainly not lose their force by the continuance of the contest.
The Ministers have chosen for their field of battle precisely the very weakest post in their whole position; and though personally (if I took any personal part in these things) I should not have an instant's hesitation in voting against any party interference with the manner in which the K—— in Council, as head of the Church, has directed his family to be prayed for, yet I have hardly a doubt, from what I hear, that the majority of this House of Commons will think otherwise.
As to Canning, I am certainly no admirer of any part of his conduct, past, present, or likely to come, on the subject of the Q——; but I must, after all, in fairness, say that the past having been such as it has, I do not see how he could at this time continue in office to advise, conduct, and answer for the K——'s measures against her.
I know nothing of Peel, nor have any clue to guess his intentions; but I am clear that it would be little short of an act of direct insanity for any man not already involved in this mass of difficulty to go voluntarily and implicate himself in it.
If I had no other ground for this opinion—and, unfortunately, there are a thousand good reasons for it—I should think it quite enough to look at the way in which, in such a moment, these Ministers are up, running about in every direction—the Duke of Wellington to Chester, Bathurst to Longleat and I know not where else, Harrowby to Dawlish, and letting the K—— himself go to Brighton, leaving everything at sixes and sevens, and trusting to live through the next month as they can, till the meeting of Parliament brings on the great crisis.
Truly, if they can, or think they can, do anything to prop up their Government, they ought to be actively employed in the measures for that purpose; and if they cannot, they owe it to him to tell him so at once, and plainly.
But as for any idea of their asking others to join them, in the very moment of their approaching, and, as they themselves seem to consider it, inevitable defeat, it does seem that they are not absurd enough to expect it; nor, if they did, could any reasonable man entertain the notion, without very different ideas of their personal fitness for taking their part in such a contest than the past can allow us to entertain.
I am sure you know I say this from no personal indisposition to them. My early habits and predilections were with them. I have long since and totally forgotten whatever of personal controversy the events of political life interposed between us, and I have with great pleasure resumed with some of them the course of old friendships. Nor am I indisposed—but quite the contrary—to the cause which, unhappily for itself and for us all, is now committed into their hands.
I wish it success; and as far as the conduct of an independent and disconnected man goes, I think you are bound to contribute to it if you can. But your worst enemy could wish you nothing worse than that you should mix yourself up with all the mischief which must, I fear, inevitably result from their unfitness to contend with such a storm, though in peace and in calm they might, as others far inferior to them in qualifications have done, navigate the vessel safely in a course already tracked and known.
So, here ends my sermon.—God bless you.
I have not read Grey's Durham speech—I have no pleasure in such reading, and abstain from it all I can. But it is only justice to say that Grey did in the House of Lords declare that his vote was given on the ground ofnot guilty—admitting and condemning what he thought greatimproprietiesin her conduct, but not thinking the case ofadulterysufficiently proved.
I do not agree with him, as you know, in this opinion; but it is not fair to impute it to him now as an inconsistency.
As for Bucks, I know not who your sheriff is, but I trust he is one who will refuse, as his Berkshire neighbour has done, to call a meeting; and if one is called by the four or five gentlemen of that party in this county, I should most stronglydissuadeyour giving it so much countenance as to attend it and make it the scene of a contest. You would be much stronger in the shape of a counter-Address in that case.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Englefield Green, Dec. 29, 1820.My dear Lord,Since I wrote to you last, we have had a great deal of discussion regarding our presenting the Address. Lord Sidmouth interfered, and said it would give offence to others if it were received as a body; and the King then deputed me to select six gentlemen, which was utterly impossible without giving offence; so that it has ended at last in its going to the Secretary of State. This negotiation, however, has brought me in contact with the King, who was graciously pleased to see me yesterday, and kept me nearly an hour. After the first two or three sentences about the Address, he entered upon politics and the Queen and, in short, as you may suppose, talking the whole time, there was hardly anything he did not touch upon. It was evident from his language that his Ministry was undecided up to the moment when he left town; for he said more than once, "If my Government remain, or if partial changes take place, which must be the case, it is necessary for them now to meet the questions manfully. The tide of public opinion has changed, and they must profit by it. If they surrender, they give up the monarchy—the constitution—all that we hold sacred; for Lord Grey, by his speech at Durham, has shown his connexion and his determination to unite with the Radicals. He has declared (contrary to his declaration in the Lords) that, if he had had to decide on the Queen, he should have said Not guilty. This was at once deciding against him, and against all that ought to be held sacred and moral." I only give this as a small specimen; but his invective against Lord Grey was stronger and more violent than I can possibly repeat. At the same time, I should imagine, though undoubtedly he did not say anything that approached it, that he was doubtful whether his Government meant to stand stout. The language of the Ministers' friends is, that they mean to try the question of the Liturgy; and if they are beat, then to resign in a body. I believe this to be the real truth, and I know they have been urged to this by several county members. It is impossible to describe how full the King was of the Oxford Address. Pray tell Lord Grenville this, if he is with you (which the papers state). He described over and over again all the enthusiasm of loyalty betrayed in the forgetfulness of all decorum after he had left the throne. He spoke of their clapping him on the back; of their great numbers; but, above all, of the dignified and proper manner in which the Chancellor read the Address, every word of which he praised in the highest terms. I thought he looked very ill—certainly worse than when I had before seen him, though a short time since; and conversing with Bloomfield he said the same thing; but he was greatly collected, his eyes animated, and full of the subjects he discussed—unfortunately still harping on all the idle and miserable intrigues about the Princess Charlotte. What, however, most struck me, and what I am most anxious to observe to you, was his increased hostility and indignation against the Opposition, and more personally against Lord Grey.I see they are trying hard to manufacture Addresses against the Government from different counties. Here in Berks they will get a flaming one; but I doubt their success in many others. I own I have great fears in your attempting a loyal one in Bucks; I have no doubt of the northern side, but I am sure you would find a strong opposition from the southern quarter; and as it must be held—the meeting—at Aylesbury, this would operate very much against it.Any failure would be most unfortunate—and they would move heaven and earth to beat you; any amendment, even, would have the effect of a victory. The Russells, Cavendishes,—everything that could be mustered would come forward; so that I own I should fear the attempt. Pray let me know if it should take place, as I would certainly attend; and should the Radicals attempt an Address on their part, then I think we should at once muster every strength, and fight them. I hope, in such a case, we should beat them.I cannot find out the full extent of Lord S——'s history. I believe it exaggerated; but I have no doubt, from what I have heard, that there has been a scene. He is not recalled; but I believe it is understood he is to come home. I rather expect that Sir Henry Wellesley, from Madrid, will succeed him, provided this Government stands.As to what is to become of the Board of Control, I have not a guess. I can't believe Peel will, at such a moment, plunge himself in such a troubled lake, nor can I see to what quarter they can look, in their present distracted and unsettled state, for a connexion; it is another thing supporting the measures that may be brought forward.I am invited to meet the King at dinner to-morrow; and if I hear anything worth relating, you shall have a letter.Ever truly yours,W. H. F.
Englefield Green, Dec. 29, 1820.
My dear Lord,
Since I wrote to you last, we have had a great deal of discussion regarding our presenting the Address. Lord Sidmouth interfered, and said it would give offence to others if it were received as a body; and the King then deputed me to select six gentlemen, which was utterly impossible without giving offence; so that it has ended at last in its going to the Secretary of State. This negotiation, however, has brought me in contact with the King, who was graciously pleased to see me yesterday, and kept me nearly an hour. After the first two or three sentences about the Address, he entered upon politics and the Queen and, in short, as you may suppose, talking the whole time, there was hardly anything he did not touch upon. It was evident from his language that his Ministry was undecided up to the moment when he left town; for he said more than once, "If my Government remain, or if partial changes take place, which must be the case, it is necessary for them now to meet the questions manfully. The tide of public opinion has changed, and they must profit by it. If they surrender, they give up the monarchy—the constitution—all that we hold sacred; for Lord Grey, by his speech at Durham, has shown his connexion and his determination to unite with the Radicals. He has declared (contrary to his declaration in the Lords) that, if he had had to decide on the Queen, he should have said Not guilty. This was at once deciding against him, and against all that ought to be held sacred and moral." I only give this as a small specimen; but his invective against Lord Grey was stronger and more violent than I can possibly repeat. At the same time, I should imagine, though undoubtedly he did not say anything that approached it, that he was doubtful whether his Government meant to stand stout. The language of the Ministers' friends is, that they mean to try the question of the Liturgy; and if they are beat, then to resign in a body. I believe this to be the real truth, and I know they have been urged to this by several county members. It is impossible to describe how full the King was of the Oxford Address. Pray tell Lord Grenville this, if he is with you (which the papers state). He described over and over again all the enthusiasm of loyalty betrayed in the forgetfulness of all decorum after he had left the throne. He spoke of their clapping him on the back; of their great numbers; but, above all, of the dignified and proper manner in which the Chancellor read the Address, every word of which he praised in the highest terms. I thought he looked very ill—certainly worse than when I had before seen him, though a short time since; and conversing with Bloomfield he said the same thing; but he was greatly collected, his eyes animated, and full of the subjects he discussed—unfortunately still harping on all the idle and miserable intrigues about the Princess Charlotte. What, however, most struck me, and what I am most anxious to observe to you, was his increased hostility and indignation against the Opposition, and more personally against Lord Grey.
