Sagan, January 11, 1849.—M. Arago has at length left Berlin, where he is detested. There seems to be some idea that the Prince of the Moskowa will come as French Minister, though it is not thought likely that he will make a long stay. The Grand Duchess Stephanie is going to Paris, but will probably do no more than make a hurried and agitated visit to her cousin, the President of the Republic, and obtain some small reflection of his Imperial grandeur. However, Princess Mathilde will not leave him the pleasure of doing the honours of the Presidency, which she seems to have reserved for herself. The whole business can hardly be taken seriously.[180]
Sagan, January 18, 1849.—The meetings preliminary to the Prussian elections give no great hope of a definite result. The Brandenburg Ministry, lest it should be accused of reaction, is pursuing the barren paths of Liberalism. The Grand Duchess Stephanie, who seems to have been aroused from long unconsciousness of my existence, writes in great depression and anxiety concerning the fate of the German Rhine provinces. Apparently the Grand Duke of Baden has threatened to withdraw her settlements if she spends them in France. I have also a letter full of dignity and affectionate trust from the Duchesse d'Orléans. I propose to go toDresden next week, to spend a few days there with my sister.
Dresden, January 28, 1849.—At Frankfort the future head of Germany was refused hereditary rights and even life tenure of power, and it therefore seems impossible that the King of Prussia could undertake a position of this kind.[181]This was a clever Austrian intrigue to disqualify the King, and to overthrow the whole of this ridiculous and abominable invention, which has produced nothing but ruin and disorder. The Prussian elections are not very hopeful, not so unfavourable as those of last year, but very far from giving rise to any real hope. What could be expected from the electoral law which has been granted here? We have mad Chambers, which no one can govern and no one dare dissolve. I found the Saxon Court very sad. Dresden is full of people, but it is difficult to meet any one.
Sagan, February 12, 1849.—I passed through Berlin on my return journey. The town is now swarming with little German princes, asking for mediatisation as the only means of safety; they offer themselves to Prussia, who refuses them for scrupulous reasons of every kind. Prussia thinks it dangerous to set such an example; tradition and the historical past of the monarchy are also influential forces; in short, these poor princes will all go as they have come, and in spite of the somewhat vague promises of protection which they have received as a crumb of comfort, they will probably be driven out of their homes some day or other and reduced to beggary. Count von Bülow, Prussian Minister at Frankfort, is inclined to support the Frankfort Assembly; Charlottenberg takes the contrary view; the result is an unpleasant hitch in proceedings, while the relations between Kremsier and Berlin arecharacterised by marked coldness, to the great displeasure of the King. I know nothing of this M. de Lurde who is taking the place of M. Arago as French Minister at Berlin, but he may easily appear to advantage in comparison with his predecessor, who could speak only of the great-heartedness and the noble soul of Barbès!
Sagan, March 1, 1849.—If I am to believe letters from Paris, there is a general revival in progress, and a complete reaction in favour of order and prosperity. Praises of the new President are general. M. Thiers said of him, "He is not Cæsar, but he is Augustus." The Legitimists throng his rooms, and after the ball nothing could be heard but the shouts of servants—"The carriage of Madame la Duchesse, of M. le Prince," &c. The President is addressed asMonseigneur, a title anything but Republican. I am told that this practice is followed in the provinces. I must say that I rather distrust these sudden changes, but the present moment seems satisfactory.
Sagan, March 31, 1849.—The political horizon causes me much anxiety. Clouds seem to be rising once more, instead of dispersing. This unfortunate proposal of an Imperial Crown does not tempt the King, but pleases those about him, the young officers of the bureaucracy, whose petty pride finds matter for self-satisfaction. The Left, perfidiously supporting the proposal, are well aware that the so-called Imperial dignity would subject the King to the orders of the democratic professors of Frankfort. The bad weather and the abominable state of the roads delay the subjugation of Hungary.[182]The only consolation is the success of Radetzky, and this has been gained at what a price! We have no details yet of his last two victories, and have only heard of the abdication of Charles Albert. The actual names of the victims are unknown.[183]
Sagan, April 13, 1849.—Kind Lady Westmoreland gave me the pleasant surprise of a two days' visit; she arrived yesterday to my great delight. She is a clever, lively, affectionate, and really charming friend, with warm memories of the late M. de Talleyrand, and talks of the past and the present with keen interest and intelligence. We discussed pleasant memories in England; tried as we both are by the sadness of the present time, we prefer to avoid melancholy contemplation of so deplorable a subject and to look backwards, recovering some of those precious memories which I should be inclined to style "the savings of my heart." Thus I take refuge in the past as I dare not question the future.
Sagan, April 21, 1849.—Yesterday I received letters from Paris which say that, notwithstanding the efforts of the Union in the Rue de Poitiers,[184]communism is making great progress in France.
It is thought at Berlin that the Frankfort parliament will pursue a wholly revolutionary course and form an executive committee and a committee of public safety. In that case it would bring troops from Baden and Nassau in the certainty that the garrison of Mayence would not be led against Frankfort, and able thus to profit by the continual vacillation of Prussia.[185]The asserted adherence of twenty-eight little German governments is sheer effrontery, as their agreement is onlyconditional: they will only join the Prussian banner if, following the example of these little governments, Prussia submits to the constitution drawn up at Frankfort. The four kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Hanover, and Würtemberg refuse their assent.
Were it not for the affairs of Denmark, Prussia would be able to fortify herself at home, a necessity which she is far from meeting at present, and make head against the Frankfort storm; but General von Pritwitz has submitted to the so-called Frankfort government.[186]Denmark would not be likely to treat with a Government so irregularly constituted. The solution of the difficulty is not easy to see. The King, who is at bottom kindly disposed towards the King of Denmark and is afraid of Russia,[187]continues to oppose the occupation of Jutland.
Sagan, April 30, 1849.—The state of Germany does not improve. The King of Würtemberg has now yielded because his troops declared that they would not fire upon the people.[188]The Frankfort parliament is also adopting the most revolutionary means to force the sovereigns to submit to its laws.[189]The parliament insists that governments shall not dissolve their Chambers without the permission of the so-called central government. This wonderful decree reached Hanover and Berlin six hours after the dissolutions had been officially announced. General von Pritwitz wishes to be relieved of his command against the Danes because he is unwilling to obey orders from Frankfort and cannot command all the little German princes who severally wish to pose as masters. Denmark has already captured a large number of Prussianmerchant-ships. At Copenhagen, however, there is a desire for peace; Russia and England are also anxious for peace and so is Prussia, though Berlin cannot find courage to recall the twenty thousand men now stationed in Holstein and Schleswig. Frankfort is utterly opposed to peace, with the object of depriving the German princes of their troops and thus leaving them defenceless against the hordes of revolutionaries. In short, confusion is at its height and I think the state of Germany is far worse than it was four months ago. However, the dissolution of the Prussian Chamber which had become urgent since the Red Republic was proclaimed from the Tribune, will perhaps do some good.[190]It is especially necessary that the Austrian operations in Hungary should come to an end. Our fate will be decided there. Russia has entered Transylvania with a hundred thousand men: this number is regarded at Olmütz as unnecessarily large, but the Emperor Nicholas has declared that he will run no risks of a second failure such as that of Hermannstadt,[191]and that he will either hold aloof altogether or insist upon sending an imposing force. He also feels that he is fighting his personal enemies, the Poles, upon Hungarian soil. Twenty thousand Poles are said to follow the standards of Bem and Kossuth.
Sagan, May 10, 1849.—Storms are breaking in every direction and Germany is in a state of conflagration. There has been fighting at Dresden and at Breslau.[192]The Russianshave used the Prussian railways to invade Moravia; they have been warmly welcomed, for anything which will check the Hungarian struggle or bring it to an end will be a blessing not only for Austria, but for the whole of Europe, for the proceedings in Hungary encourage the disaffected, and foment insurrection in every direction.
Sagan, May 17, 1849.—To-day is a solemn date which I keep whenever it comes round with heartfelt and painful emotion.[193]The nearer the years bring me to a final reunion, the more do I feel the serious and decisive nature of the event that happened eleven years ago. May God bless each of those who bore themselves as Christians should on that occasion. This I ask of Him amid my misery with a fervour which will, I trust, make my poor prayers acceptable.