I see they are trying hard to manufacture Addresses against the Government from different counties. Here in Berks they will get a flaming one; but I doubt their success in many others. I own I have great fears in your attempting a loyal one in Bucks; I have no doubt of the northern side, but I am sure you would find a strong opposition from the southern quarter; and as it must be held—the meeting—at Aylesbury, this would operate very much against it.Any failure would be most unfortunate—and they would move heaven and earth to beat you; any amendment, even, would have the effect of a victory. The Russells, Cavendishes,—everything that could be mustered would come forward; so that I own I should fear the attempt. Pray let me know if it should take place, as I would certainly attend; and should the Radicals attempt an Address on their part, then I think we should at once muster every strength, and fight them. I hope, in such a case, we should beat them.
I cannot find out the full extent of Lord S——'s history. I believe it exaggerated; but I have no doubt, from what I have heard, that there has been a scene. He is not recalled; but I believe it is understood he is to come home. I rather expect that Sir Henry Wellesley, from Madrid, will succeed him, provided this Government stands.
As to what is to become of the Board of Control, I have not a guess. I can't believe Peel will, at such a moment, plunge himself in such a troubled lake, nor can I see to what quarter they can look, in their present distracted and unsettled state, for a connexion; it is another thing supporting the measures that may be brought forward.
I am invited to meet the King at dinner to-morrow; and if I hear anything worth relating, you shall have a letter.
Ever truly yours,
W. H. F.
LORD CASSILIS TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Culzean Castle, Dec. —.I received your letter, my dear Lord Buckingham, when writhing under a fit of the gout, the legacy of the Bill of Pains and Penalties which you made me vote for. God help us! as the saying is; for what is to become of us, He only knows. There seems nothing but chaos and desolation whatever way a man turns himself: the middle classes of the people waging war upon the higher orders; the tenantry taking advantage of the times to conspire against their landlords; and the lower orders existing only from the circumstance of the produce of land being unmarketable: barley two shillings a bushel, oats nearly the same, and no sale for wheat at any price. The weavers are certainly all employed here, but cannot earn more than from six to eight shillings a week. Such is our state. The finance of the country is "opportunely" a little improved. Had it retrograded a little, the King was over with us; and there yet hangs out insurmountable evil. I think I hear you say, "What a gloomy dog!"And so I am, because I cannot seedaylightin any direction. I cannot agree about a reduction of our army: a soldier less, and we shall have revolution and civil war. Those people under whose protection we should be put if the army was reduced, would, as Rollo says, "cover and devour us." It's all really dreadful. I have not since I saw you heard a reasonable conjecture even about the Administration's fate or plans. I think that Canning will stick to Liverpool; Morley told mehe would positively. I should not be displeased to see a separation between Liverpool and Castlereagh. I think it very probable that the Opposition will take the King by storm, backed as they are and will be by the people, as they are called. The Addresses to the King as yet are feeble and poor, nothing likeheartappearing. If the Opposition get in, they will let fly a set of measures calculated to secure popularity at starting, but which in the end will bring ruin,absolute, upon the country. It does not appear possible to me for the Government to get on, when Parliament meets, if the present fever in the public mind does not abate. I will not bore you any more with my lamentations. Pray do give me some consolation if you can, and at any rate be kind enough to let me know when anything political is stirring. What would I not have given to have beenbehind the screenat Lord Grenville's audience!—The weather here is nearly as bad as the times.Ever, my dear Lord Buckingham,Your truly faithfulCassilis.
Culzean Castle, Dec. —.
I received your letter, my dear Lord Buckingham, when writhing under a fit of the gout, the legacy of the Bill of Pains and Penalties which you made me vote for. God help us! as the saying is; for what is to become of us, He only knows. There seems nothing but chaos and desolation whatever way a man turns himself: the middle classes of the people waging war upon the higher orders; the tenantry taking advantage of the times to conspire against their landlords; and the lower orders existing only from the circumstance of the produce of land being unmarketable: barley two shillings a bushel, oats nearly the same, and no sale for wheat at any price. The weavers are certainly all employed here, but cannot earn more than from six to eight shillings a week. Such is our state. The finance of the country is "opportunely" a little improved. Had it retrograded a little, the King was over with us; and there yet hangs out insurmountable evil. I think I hear you say, "What a gloomy dog!"And so I am, because I cannot seedaylightin any direction. I cannot agree about a reduction of our army: a soldier less, and we shall have revolution and civil war. Those people under whose protection we should be put if the army was reduced, would, as Rollo says, "cover and devour us." It's all really dreadful. I have not since I saw you heard a reasonable conjecture even about the Administration's fate or plans. I think that Canning will stick to Liverpool; Morley told mehe would positively. I should not be displeased to see a separation between Liverpool and Castlereagh. I think it very probable that the Opposition will take the King by storm, backed as they are and will be by the people, as they are called. The Addresses to the King as yet are feeble and poor, nothing likeheartappearing. If the Opposition get in, they will let fly a set of measures calculated to secure popularity at starting, but which in the end will bring ruin,absolute, upon the country. It does not appear possible to me for the Government to get on, when Parliament meets, if the present fever in the public mind does not abate. I will not bore you any more with my lamentations. Pray do give me some consolation if you can, and at any rate be kind enough to let me know when anything political is stirring. What would I not have given to have beenbehind the screenat Lord Grenville's audience!—The weather here is nearly as bad as the times.
Ever, my dear Lord Buckingham,
Your truly faithful
Cassilis.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Llangedwin, Dec. 31, 1820.My dear B——,I hear from Phillimore that the successor to Canning still remains undetermined. If Peel would accept it, or were rather to succeed Vansittart, my opinion of the probability of the present Government standing would be more strengthened than by any other event whatever. My estimate of Peel is, I am aware, higher than yours. I agree with you that he cannot supply the effect of one of Canning's glittering, eloquent speeches; still, he combines greater advantages at this moment than any other man in the House of Commons.Talent, independent fortune, official habits and reputation, and, above all, general character both in and out of Parliament, have, I am persuaded, disposed more men to follow and more to unite with him than any person whom you can name among us. I do not deny the objections arising from want of family and connexion, from the irritability he has shown of late, and from the drubbing which Brougham gave him last year; but still you must remember that you can name no one who has not greater difficulties to encounter, and fewer advantages to assist him. Phillimore tells me that he hears that he has refused to connect himself with the Administration, from disapprobation of their gross mismanagement during the late business. If this were true, I should have more hope of the possibility of forming a fresh Government, in the event of the present falling, than I have yet entertained. I think he is not ill-inclined to back out of the Catholic question, and that that was the meaning of his proposed going abroad for a twelvemonth after his marriage; but I have no personal acquaintance with him to make my opinion on this subject worth anything.Ever affectionately yours,C. W. W.
Llangedwin, Dec. 31, 1820.
My dear B——,
I hear from Phillimore that the successor to Canning still remains undetermined. If Peel would accept it, or were rather to succeed Vansittart, my opinion of the probability of the present Government standing would be more strengthened than by any other event whatever. My estimate of Peel is, I am aware, higher than yours. I agree with you that he cannot supply the effect of one of Canning's glittering, eloquent speeches; still, he combines greater advantages at this moment than any other man in the House of Commons.
Talent, independent fortune, official habits and reputation, and, above all, general character both in and out of Parliament, have, I am persuaded, disposed more men to follow and more to unite with him than any person whom you can name among us. I do not deny the objections arising from want of family and connexion, from the irritability he has shown of late, and from the drubbing which Brougham gave him last year; but still you must remember that you can name no one who has not greater difficulties to encounter, and fewer advantages to assist him. Phillimore tells me that he hears that he has refused to connect himself with the Administration, from disapprobation of their gross mismanagement during the late business. If this were true, I should have more hope of the possibility of forming a fresh Government, in the event of the present falling, than I have yet entertained. I think he is not ill-inclined to back out of the Catholic question, and that that was the meaning of his proposed going abroad for a twelvemonth after his marriage; but I have no personal acquaintance with him to make my opinion on this subject worth anything.