Sagan, May 25, 1849.—It is a real misfortune for the Prussian Government to have Bunsen at London. He is there playing an inconceivable part. Radowitz, whose intentions are excellent, but who is quite misled, is also complicating the situation at Berlin itself and is preventing the desirable and speedy solutions of certain questions. The King of Prussia has sent General von Rauch to Warsaw, to try and sooth the Emperor Nicholas, who is angry that the Prussians should have entered Jutland in spite of the promise given.[194]
Sagan, May 31, 1849.—With regard to the negotiations opened at Berlin, I have the following upon excellentauthority:[195]Four days ago a protocol was signed at Berlin between Prussia, Saxony and Hanover stating: (1) Everything that has been done to grant a reasonable and satisfactory Constitution to Germany; (2) That Hanover and Saxony in their desire to maintain order in their states, recognise and accept the military superiority of Prussia in the case of any measures that may become necessary to maintain peace within their states. Herr von Beust none the less makes the following reservations in the name of the Saxon Government: (1) That Saxony does not claim by this arrangement to infringe the rights of Austria as a member of the Germanic Confederation; (2) That if the great states in Southern Germany decline to adhere to the Constitution appended to the protocol, Saxony shall have the right to withdraw; (3) That this Constitution is to receive the sanction of the Saxon Chambers. Hanover has handed in a note containing identically the same reservations. The new Constitution has been explained in a circular note addressed by Prussia to all the German governments, inviting them to adhere. The Bavarian Minister, Herr von Lerchenfeld, has also signed the protocol, but only as a member of the conference and in the hope that his Government will find some means or other of adhering to the arrangement. Herr von Prokesch has been present only at the first conference, as Radowitz then declared from the outset that he could not treat with governments which would not recognise the general superiority of Prussia as a basis of negotiation. The haughty conduct of Radowitz is undoubtedly the cause of this deplorable want of unanimity among the crowned heads, at a time when indissoluble union is so necessary. With a little cleverness and without putting forward the question of supremacy as preliminary, he might have done great services to his King and to his country, for the other states would then have unanimously requested Prussia to take the leading position, whereas now they are inclined to regard these dictatorial claims as the expressionof views more ambitious than any that are really entertained. The result is jealousy and distrust which drown the voice of reason and blind men's eyes to the necessities of the times. Notwithstanding the presence of a new Danish envoy in Berlin, even an armistice seems very far distant. The last Danish concessions, though supported by Lord Palmerston, were haughtily declined by Prussia, which is making impossible claims and asserts that these alone can satisfy her honour.
Sagan, June 12, 1849.—Cholera has again broken out almost everywhere in this part of Germany; at Breslau, Berlin, and Halle the inhabitants have been decimated. In short, the state of the human race is most deplorable. My correspondents tell me that Lord Palmerston told Bunsen that he was tired of the Prussian demands, which required increasingly large concessions from Denmark, and that he proposed to abandon his position as mediator and become an active ally in conjunction with Russia for the protection of Denmark. Bunsen in relating this conversation to his Court added that the threat was not seriously intended. In this he is wrong, and is also deluding his Court.
Sagan, July 9, 1849.—I have had a visit from Baron von Meyendorff, Russian Minister at Berlin. He was going to Gastein by way of Warsaw, which is not the shortest route. His forecast of the situation was very gloomy, and more gloomy with reference to the north than to the south of Germany—I mean to say that he felt more forebodings concerning the nature of the Prussian destinies than of the Austrian.
Sagan, September 3, 1849.—General Count Haugwitz has been staying here for a few days; he came from Vienna where Radetzky was expected. The young Emperor, in order to receive the old Ajax, had delayed his departure for Warsaw, where he is going to thank his powerful ally. The latter is behaving most loyally and nobly towards his young friend and ward, for thus he considers the Emperor Francis Joseph. Paskewitch asked for mercy for Georgei which wasimmediately granted to him.[196]Austria is anxious that a few Russian regiments should prolong their stay in Galicia for the moment.