Ever affectionately yours,
C. W. W.
"The King is improved in health and spirits," writes the Home Secretary to Lord Exmouth, "and you may rest assured he will be firmly supported by his Government, which, however, cannot serve him usefully unless they are also firmly supported by Parliament. We have taken our determination. The Queen will neither be harassed nor molested; but to a palace, and to the insertion of her name in the Liturgy, we shall never consent; and if Parliament should differ from us on these points, the Government must fall. But the reports from our friends are extremely satisfactory."[59]
CHAPTER IV.[1821.]
LETTER FROM THE KING TO LORD ELDON ON LIBELLOUS PUBLICATIONS. CLAIMS OF THE QUEEN. LORD CASTLEREAGH'S ATTACK ON LORD ERSKINE. POSITION OF THE GOVERNMENT. CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. FAMILY QUARRELS. SUGGESTED JUNCTION OF THE GRENVILLES WITH THE GOVERNMENT. MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM PROPOSED BY THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON AS LORD-LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND. PREPARATIONS FOR THE CORONATION. NEGOTIATIONS. INFLUENCE OF "THE LADY". QUEEN CAROLINE AT THE CORONATION.
CHAPTER IV.
During the late discussions respecting the Queen, the freedom of a certain portion of the press had known no bounds. When the tide of popular opinion began to turn, it was thought advisable that some effort should be made to restrain it within the limits of decency, and punish offenders; and one of the most eager to take advantage of the change was the illustrious individual who had suffered most from the abuse.
THE KING TO LORD ELDON.
Brighton, Jan. 9, 1821.My dear Lord,As the Courts of Law will now open within a few days, I am desirous to know the decision that has been taken by the Attorney-General upon the mode in which all the vendors of treason, and libellers, such as Benbow, &c. &c., are to be prosecuted. This is a measure so vitally indispensable to my feelings, as well as to the country, that I mustinsistthat nofurtherloss of time should be suffered to elapse before proceedings be instituted. It isclearbeyond dispute, from the improvement of the public mind, and the loyalty which the country is now everywhere displaying,if properly cultivated and turned to the best advantage by Ministers, that the Government will thereby be enabled torepairto thecountryand tome, those evils of the magnitude of which there can be but one opinion. This I write to you in your double capacity as a friend and a Minister; and I wish, under thesamefeelings to Lord Sidmouth, that you would communicate my opinions and determination to him.Always, my dear Lord,Very sincerely yours,G. R.
Brighton, Jan. 9, 1821.
My dear Lord,
As the Courts of Law will now open within a few days, I am desirous to know the decision that has been taken by the Attorney-General upon the mode in which all the vendors of treason, and libellers, such as Benbow, &c. &c., are to be prosecuted. This is a measure so vitally indispensable to my feelings, as well as to the country, that I mustinsistthat nofurtherloss of time should be suffered to elapse before proceedings be instituted. It isclearbeyond dispute, from the improvement of the public mind, and the loyalty which the country is now everywhere displaying,if properly cultivated and turned to the best advantage by Ministers, that the Government will thereby be enabled torepairto thecountryand tome, those evils of the magnitude of which there can be but one opinion. This I write to you in your double capacity as a friend and a Minister; and I wish, under thesamefeelings to Lord Sidmouth, that you would communicate my opinions and determination to him.
Always, my dear Lord,
Very sincerely yours,
G. R.
The ferment that had so long agitated society was maintained with much heat in political circles, and rumours of Ministerial changes were rife, as had often previously been the case, just before the meeting of Parliament. At this crisis, the intermediate party of the Grenvilles were daily gaining importance in the eyes of both Whigs and Tories, and, as will be shown, its policy became a question of absorbing interest to its leaders. The Queen still managed to keep herself prominently before the public, and was using her best exertions among her supporters in the House of Commons to force the Government to allow her advantages and privileges claimed by her as belonging to her rank—her name in the Liturgy, and a palatial residence, with a corresponding income, being the chief. On these points the correspondence will be found to be peculiarly illustrative.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Doctors' Commons, Jan. 16, 1821.My dear Lord,I am naturally desirous of ascertaining, by the only mode of communication which seems open to me, your general opinion and sentiments as to the outline of the course we ought to shape in the stormy debates we shall probably have so speedily to encounter. Our situation as a party appears to be more critical than it has ever been. The Ministers have conducted themselves with great imbecility and indecision, and the Opposition have distinguished themselves by their violence and intemperance; and under these circumstances we are looked upon as a rallying point between the two extremes, and our opinion is very anxiously looked for by many persons who wish, if they can, to make it the guide of their conduct. It seems to me, therefore, very desirable to consider, as much as we can before-hand, any of the questions on which we may be called upon to give an opinion. The two first points expected to be brought forward are the Liturgy and the Palace. With respect to the Liturgy, I am strongly inclined to think, upon an examination of the subject (for at first I had considerable doubt upon it), that the King has the right to do as he has done; and though I do not think his exercise of the right discreet or advisable under the circumstances, still if he had the right, I should not be disposed to hold that the Queen's name oughtnowto be placed in the Liturgy. The general opinion of lawyers is, I think, unfavourable to the King's claim; but then, perhaps, that opinion is frequently given without any examination of the subject.On the Palace, I feel no difficulties. If we are to allow her—as I understand it is to be proposed that we shall—£50,000 per annum, she may well afford to pay rent for her habitation.Questions may be expected to be raised also as to the policy of Government in bringing forward any measure against the Queen, and as to their mode of conducting it when brought forward. On both of these points it appears to me that much blame is imputable to the Ministers; but these are questions which cannot be brought forward substantively for some days at least, and therefore I trust I shall have an opportunity of discussing them with you before any occasion can arise on which we may be called upon to give any opinion respecting them.The Address, I suppose, will be such as not necessarily to compromise those who vote for it to any opinion as to the wisdom of Ministers; but I think, however bad, in point of tactics in general, it may be to propose an amendment, that, under existing circumstances, an amendment must be moved. The query then is, whether we should explain our vote? and if we do, what should be the nature of that explanation?The Government people either are, or pretend to be, in better spirits than they were three weeks ago; but I have great doubts whether they will be able to withstand the storm;—at all events, if they do, they will be severely shattered; all will depend on whether they can get their friends to vote. They very much encourage the idea that we are to support them, and to take office at or about Easter; but this is aruse de guerreresorted to at the opening of every session.—I never witnessed more dismay than was excited by a rumour very much circulated last week, that Plunket was to take an active part against the Government.Another report set on foot is, that the King is very desirous that the Government may be beaten on the Address, as it will give him a good excuse to get rid of them.I fear there is little chance of Wynn's coming to London till the last moment; but I have not heard anything from him on this point.Believe me, my dear Lord,Your Lordship's obliged and faithful servant,Joseph Phillimore.
Doctors' Commons, Jan. 16, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I am naturally desirous of ascertaining, by the only mode of communication which seems open to me, your general opinion and sentiments as to the outline of the course we ought to shape in the stormy debates we shall probably have so speedily to encounter. Our situation as a party appears to be more critical than it has ever been. The Ministers have conducted themselves with great imbecility and indecision, and the Opposition have distinguished themselves by their violence and intemperance; and under these circumstances we are looked upon as a rallying point between the two extremes, and our opinion is very anxiously looked for by many persons who wish, if they can, to make it the guide of their conduct. It seems to me, therefore, very desirable to consider, as much as we can before-hand, any of the questions on which we may be called upon to give an opinion. The two first points expected to be brought forward are the Liturgy and the Palace. With respect to the Liturgy, I am strongly inclined to think, upon an examination of the subject (for at first I had considerable doubt upon it), that the King has the right to do as he has done; and though I do not think his exercise of the right discreet or advisable under the circumstances, still if he had the right, I should not be disposed to hold that the Queen's name oughtnowto be placed in the Liturgy. The general opinion of lawyers is, I think, unfavourable to the King's claim; but then, perhaps, that opinion is frequently given without any examination of the subject.
On the Palace, I feel no difficulties. If we are to allow her—as I understand it is to be proposed that we shall—£50,000 per annum, she may well afford to pay rent for her habitation.
Questions may be expected to be raised also as to the policy of Government in bringing forward any measure against the Queen, and as to their mode of conducting it when brought forward. On both of these points it appears to me that much blame is imputable to the Ministers; but these are questions which cannot be brought forward substantively for some days at least, and therefore I trust I shall have an opportunity of discussing them with you before any occasion can arise on which we may be called upon to give any opinion respecting them.
The Address, I suppose, will be such as not necessarily to compromise those who vote for it to any opinion as to the wisdom of Ministers; but I think, however bad, in point of tactics in general, it may be to propose an amendment, that, under existing circumstances, an amendment must be moved. The query then is, whether we should explain our vote? and if we do, what should be the nature of that explanation?
The Government people either are, or pretend to be, in better spirits than they were three weeks ago; but I have great doubts whether they will be able to withstand the storm;—at all events, if they do, they will be severely shattered; all will depend on whether they can get their friends to vote. They very much encourage the idea that we are to support them, and to take office at or about Easter; but this is aruse de guerreresorted to at the opening of every session.—I never witnessed more dismay than was excited by a rumour very much circulated last week, that Plunket was to take an active part against the Government.
Another report set on foot is, that the King is very desirous that the Government may be beaten on the Address, as it will give him a good excuse to get rid of them.
I fear there is little chance of Wynn's coming to London till the last moment; but I have not heard anything from him on this point.
Believe me, my dear Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and faithful servant,
Joseph Phillimore.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, Jan. 24, 1821.My dear Lord,I waited till now to write to you, to give you my opinion on the first appearance of things. The House of Commons is evidently determined to support the Ministers, and I see the Opposition think so, for they are not near so triumphant as I should have expected; and there are strong symptoms already of dissension between the Mountain and Whigs; the former are turbulent to a degree, and tried once or twice yesterday to stop debate by noise and clamour; and the few words I had with your brother[60]showed mehewas discontented. He said the Opposition were destroying their own game, and that there was no hope; that they were milk-and-water, and did not seize the advantages they possessed. From this it is clear their meeting at Burlington House was not quite satisfactory, and I am persuaded the violent ones wished for an amendment.—The Liturgy question is to be argued on the point of law, which is the best thing that could happen to Ministers; and the Opposition are to object to the sum of £50,000 (which is the proposed amount of the allowance), as not being enough. This will throw the odium of the burthen, and even of the proposition, on the Opposition, which is also advantageous to Government.—Never was anything, however, so low and wretched as the Treasury Bench. It is quite disgraceful and contemptible, and not even upheld by its adherents and followers. They all say it cannot go on; but, nevertheless,I thinkit will, for there is a determination not to take the Whigs. This more and more confirms the propriety of our line of moderate but quiet support, and disconnecting ourselves with the responsibility of all their measures. I took an opportunity before I left the country of saying tothe sisterfully all you wished. I had two hours' private communication with her.—I spent two days—Friday and Saturday last—at Dropmore. I found Lord G—— thoroughly convinced these people could not stand, and that the Whigs must come in, but equally decided as to our not joining either. So far, he need be under no apprehension of the latter; for until necessity demands it, I don't think the application will be made. He fancies a Whig Government could not last six months, reasoning from the conduct of George III.; but in this I am persuaded he would find himself deceived, for the same decision and steadiness of mind does not belong to his successor. And should the change once take place, new attachments and habits would prevail, and obliterate all former anger.—The Government say their majority on Friday will be seventy. I think more, by the symptoms of yesterday.Nothing could be so wretched as the mover and seconder, or so tame as Tierney.—I shall finish this at the House.Half-past Five o'clock.Nothing material has occurred. Petitions are presenting by hundreds, and much violent language accompanying them; but Castlereagh keeping very cool, and refusing all discussion—the Opposition manifesting great impetuosity and violence, and, I think, hurting themselves. Lord Tavistock has given a notice for Monday se'nnight of a motion of general condemnation of the Ministers for their proceedings regarding the Queen. I cannot give you the exact words.W. H. F.
Stanhope Street, Jan. 24, 1821.
My dear Lord,
I waited till now to write to you, to give you my opinion on the first appearance of things. The House of Commons is evidently determined to support the Ministers, and I see the Opposition think so, for they are not near so triumphant as I should have expected; and there are strong symptoms already of dissension between the Mountain and Whigs; the former are turbulent to a degree, and tried once or twice yesterday to stop debate by noise and clamour; and the few words I had with your brother[60]showed mehewas discontented. He said the Opposition were destroying their own game, and that there was no hope; that they were milk-and-water, and did not seize the advantages they possessed. From this it is clear their meeting at Burlington House was not quite satisfactory, and I am persuaded the violent ones wished for an amendment.—The Liturgy question is to be argued on the point of law, which is the best thing that could happen to Ministers; and the Opposition are to object to the sum of £50,000 (which is the proposed amount of the allowance), as not being enough. This will throw the odium of the burthen, and even of the proposition, on the Opposition, which is also advantageous to Government.—Never was anything, however, so low and wretched as the Treasury Bench. It is quite disgraceful and contemptible, and not even upheld by its adherents and followers. They all say it cannot go on; but, nevertheless,I thinkit will, for there is a determination not to take the Whigs. This more and more confirms the propriety of our line of moderate but quiet support, and disconnecting ourselves with the responsibility of all their measures. I took an opportunity before I left the country of saying tothe sisterfully all you wished. I had two hours' private communication with her.—I spent two days—Friday and Saturday last—at Dropmore. I found Lord G—— thoroughly convinced these people could not stand, and that the Whigs must come in, but equally decided as to our not joining either. So far, he need be under no apprehension of the latter; for until necessity demands it, I don't think the application will be made. He fancies a Whig Government could not last six months, reasoning from the conduct of George III.; but in this I am persuaded he would find himself deceived, for the same decision and steadiness of mind does not belong to his successor. And should the change once take place, new attachments and habits would prevail, and obliterate all former anger.—The Government say their majority on Friday will be seventy. I think more, by the symptoms of yesterday.
Nothing could be so wretched as the mover and seconder, or so tame as Tierney.—I shall finish this at the House.
Half-past Five o'clock.
Nothing material has occurred. Petitions are presenting by hundreds, and much violent language accompanying them; but Castlereagh keeping very cool, and refusing all discussion—the Opposition manifesting great impetuosity and violence, and, I think, hurting themselves. Lord Tavistock has given a notice for Monday se'nnight of a motion of general condemnation of the Ministers for their proceedings regarding the Queen. I cannot give you the exact words.
W. H. F.
As might have been expected, soon after the meeting of Parliament, two or three of the Opposition members began an active agitation in favour of the Queen; but the majority of the members were opposed to much discussion on the subject, and it became evident that her cause was daily losing ground in that assembly. On the 26th of January, during a debate on a motion respecting the omission of the Queen's name in the Liturgy, Lord Castlereagh made a forcible reply to the attacks upon his colleagues, in which he vindicated the conduct of the Government, and taunted the Opposition with their proceedings against the Queen on former occasions. His argument was directed against Lord Erskine, who had recently, in the House of Lords, while referring to the Queen, expressed himself offensively towards Ministers; but Lord Grenville's friends considered that he was attacked, and were warm in their indignation. Lord Grenville and Mr. Thomas Grenville, however, were more tolerant.
MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Stanhope Street, Jan. 31, 1821.My dear Lord,After I received your letter, I called at Lord Liverpool's, but could not gain admittance; since that, I have been considering more fully the subject, and think that any explanation now, after the lapse of so many days, and when the whole debate is gone by, could lead to no one advantage; and I fear also that Lord Grenville might fancy I improperly interfered on a question so personally concerning himself. I have no doubt Lord Liverpool would ask me if I were authorized by him to express his anger, or to call for an explanation; and he would probably write to Lord Grenville upon the subject. The offence was undoubtedly great, and such as you were justified in resenting; but I am thoroughly persuaded it was one of Lord Castlereagh's bothering Irish arguments which led him on, and that it was no premeditated attack on your friends. His object was to lay it on Lord Erskine; and in the conversations I have since had with his friends, they have told me he was extremely sorry that your friends should have felt hurt, that he never meant it, and that his only object was to expose the conduct of Lord Erskine. All this, you will say, may be very true, but is no excuse to you; but again I must say, what could you have done? Lord Liverpool could not give up Lord Castlereagh, and you could not resent it so as to vote with the Whigs. The Government are already apprized of your feeling and that of your friends on this subject, and I have no doubt—at least, I should think—it would put them more on their guard. I really think it might be considered by Lord Grenville as very officious in me to call on the Prime Minister to take up his battle without any previous communication or authority from him. I could undoubtedly say it was your feelings I was expressing; but the answer would naturally be, that Lord Grenville personally was concerned. However, the lapse of time is at present the additional objection, and no apology could answer to you or your friends but a public explanation from Castlereagh, which could not be made. I assure you I have been very much disturbed by your letter, being always anxious to obey your wishes and forward your objects, and in the first place called on Lord L—— for that purpose.The debate yesterday was much more violent and personal than the first—at least, previous to the Speaker's leaving the chair. I left the House after that, and know not what was done. The evident disposition of the House is to stifle all further proceedings regarding the Queen, but it is equally the intention of the Opposition to pursue it; but the latter must ultimately give way, for the House will not hear them. The saints—Butterworth, Wilberforce, &c. &c.—are favourable for her restoration to the Liturgy, and this question is to be brought forward again, but of course will be rejected by a still larger majority.I see that Charles Wynn and Phillimore are so decidedly disposed to the Opposition, that their minds are at all times on the alert to catch an opportunity of attacking the Government. I certainly do not support or think well of the Government, but I amquite satisfiedthat nothing short of a total overthrow of everything would induce the Whigs to unite with you; and I am equally satisfied that the only and best prospect of office is to keep terms with the present Government, not with a view of joining them, but of keeping them unfettered and unexasperated for any future arrangements.That some change must soon take place cannot be doubted, and be assured that Parliamentwill nothave the Whigs. Canning, it is said, will not return to the Board of Control; and the Ministers' followers all hold the language of change after these questions are got over. I give you these opinions of my own, and what I hear, and be assured there is no being more eager or more watchful of your interests and objects than I am. I shall keep this open till I go down to the House, in case there should be anything new.—The Duke of Devonshire is come to town a thorough Reformist: this is a conversion; as also Lord Fitzwilliam. It is hardly possible to conceive that their anger should have led them to such a thorough departure from all their old feelings and principles.There is nothing new. Lushington was most violent last night; and nobody believes Admiral Wood's assertion that the Queen has no bills or debts.Ever most truly,W. H. F.
Stanhope Street, Jan. 31, 1821.
My dear Lord,
After I received your letter, I called at Lord Liverpool's, but could not gain admittance; since that, I have been considering more fully the subject, and think that any explanation now, after the lapse of so many days, and when the whole debate is gone by, could lead to no one advantage; and I fear also that Lord Grenville might fancy I improperly interfered on a question so personally concerning himself. I have no doubt Lord Liverpool would ask me if I were authorized by him to express his anger, or to call for an explanation; and he would probably write to Lord Grenville upon the subject. The offence was undoubtedly great, and such as you were justified in resenting; but I am thoroughly persuaded it was one of Lord Castlereagh's bothering Irish arguments which led him on, and that it was no premeditated attack on your friends. His object was to lay it on Lord Erskine; and in the conversations I have since had with his friends, they have told me he was extremely sorry that your friends should have felt hurt, that he never meant it, and that his only object was to expose the conduct of Lord Erskine. All this, you will say, may be very true, but is no excuse to you; but again I must say, what could you have done? Lord Liverpool could not give up Lord Castlereagh, and you could not resent it so as to vote with the Whigs. The Government are already apprized of your feeling and that of your friends on this subject, and I have no doubt—at least, I should think—it would put them more on their guard. I really think it might be considered by Lord Grenville as very officious in me to call on the Prime Minister to take up his battle without any previous communication or authority from him. I could undoubtedly say it was your feelings I was expressing; but the answer would naturally be, that Lord Grenville personally was concerned. However, the lapse of time is at present the additional objection, and no apology could answer to you or your friends but a public explanation from Castlereagh, which could not be made. I assure you I have been very much disturbed by your letter, being always anxious to obey your wishes and forward your objects, and in the first place called on Lord L—— for that purpose.
The debate yesterday was much more violent and personal than the first—at least, previous to the Speaker's leaving the chair. I left the House after that, and know not what was done. The evident disposition of the House is to stifle all further proceedings regarding the Queen, but it is equally the intention of the Opposition to pursue it; but the latter must ultimately give way, for the House will not hear them. The saints—Butterworth, Wilberforce, &c. &c.—are favourable for her restoration to the Liturgy, and this question is to be brought forward again, but of course will be rejected by a still larger majority.
I see that Charles Wynn and Phillimore are so decidedly disposed to the Opposition, that their minds are at all times on the alert to catch an opportunity of attacking the Government. I certainly do not support or think well of the Government, but I amquite satisfiedthat nothing short of a total overthrow of everything would induce the Whigs to unite with you; and I am equally satisfied that the only and best prospect of office is to keep terms with the present Government, not with a view of joining them, but of keeping them unfettered and unexasperated for any future arrangements.
That some change must soon take place cannot be doubted, and be assured that Parliamentwill nothave the Whigs. Canning, it is said, will not return to the Board of Control; and the Ministers' followers all hold the language of change after these questions are got over. I give you these opinions of my own, and what I hear, and be assured there is no being more eager or more watchful of your interests and objects than I am. I shall keep this open till I go down to the House, in case there should be anything new.—The Duke of Devonshire is come to town a thorough Reformist: this is a conversion; as also Lord Fitzwilliam. It is hardly possible to conceive that their anger should have led them to such a thorough departure from all their old feelings and principles.
There is nothing new. Lushington was most violent last night; and nobody believes Admiral Wood's assertion that the Queen has no bills or debts.
Ever most truly,
W. H. F.
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
My dear B——,We cannot argue the question of the expediency of the original omission, without consuming more paper and time than I can afford; but it still appears to me—1st. That at that time Ministers had not decided to bring the business forward, or to publish the Queen's infamy; 2ndly. That though I am myself perfectly satisfied of the King's prerogative, it was so far disputable as to render such an exercise of it very unwise; 3rdly. That there could have been no greater difficulty or impropriety in proceeding, if it should afterwards be rendered necessary by her coming to England, against "our gracious Queen Caroline," than against "the Princess of Wales," prayed for the preceding Sunday. As to the phrase of "gracious," it is a mere title of honour attached to the station, and far less objectionable than "most religious," whichCharles II.was the first sovereign who assumed, and which produces little sensation even when used as an epithet tosomeof his successors. Still, if they were mealy-mouthed, they might have inserted "Her Majesty Queen Caroline." I should also have wished to have sent a yacht, or suitable conveyance, to bring her over to her trial,—just as, if she had been found guilty on an impeachment, and sentenced to transportation, I would not have despatched her to Portsmouth in the caravan, or to Botany Bay in a transport. To neither of these, however, did I attach as much blame as to the not notifying the death of the Princess Charlotte, which I think the most brutal omission I ever remember, and one which would attach disgrace in private life, even in a case where a divorce was pending, or had actually taken place.My great objection is to the spirit of irritation and provocation which dictated the whole, as if they wished to goad her into the course she has since pursued, instead of endeavouring by all means in their power to avert what every other man in the kingdom felt to be a most hazardous and perilous crisis.I am much inclined to think that you are quite right as to the key which explains Peel's conduct. Still, I hear from all sides howweare to come in after Easter. This may proceed either from a desire to strengthen themselves by really combining us with Peel in a new arrangement, or (which I think more probable) from a design of cajoling us into present support.An apology was transmitted to me from Castlereagh, through Lewis, for his attack on the Commission of 1806, professing it to have been quiteinadvertent, and merely levelled at Erskine, withoutrecollectingthat Lord Grenville was equally implicated.I certainly hear from many quarters that the country gentlemen are loud in their representations to Ministers of the necessity of their strengthening themselves, if they wish for a continuance of support. Probably this will be answered by Canning's return, and the accession of Peel.I have just heard, on the authority of a man who told me that he had seen Lady O——'s letter, that H—— A—— having eloped from Florence with her second daughter, she followed them, and when she found them, he had taken poison. Now, why they should take the trouble of eloping, and, still more, why he should take poison, is not easy to conceive.