Hanover, November 5, 1849.—Yesterday morning was spent in calling upon several acquaintances in the town and paying my respects to the Crown Princess. She is kind and gentle, and I saw her two children with her. The third is expected this month. The Crown Princess showed me several very interesting portraits of her family. I was especially struck by those of the Electress Sophie, the patroness of Leibnitz and the ancestress of the Royal Family of England. She must have been very pretty, with the somewhat long and noble features of the Stuarts. I also saw a charming portrait of the sister of the Crown Princess, the Grand Duchess of Russia, wife of the Grand Duke Constantine, a clever, lively and striking face; her character is said to correspond with her expression, which fact makes her more suitable for the Court of St. Petersburg than she would be here, where her elder sister seem to have been expressly made to fulfil her sad duties.[197]There was a great dinner given by the King. I sat between him and the Crown Prince. I never saw a blind man eat more cleverly without any help except that of instinct or habit. At nine o'clock I went back to tea with the King, which was taken privately with him and the person known here as the Countess Royal (Frau von Grote), my brother-in-law and General Walmoden. The King lives upon oysters and ices, a strange dietary, which seems to suit his eighty years marvellously. While we were with him a despatch arrived from Vienna, which he asked the Countess to read aloud.[198]It stated that Austriahad sent a note to Prussia in most serious language, protesting against the convocation of the so-called Imperial Diet, and that at the same time the movement of the army towards the frontiers of Bohemia and Silesia was rapidly proceeding; some sixty thousand men were said to be there concentrated. Prince Schwarzenberg replied to the questions of Count Bernstorff, the Prussian Minister at Vienna, stating that the convocation of the Diet at Erfurt had aroused democratic agitation which threatened the realm of the Duchess of Saxony, and that these troops were consequently intended for their protection and their defence in case of necessity.
The Archduke John had looked forward to a quiet unostentatious meeting with King Leopold;[199]instead of this he was received with great solemnity. Frau von Brandhofen and the little Count of Meran had no part in the ceremonies, and were sent to make a railway tour in Belgium incognito. When they reached Brussels they made an unexpected entry into Metternich's drawing-room, which was the more remarkable, as the relations between Prince Metternich and the Archduke John had always been cold and strained. The politeness of Metternich simplified the matter.
Eisenach, November 7, 1849.—I left Hanover yesterday morning and arrived here in the afternoon. I sent word of my arrival immediately to Madame Alfred de Chabannes, who at once came to my hotel. We talked for a long time about the littleémigréCourt, of which she at present forms part; I use the termémigré, although the Duchesse de Orléans is doing her utmost to avoid obtruding the anomalous nature of her position. At the same time inconsistencies cannot be entirely obviated, and arise from the nature of the situation: for instance, the opposing parties are represented among those about her; there is a coalition and aseparatist party. She declines to belong definitely to either, and does not like people to say that she is opposing coalition though she will not take the first steps towards it. At the same time she has not allowed any one to declare hitherto that she would not be opposed to it. She fears that the first step to coalition would disgust her adherents in France, whom she thinks, in my opinion, to be more numerous than they really are, and this though she sees that her truly reliable adherents are growing less every day. The names which seem to cause her the most despondency from this point of view are those of Molé and Thiers. I saw the Duchesse d'Orléans alone for half an hour before dinner; we were interrupted by the Duc and Duchesse de Nemours. I found the Duchesse d'Orléans in no way outwardly changed, except that her features may have lost something of their refinement; her spirits were more despondent, though she showed the same placidity and even dignity, but her energy has decreased and she is inclined to feel herself overwhelmed by unpleasant incidents, which are due to people rather than to things. She is humiliated by the degradation which has overtaken France, and shows much insight into the state of Germany, characterising the so-called central power and the parody of imperialism at its true worth. The Nemours, who are strong supporters of Austria, refer to Lord Palmerston with much bitterness. They are really coalitionists, and are on their way back to Claremont from Vienna; she is fresh and pretty, and ventures to assert her opinions, which are positive; he has grown stouter and much more like the King, especially in his way of speaking, as he has at last found the courage to express himself; he speaks sensibly, but with no style or distinction, and in this respect he was always wanting. The letters of his brothers which have been published are not approved by him in any way. He fears that the law may be adopted which may recall his family to France, and he does not wish to see his brothers hastening back again.[200]This is all very well, but I repeat he is wantingin the spirit of energy. He will never be of any account, and will never take any practical part, and remains a distinguished nonentity. The Comte de Paris is much grown and fairly good-looking, as his shyness had disappeared, but he has a squeaky, disagreeable intonation of voice. The Duc de Chartres has become much stronger and very noisy. The three Nemours children seem quite nice. After dinner, which began about seven o'clock, we stayed talking until nearly eleven o'clock. Boismilon is a strong separatist; Ary Scheffer was also there, and seems to me to be one of the zealot party, an attitude which M. de Talleyrand used to distrust.