My dear B——,
We cannot argue the question of the expediency of the original omission, without consuming more paper and time than I can afford; but it still appears to me—1st. That at that time Ministers had not decided to bring the business forward, or to publish the Queen's infamy; 2ndly. That though I am myself perfectly satisfied of the King's prerogative, it was so far disputable as to render such an exercise of it very unwise; 3rdly. That there could have been no greater difficulty or impropriety in proceeding, if it should afterwards be rendered necessary by her coming to England, against "our gracious Queen Caroline," than against "the Princess of Wales," prayed for the preceding Sunday. As to the phrase of "gracious," it is a mere title of honour attached to the station, and far less objectionable than "most religious," whichCharles II.was the first sovereign who assumed, and which produces little sensation even when used as an epithet tosomeof his successors. Still, if they were mealy-mouthed, they might have inserted "Her Majesty Queen Caroline." I should also have wished to have sent a yacht, or suitable conveyance, to bring her over to her trial,—just as, if she had been found guilty on an impeachment, and sentenced to transportation, I would not have despatched her to Portsmouth in the caravan, or to Botany Bay in a transport. To neither of these, however, did I attach as much blame as to the not notifying the death of the Princess Charlotte, which I think the most brutal omission I ever remember, and one which would attach disgrace in private life, even in a case where a divorce was pending, or had actually taken place.
My great objection is to the spirit of irritation and provocation which dictated the whole, as if they wished to goad her into the course she has since pursued, instead of endeavouring by all means in their power to avert what every other man in the kingdom felt to be a most hazardous and perilous crisis.
I am much inclined to think that you are quite right as to the key which explains Peel's conduct. Still, I hear from all sides howweare to come in after Easter. This may proceed either from a desire to strengthen themselves by really combining us with Peel in a new arrangement, or (which I think more probable) from a design of cajoling us into present support.
An apology was transmitted to me from Castlereagh, through Lewis, for his attack on the Commission of 1806, professing it to have been quiteinadvertent, and merely levelled at Erskine, withoutrecollectingthat Lord Grenville was equally implicated.
I certainly hear from many quarters that the country gentlemen are loud in their representations to Ministers of the necessity of their strengthening themselves, if they wish for a continuance of support. Probably this will be answered by Canning's return, and the accession of Peel.
I have just heard, on the authority of a man who told me that he had seen Lady O——'s letter, that H—— A—— having eloped from Florence with her second daughter, she followed them, and when she found them, he had taken poison. Now, why they should take the trouble of eloping, and, still more, why he should take poison, is not easy to conceive.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.My brother has just shown me your letter, and I trust I need not assure you that I am, as always, most deeply sensible of your affectionate kindness; but I am perfectlyhorrifiedat the notion which it has suggested to you, on an occasion which surely does not call for the smallest manifestation of any resentment or dissatisfaction whatever.If you support Government on these questions about the Queen, it is not at all from any particular attachment to Lord C——, or any of his colleagues, but from what you think due both to the King and to the country, to contribute, as far as you can, to resist the degradation which the Radicals and their allies would bring on the first, and the ruin which must, if they succeed in that attempt, ensue to the country.It would be most unjust to require Lord C——, in this warfare, to abstain from a natural and obvious ground of defence. I am not so unreasonable as to expect this, if I cared one farthing about anything that can be said of that inquiry, in which, if I cared at all, it was in being too easily satisfied. Nor am I so thin-skinned as to have any feeling on the subject; and the only thing that could have made it at all unpleasant to me would be the appearance (which such a step as you speak of must have) of my being angered on the occasion, and having used any influence I might have with you to the effect of inducing you to act contrary certainly to all my opinions and wishes, and, I believe, contrary to your own.Pray—pray, therefore, let all your friends, if they and you agree with me in thinking Lord Tavistock's motion fit to be negatived, cry "No!" as stoutly as I would if I had anything to say or do on the occasion.
Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.
My brother has just shown me your letter, and I trust I need not assure you that I am, as always, most deeply sensible of your affectionate kindness; but I am perfectlyhorrifiedat the notion which it has suggested to you, on an occasion which surely does not call for the smallest manifestation of any resentment or dissatisfaction whatever.
If you support Government on these questions about the Queen, it is not at all from any particular attachment to Lord C——, or any of his colleagues, but from what you think due both to the King and to the country, to contribute, as far as you can, to resist the degradation which the Radicals and their allies would bring on the first, and the ruin which must, if they succeed in that attempt, ensue to the country.
It would be most unjust to require Lord C——, in this warfare, to abstain from a natural and obvious ground of defence. I am not so unreasonable as to expect this, if I cared one farthing about anything that can be said of that inquiry, in which, if I cared at all, it was in being too easily satisfied. Nor am I so thin-skinned as to have any feeling on the subject; and the only thing that could have made it at all unpleasant to me would be the appearance (which such a step as you speak of must have) of my being angered on the occasion, and having used any influence I might have with you to the effect of inducing you to act contrary certainly to all my opinions and wishes, and, I believe, contrary to your own.
Pray—pray, therefore, let all your friends, if they and you agree with me in thinking Lord Tavistock's motion fit to be negatived, cry "No!" as stoutly as I would if I had anything to say or do on the occasion.
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.My dear Lord B——,The two brothers here are quite astounded at the importance which you and Charles attach to Lord Castlereagh's attack upon the Government of 1806-7, and still more at the influence which both of you seem disposed to give to it in your conduct on the impending motions in Parliament. In the first place, it is to be observed that it is not fair dealing to expect Castlereagh to forbear from attacking Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, and Mr. Tierney, on their hostility to the Queen fourteen years ago, because he cannot do so without including Lord Grenville, as well as Lord Spencer and Lord Erskine, as members of that Government. I think Lord C—— fully entitled to reproach that inconsistency of conduct to Lord Grey and his colleagues—an inconsistency which in no degree applies to Lord Grenville; but even if it did, surely Lord C—— is not to be deprived of his legitimate warfare upon those to whom he is opposed, because Lord Grenville was in those days politically connected with them. But even supposing that you had reason in this respect to complain of Lord C—— (which I utterly deny), still it would be a most unjustifiable, and unbecoming, and culpable course, to suffer any such personal considerations to influence your conduct upon the great public questions which are impending. Those questions are to decide whether the Opposition is to be suffered, from its base alliance with the Radicals and with the Q——, to take violent possession of the Government, in order to overturn the whole system of our constitution; to bring in annual or triennial Parliaments; to do little short of introducing universal suffrage; to disband the army, which now holds the Radicals in check; and, very probably, to let loose Bonaparte, under pretence of mitigating his confinement. These are some of the first fruits of what is to be expected from Lord Tavistock's motion, if, by its success, it removes the present Government; and can you look at any part of this picture, and yet suffer any personal considerations to weigh for one moment in your mind, while such superior considerations are at stake? I could have added much upon the disgrace you would throw on Lord Grenville, if he could be suspected, as he would, of being a party to so much personal irritation in questions of the very vital existence of the constitution of the country. But he writes himself.
Dropmore, Feb. 1, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
The two brothers here are quite astounded at the importance which you and Charles attach to Lord Castlereagh's attack upon the Government of 1806-7, and still more at the influence which both of you seem disposed to give to it in your conduct on the impending motions in Parliament. In the first place, it is to be observed that it is not fair dealing to expect Castlereagh to forbear from attacking Lord Grey, Lord Lansdowne, and Mr. Tierney, on their hostility to the Queen fourteen years ago, because he cannot do so without including Lord Grenville, as well as Lord Spencer and Lord Erskine, as members of that Government. I think Lord C—— fully entitled to reproach that inconsistency of conduct to Lord Grey and his colleagues—an inconsistency which in no degree applies to Lord Grenville; but even if it did, surely Lord C—— is not to be deprived of his legitimate warfare upon those to whom he is opposed, because Lord Grenville was in those days politically connected with them. But even supposing that you had reason in this respect to complain of Lord C—— (which I utterly deny), still it would be a most unjustifiable, and unbecoming, and culpable course, to suffer any such personal considerations to influence your conduct upon the great public questions which are impending. Those questions are to decide whether the Opposition is to be suffered, from its base alliance with the Radicals and with the Q——, to take violent possession of the Government, in order to overturn the whole system of our constitution; to bring in annual or triennial Parliaments; to do little short of introducing universal suffrage; to disband the army, which now holds the Radicals in check; and, very probably, to let loose Bonaparte, under pretence of mitigating his confinement. These are some of the first fruits of what is to be expected from Lord Tavistock's motion, if, by its success, it removes the present Government; and can you look at any part of this picture, and yet suffer any personal considerations to weigh for one moment in your mind, while such superior considerations are at stake? I could have added much upon the disgrace you would throw on Lord Grenville, if he could be suspected, as he would, of being a party to so much personal irritation in questions of the very vital existence of the constitution of the country. But he writes himself.