The Princesse de Joinville has been confined of a still-born child and was in considerable danger. The child's body was taken to Dreux by my cousin, Alfred de Chabannes, who gave no notice of his intention. It was laid in the family vault, mass was said, and only when all this had been done did M. de Chabannes inform the Mayor of his actions. The ceremony was very properly conducted. Madame de Chabannes also told me that when her husband went to visit Louis Philippe at Claremont for the first time after February, the King said, almost as soon as he saw him, "What would you expect; I thought myself infallible." The observation seemed to me strikingly true and to be a remarkable admission.
The Duchesse d'Orléans proposes to return to London in the spring to take the Comte de Paris to his first communion, for which he is being prepared by the Abbé Guelle, who frequently instructs him at Eisenach.
Berlin, November 8, 1849.—On my return here I found my brother-in-law, who had come back from Dresden, where the state of public feeling is said to be going from bad to worse. The Ministers have been unable to obtain from the King of Saxony any decree for the capital punishment even of themost guilty, much to the indignation of right-minded people and to the exasperation of the troops who fought so admirably last May. The arrogance of the rebels has greatly increased in consequence. The King's prestige has sunk so low that his salutations are not even returned in the streets.
Yesterday was the anniversary of the installation of the Brandenburg Ministry, and there was a great entertainment in the rooms of Kroll in the Tiergarten: all the Ministers were present, and a feeling of great loyalty is said to have been manifested. However, in another part of the town a so-called religious celebration was in progress of another anniversary, the shooting of the famous Robert Blum.[201]There was thus entertainment to suit every taste, and I fear that the taste for red ruin is by no means blunted.
A letter from Paris which I find here tells me that the situation in France is entirely in the hands of the army which is divided between Cavaignac and Changarnier. The former is entirely republican and the latter will listen to nobody. Since Louise Philippe wrote his letter to Edgar Ney[202]at Rome Changarnier is said to have appeared less frequently at the Elysée. The President is therefore inclinedto transfer the command of the Paris troops to General Magnan.
Madame de Lieven is delighted to return to Paris, and paints England in the blackest possible colours. She wears a bonnet in the style of Deffand, praises the president of the republic, and does her best as formerly to attract every shade of political colour to her house. She seems to have succeeded so far as to be frankly astonished that no one makes any mention of M. Guizot, whom she is expecting in December.
Berlin, November 12, 1849.—I spent almost the whole of yesterday at Sans Souci with the King and Queen, who received me as kindly as ever. Prince Frederick of the Low Countries, who arrived from the Hague, gave a very bad account of the situation in that direction. Resignation, abdication, and regency are words openly pronounced. The young King is despised, and the young Queen is not popular or the Dowager Queen either. In short, their position is quite precarious. The King of Prussia is expecting the proclamation of the Empire at the Elysée and all eyes are turned upon France.
A letter from Vienna which I received yesterday, tells me that beneath all the military display, some new causes ofanxiety are obvious. The peasants are very displeased with the new system of land taxation, by their obligation to redeem the tithes and to pay indemnities by way of compensation for all that they expected to wrest from their overlords. The nobility consider the equality of taxation to which they are subjected is a hardship and a hateful innovation. The hodweds[203]who have been drafted into the regiments, are disseminating very bad ideas. The young emperor is rather short and arbitrary with his old generals; in a word, if our neighbours have not to confront the same difficulties that prevail here, they have many reasons for disquietude.
Sagan, November 21, 1849.—A letter from Paris dated the 14th says: "An amnesty has been proclaimed by the President to seven hundred and fifty very undesirable people: this bid for popularity may cost the author of it dear, for these people will return in a state of exasperation and will have to be made targets of some day or other.[204]Underneath all the leanings to imperialism, which seem to be spreading, there is one question which is very undecided, at any rate where I am concerned: this is the future action of General Changarnier,[205]for though he is on excellent terms at present with the president, I doubt if he will adhere to him in a time of transition, and such a time would then become an inevitable crisis."
Sagan, December 2, 1849.—The tall Theresa Elssler, who for several years has been the mistress of Prince Adalbert of Prussia, is to become his wife under the title of Frau von Fischbach, a title derived from the estate which the old Prince William holds in the Silesian mountains. There the late Princess William was laid in the odour of sanctity, and it is somewhat shocking that this name of all others should be conferred upon a quondam theatre dancer.[206]At SansSouci this marriage has caused considerable displeasure, but with the habitual weakness which is there characteristic, consent has been given.
Another scandal is about to appear at Berlin of more import. This is the probable acquittal of Waldeck whose trial has been attracting the general attention for a long time.[207]They have been so entirely foolish as to choose as President of the assizes a weak-minded magistrate, the father of a barricade hero, who shows the most brazen-faced and clumsy partiality for Waldeck. The jury are constantly receiving anonymous letters, and their verdict will be given under stress of intimidation. It is deplorable, for the consequences might be very serious.
Sagan, December 6, 1849.—The ovation given to the ruffian Waldeck after his acquittal seems to have been scandalous enough to necessitate military interference. I have no details as yet, but the post will doubtless bring them to-day. I am of the opinion that we are about to enter a period of outbreaks, and this opinion is strengthened by the fact that the Poles are beginning their processions again, and whenever they appear, one may be sure that there is a snake in the grass, to use a vulgar expression.
I have just finished reading the life of Madame de Krüdener. She was quite a peculiar character, but the story of her life is somewhat tiresome and my own conclusion is that Madame de Krüdener, who was always deluded by her own vanity, was frivolous for that reason during her youth; that vanity afterwards led her to literature and finally to missionary work; but vanity has an honesty of its own, and precisely for that reason can display prodigious credulity. As a mystic Madame de Krüdener has not the loftiness of Saint Theresa or the quiet grace of Madame Guyon; her would-be clever letters are heavy, and when she tries to soar aloft the leaden structure of her wings is obvious. There must have been some force of attraction in her speeches and addresses,for without some special gift she could never have produced results which contain a certain amount of humbug and on many occasions some reality.
Sagan, December 10, 1849.—I was very sorry to read the day before yesterday in the newspapers the announcement of the death of Queen Adelaide of England. The news carried me back to that pleasant time when I had the honour of seeing her, and was treated by her with a kindness which I shall never forget. She was a noble woman who bore herself with grand and simple dignity in positions that were difficult for several reasons.
There is some small excitement at Sans Souci, on account of the concentration of the Austrian forces upon the Saxon frontier. It would seem that General Gerlach, who at this moment has considerable influence with the King of Prussia, has been sent to Dresden to bring matters to a conclusion. If these troops are only intended to clear Saxony of the Reds in case of necessity, who are more audacious there than anywhere else, this intervention would be regarded as equivalent to Russia's action in the Grand Duchy of Baden, and nothing would be said; but certain would-be clever people wish to regard the movement as a veiled threat against the Diet of Erfurt.[208]In this case it is probable that it will not pass without comment.