The next letter commences with a reference to the judgment passed by Judge Bailey on that popular leader, Sir Francis Burdett. It was merely a fine of £2000, and imprisonment for three months in the King's Bench:—
MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Whitehall, Feb. 10, 1821.I agree with you in considering the sentence on Burdett—a sentence so unexpected as to call for the plaudits of all the Radicals who surrounded the Court, and the congratulations of his friends—as most calamitous; and, unfortunately, it is not the first instance in which the Court of King's Bench, or rather the present judges who preside in it, have shown that they are not proof against popular clamour and the apprehension of personal danger. On the reduction of the army, I am by no means so sure that I agree with you. I have not the means of estimating the exact quantum of troops which may be requisite for preserving the internal tranquillity of the country, but am inclined to believe that the salutary operation of the Bills of 1819, and the increase which has taken place in the Yeomanry, do afford a reasonable expectation that a less number of regulars will now be sufficient than were before required—and unless I was quite satisfied to the contrary, I am not prepared to complain of any measure which tends to alleviate the financial pressure.It is quite true that there are symptoms of some understanding between Castlereagh and Peel, though the speech of the latter plainly stated his disapprobation on several points of the conduct of Government. The most decisive is his abandonment of Pitt's old Hill Fort, which he had occupied, and returning to his former position in the rear of the Treasury Bench.The debate last night was much more decidedly in favour of Government than either of the former—at least, so it appeared to me; but perhaps I may be prejudiced, from having taken a part in it. Wilberforce made a remarkably feeble, vacillating speech, and at last turning the scale in favour of the motion by the make-weight of popular opinion, which he allowed to be formed on false and mistaken principles. Lamb spoke most strongly against the motion, but concluded by voting in its favour, because the question had so much disturbed the country, that the true honour would belong to the party which first conceded it. Acland's was one of the most impressive and efficient speeches I ever heard. And on this state of the debate, Castlereagh most wisely, and to the great satisfaction of the House, allowed us to go to a division at a quarter before one, instead of keeping us till six or seven, which would have been the inevitable consequence of his speaking. To our great amusement, Creevey, Fergusson, Wilson, Lambton, and Sefton were shut out, and afterwards received the inquiries of their friends whether it was not from scruples of conscience, and being unable to make up their minds, that they had abstained from voting. The party is certainly unlucky; for on a preceding night, Lord Carhampton and Luke White paired off and went comfortably to bed, without finding out that they were on the same side. We now, I trust, are rid of the Queen's business, though I still fear we must have one night on the Milan Commission; but nobody has yet given notice of a motion on the subject.I was rather surprised on Monday night to find Ministers so weak as to be totally unable to risk a division on Davie Gilbert's proposal of throwing Grampound into the Hundreds, and that afterwards, when joined by us and by several members from the Opposition, they were beaten two to one; much, I think, owing to Ward's speech. I have now, I think, sent you gossip enough for one day.Ever yours,C. W. W.Have you heard that a match is declared between Lord Dartmouth and Lady Frances Talbot? To see them together will be somewhat like Lord Bulkeley and Lord Abingdon at the Encœnia.
Whitehall, Feb. 10, 1821.
I agree with you in considering the sentence on Burdett—a sentence so unexpected as to call for the plaudits of all the Radicals who surrounded the Court, and the congratulations of his friends—as most calamitous; and, unfortunately, it is not the first instance in which the Court of King's Bench, or rather the present judges who preside in it, have shown that they are not proof against popular clamour and the apprehension of personal danger. On the reduction of the army, I am by no means so sure that I agree with you. I have not the means of estimating the exact quantum of troops which may be requisite for preserving the internal tranquillity of the country, but am inclined to believe that the salutary operation of the Bills of 1819, and the increase which has taken place in the Yeomanry, do afford a reasonable expectation that a less number of regulars will now be sufficient than were before required—and unless I was quite satisfied to the contrary, I am not prepared to complain of any measure which tends to alleviate the financial pressure.
It is quite true that there are symptoms of some understanding between Castlereagh and Peel, though the speech of the latter plainly stated his disapprobation on several points of the conduct of Government. The most decisive is his abandonment of Pitt's old Hill Fort, which he had occupied, and returning to his former position in the rear of the Treasury Bench.
The debate last night was much more decidedly in favour of Government than either of the former—at least, so it appeared to me; but perhaps I may be prejudiced, from having taken a part in it. Wilberforce made a remarkably feeble, vacillating speech, and at last turning the scale in favour of the motion by the make-weight of popular opinion, which he allowed to be formed on false and mistaken principles. Lamb spoke most strongly against the motion, but concluded by voting in its favour, because the question had so much disturbed the country, that the true honour would belong to the party which first conceded it. Acland's was one of the most impressive and efficient speeches I ever heard. And on this state of the debate, Castlereagh most wisely, and to the great satisfaction of the House, allowed us to go to a division at a quarter before one, instead of keeping us till six or seven, which would have been the inevitable consequence of his speaking. To our great amusement, Creevey, Fergusson, Wilson, Lambton, and Sefton were shut out, and afterwards received the inquiries of their friends whether it was not from scruples of conscience, and being unable to make up their minds, that they had abstained from voting. The party is certainly unlucky; for on a preceding night, Lord Carhampton and Luke White paired off and went comfortably to bed, without finding out that they were on the same side. We now, I trust, are rid of the Queen's business, though I still fear we must have one night on the Milan Commission; but nobody has yet given notice of a motion on the subject.
I was rather surprised on Monday night to find Ministers so weak as to be totally unable to risk a division on Davie Gilbert's proposal of throwing Grampound into the Hundreds, and that afterwards, when joined by us and by several members from the Opposition, they were beaten two to one; much, I think, owing to Ward's speech. I have now, I think, sent you gossip enough for one day.
Ever yours,
C. W. W.
Have you heard that a match is declared between Lord Dartmouth and Lady Frances Talbot? To see them together will be somewhat like Lord Bulkeley and Lord Abingdon at the Encœnia.
One of the principal subjects of political interest was the Catholic question, brought forward in the House of Commons on the 2nd of March by Mr. Plunket, in a Committee of the whole House; and a Bill for the Emancipation of the Catholics was introduced by him on the 7th of the same month, the second reading of which was debated on the 16th, and carried by a majority of 11.
LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Hanover Place, March 5, 1821.It is extremely difficult, I believe, even for those most intimately acquainted with the present composition of the House of Commons, to anticipate the final result of the Catholic question. Many things that one hears would lead one to be very sanguine in one's hopes; but then, the difficulties are so great of steering between groundless fears on one side and groundless jealousies on the other, and the means are so great which are possessed by the enemies of conciliation on both sides, that every step taken in the business is surrounded with danger of failure.Plunket talks of dividing the measure into two Bills, if he can get Castlereagh to consent to it—one of concession, the other of security; a most wise project, if it can be accomplished. His exertions have been beyond all praise, and the tone of moderation which he has given to the discussion must do great good, whatever be the result.I am sorry there was a necessity for giving so much time; but I trust, after the second reading, it will proceed, if at all, with better expedition.In the House of Lords, the Chancellor and the Bishops will certainly persevere in their resistance; but if there really is that change of course on this subject in higher quarters, which common prudence so loudly calls for, I should not at all fear their opposition.All will depend on that. But indeed I do not see why Liverpool himself should (on the grounds on which he has always argued the question) be debarred from taking the wiser resolution to acquiesce in such a measure if it comes up from the House of Commons, rather than to set the House of Lords singly to stand in the breach against the claims and wishes of five-sixths of the population of Ireland.Whether he will be clear-sighted enough to see this course, which I think lies plain before him, or whether he has stoutness enough to adopt it, I know not; but sure I am of what heoughtto do.The King must certainly, if he means to go to Ireland in May, mean to carry this boon with him; and if he does, his visit will be productive of more good than one could easily describe. If not,—then, forgood, readmischief.I send you back your Neapolitan news. My only wish is that the matter was settled, and had been so long ago.
Hanover Place, March 5, 1821.
It is extremely difficult, I believe, even for those most intimately acquainted with the present composition of the House of Commons, to anticipate the final result of the Catholic question. Many things that one hears would lead one to be very sanguine in one's hopes; but then, the difficulties are so great of steering between groundless fears on one side and groundless jealousies on the other, and the means are so great which are possessed by the enemies of conciliation on both sides, that every step taken in the business is surrounded with danger of failure.
Plunket talks of dividing the measure into two Bills, if he can get Castlereagh to consent to it—one of concession, the other of security; a most wise project, if it can be accomplished. His exertions have been beyond all praise, and the tone of moderation which he has given to the discussion must do great good, whatever be the result.
I am sorry there was a necessity for giving so much time; but I trust, after the second reading, it will proceed, if at all, with better expedition.
In the House of Lords, the Chancellor and the Bishops will certainly persevere in their resistance; but if there really is that change of course on this subject in higher quarters, which common prudence so loudly calls for, I should not at all fear their opposition.
All will depend on that. But indeed I do not see why Liverpool himself should (on the grounds on which he has always argued the question) be debarred from taking the wiser resolution to acquiesce in such a measure if it comes up from the House of Commons, rather than to set the House of Lords singly to stand in the breach against the claims and wishes of five-sixths of the population of Ireland.
Whether he will be clear-sighted enough to see this course, which I think lies plain before him, or whether he has stoutness enough to adopt it, I know not; but sure I am of what heoughtto do.
The King must certainly, if he means to go to Ireland in May, mean to carry this boon with him; and if he does, his visit will be productive of more good than one could easily describe. If not,—then, forgood, readmischief.
I send you back your Neapolitan news. My only wish is that the matter was settled, and had been so long ago.
"Lord Lansdowne writes word to a correspondent here," says a contemporary letter-writer, "that everything in England has fallen in price, except the Grenvilles. They certainly have made an excellent bargain, in proportion to their talents, reputation, and numerical strength. Were Lord G—— still in the full vigour of life and exertion, one should not be surprised at any sacrifice made to obtain so powerful a support; but by his retirement from public affairs, one would have thought that the value of the family was reduced near to that of the half-dozen votes they can bring into a division."[61]
The first of the next series refers to a private quarrel that at the period excited a great deal of notoriety:—
RIGHT HON. THOMAS GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.
Cleveland Square, March 13, 1821.My dear Lord B——,Nobody can be more sensible to your kindness in what you have done respecting Henry, than Charles is; neither do I find in him more reluctance respecting his beginning a communication with Lord C—— than is quite natural, and than I think you would yourself approve. The real truth is, that Charles's opinions certainly do not tend as decidedly and as professedly as yours have done to intercourse with the present Ministers, and least of all, perhaps, with Lord C——. It was very kind in you, therefore, to take upon yourself the communication by which you intended to do a service to Henry; and when you had so determined, I think you took the least objectionable course in applying yourself toLord L——. By so doing, you effected the very amiable and kind purpose which you had in view, of assisting Henry's wishes without breaking in upon Charles's reluctance to pledge himself farther than he could conscientiously bring himself to do. Having, therefore, yourself taken the step of applying toLord L——, whenever a renewed application becomes necessary by a new opening in the diplomatic line, or by the expectation of one, the easy and natural course of your kindness will be to renew that application yourself toLord L——. If, on the other hand, Charles was to apply himself personally toLord C——in the present stage of the business, he will be as much and as entirely committed as if he himself had made the original application; and your kindness will not have spared him the embarrassment of becoming a suitor, and of incurring an obligation, where he wishes to stand free of any, except to you. In truth, as far as I understand the present position of the business, it does not seem to me that, after so recent a promise to you from Lord L—— and Lord C——, any renewed application from you or from any of Henry's friends is likely to produce anything except a renewal of the same favourable disposition, whenever occasion should arise. If any circumstances should produce, or even render probable, any new opening in the missions, then will be the natural moment, not for Charles's application to Lord C——, but for the renewal of yours toLord L——. At the same time, I am sure Charles will not be unnecessarily reluctant or adverse to any communication with Lord C—— that may become necessary, or may naturally arise out of your request to Lord L——, and out of such circumstances as may require discussion; but though the present state of things seems to promise no advantage in any renewed application from you, whenever it does, I am sure you will find Charles heartily and sincerely grateful to you for your warm and disinterested kindness to his brother.—I should distrust, as you do, the result of the Catholic Bill, if every day did not furnish some new evidence which, if correct, seems to promise a more favourable result. Yesterday, I heard of Lord Fife having said that the K—— had told him he did not wish to influence his opinions; and to-day I hear from good authority that Bloomfield has written within these four days, that the K—— will go to Ireland with the certainty of greater and more general popularity than couldhave beenconceived.The language of the opponents, too, is colder and flatter than it has ever been; rumours—I know not how true—of the Duke of Rutland hesitating on the question, and daily talk of other unexpected votes. Perhaps these rumours are exaggerated; but still they add to the general tide and current of opinion as to the probable success, and that opinion may go far to procure the result that is so much to be wished.My own notions are, that there should be no exclusion in the Bill except that of the Lord-Lieutenant, who ought to be as much excluded there as the K—— is here. I would not exclude the Chancellor, because I think first it is a breach of the great principle of the measure; and secondly, because it will be an irritating bar to and exclusion of the whole legal profession in Ireland, who are the most influencing and formidable body in that whole country, in all times, and on all questions of public agitation. I would, therefore, leave the Seals open to them, and satisfy the Protestants, as to all ecclesiastical dangers, by special commissions and clauses for the objects of their apprehensions. But for all practical good, one must learn to be satisfied with what can be reached, when what we desire is out of our reach. Till this measure passes, neither England nor Ireland can be safe.Yours ever most affectionately,T. G.
Cleveland Square, March 13, 1821.
My dear Lord B——,
Nobody can be more sensible to your kindness in what you have done respecting Henry, than Charles is; neither do I find in him more reluctance respecting his beginning a communication with Lord C—— than is quite natural, and than I think you would yourself approve. The real truth is, that Charles's opinions certainly do not tend as decidedly and as professedly as yours have done to intercourse with the present Ministers, and least of all, perhaps, with Lord C——. It was very kind in you, therefore, to take upon yourself the communication by which you intended to do a service to Henry; and when you had so determined, I think you took the least objectionable course in applying yourself toLord L——. By so doing, you effected the very amiable and kind purpose which you had in view, of assisting Henry's wishes without breaking in upon Charles's reluctance to pledge himself farther than he could conscientiously bring himself to do. Having, therefore, yourself taken the step of applying toLord L——, whenever a renewed application becomes necessary by a new opening in the diplomatic line, or by the expectation of one, the easy and natural course of your kindness will be to renew that application yourself toLord L——. If, on the other hand, Charles was to apply himself personally toLord C——in the present stage of the business, he will be as much and as entirely committed as if he himself had made the original application; and your kindness will not have spared him the embarrassment of becoming a suitor, and of incurring an obligation, where he wishes to stand free of any, except to you. In truth, as far as I understand the present position of the business, it does not seem to me that, after so recent a promise to you from Lord L—— and Lord C——, any renewed application from you or from any of Henry's friends is likely to produce anything except a renewal of the same favourable disposition, whenever occasion should arise. If any circumstances should produce, or even render probable, any new opening in the missions, then will be the natural moment, not for Charles's application to Lord C——, but for the renewal of yours toLord L——. At the same time, I am sure Charles will not be unnecessarily reluctant or adverse to any communication with Lord C—— that may become necessary, or may naturally arise out of your request to Lord L——, and out of such circumstances as may require discussion; but though the present state of things seems to promise no advantage in any renewed application from you, whenever it does, I am sure you will find Charles heartily and sincerely grateful to you for your warm and disinterested kindness to his brother.—I should distrust, as you do, the result of the Catholic Bill, if every day did not furnish some new evidence which, if correct, seems to promise a more favourable result. Yesterday, I heard of Lord Fife having said that the K—— had told him he did not wish to influence his opinions; and to-day I hear from good authority that Bloomfield has written within these four days, that the K—— will go to Ireland with the certainty of greater and more general popularity than couldhave beenconceived.
The language of the opponents, too, is colder and flatter than it has ever been; rumours—I know not how true—of the Duke of Rutland hesitating on the question, and daily talk of other unexpected votes. Perhaps these rumours are exaggerated; but still they add to the general tide and current of opinion as to the probable success, and that opinion may go far to procure the result that is so much to be wished.
My own notions are, that there should be no exclusion in the Bill except that of the Lord-Lieutenant, who ought to be as much excluded there as the K—— is here. I would not exclude the Chancellor, because I think first it is a breach of the great principle of the measure; and secondly, because it will be an irritating bar to and exclusion of the whole legal profession in Ireland, who are the most influencing and formidable body in that whole country, in all times, and on all questions of public agitation. I would, therefore, leave the Seals open to them, and satisfy the Protestants, as to all ecclesiastical dangers, by special commissions and clauses for the objects of their apprehensions. But for all practical good, one must learn to be satisfied with what can be reached, when what we desire is out of our reach. Till this measure passes, neither England nor Ireland can be safe.
Yours ever most affectionately,
T. G.
DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.