Sagan, December 12, 1849.—I have read the speech delivered at the admission of the Duc de Noailles to the French Academy.[209]It is written in very fine language with realloftiness of style and thought, and is marked by a correctness and purity worthy of the best epochs of taste and literature: the ideas are noble and both prudent and dignified; some passages especially please me, notably those concerning Pascal and Voltaire, with a clever transition, bringing the subject back to M. de Chateaubriand. However, the speech has one defect in my opinion, that it places its subject upon too high a pedestal, and that if it does not exaggerate his talent it certainly gives too high an estimate of his character. The Duc de Noailles with very correct taste touched but lightly on theMémoires d'outre-tombe, for this gloomy legacy reveals the writer's barrenness of heart, excessive vanity and acrimonious character, while his talent often disappears beneath the exaggerations and bad taste for which clumsy imitators of this school are often blamed. However, all eulogies before the Academy are prone to exaggerate the merits of their subjects; as they are condemned to draw a portrait without shadows, the truth of their colouring suffers in consequence, and the real features are often obscured. These faults are due rather to the accepted style of oration than to the orator, and for them he cannot be blamed. Yesterday I began the sixth volume of theMémoires d'outre-tombe. This contains a sketch of Napoleon's history with which M. de Chateaubriand padded his ownMémoiresin reference to himself; the whole is written with a view to effect, but with no great feeling for truth. I was greatly struck to find a passing eulogy upon M. Caulaincourt in spite of the Duc d'Enghien; in other respects the same malevolence towards the human race is obvious, and the same hatred for M. de Talleyrand.
Sagan, December 14, 1849.—I hear from Paris that Madame de Lieven sometimes lays aside her Deffant bonnet in favour of a toque of black velvet with white feathers, which is the last word of fashion. She goes into society and is seen everywhere; she has even procured an introduction to Madame de Circourt where the ultra-Catholic society meets; she is trying to find recruits there for her salon, and is especially anxious to attract M. de Montalembert.
To judge by an article in theFriend of Religion, our dear Bishop of Orléans[210]has gained another triumph at Notre Dame, a triumph for the faith by which he is inspired and for the friendship of which he is the object. I expect a hymn of praise from my good Pauline on this subject.
Sagan, December 16, 1849.—A letter from Berlin of yesterday's date says: "The German question is more confused than ever, and no one can foresee the issue. The only decided point seems to be that of the elections for Erfurt, in spite of Austria, whose language, though moderate, none the less shows a strong determination not to give way. From this you may deduce the probable consequences, none of which I should care to guarantee."
My perusal of the sixth volume of theMémoires d'outre-tombebrings on a succession of nervous shocks. M. de Talleyrand appears at every moment, and is treated with a fury which of itself counterbalances the author's malicious tendencies, though of these a good proportion survive; in any case in which M. de Talleyrand really acted, the author is silent: where his influence was small, he attacks him with furious invective, and all this because he is trying to prove that his pamphlet,Bonaparte and the Bourbons, brought about the restoration of 1814. For instance, when he is driven into a corner a cry of grief escapes him, and he says: "My poor pamphlet was crushed by the foul intrigues of the Rue de Florentin." In this outcry we see the true explanation of his furious rage. Vanity of vanities! I trust for the sake of this hero of vanity that he seriously asked pardon from God before he was taken to the rock of St. Malo, which his vanity again has chosen as his last resting-place. As he could not choose his cradle, for which he would doubtless have selected an eagle's nest, he has been careful to ensure that his tomb should be a picturesque point of pilgrimage. But who will say that while tied to this rock he is not devoured by the vulture of conscience? I would not deny that my poor uncle has been a great sinner, but I would prefer to standwith his feeble conscience before the Throne than with this mind full of anger, malice, gall and enmity, the revelation of which now permits us all to judge and to condemn him.
Salvandy has paid a visit to Claremont, and reports that some words of wisdom were spoken. Apparently the inhabitants have learned by experience and now recognise the value of right. Young and old say that they are ready to lower their flag to this principle, and to serve it. I fear that those at Eisenach are by no means so advanced as yet, for I have had a letter from Madame de Chabannes; on leaving Eisenach she went through Brussels and spent two days there to see the Queen. When at length she returned to Versailles, she found her husband was also returning from Claremont. She writes to me as follows: "To my great regret I found the Queen of the Belgians extremely anxious for coalition. England wishes to maintain thestatus quoin France in order that this poor country may plunge deeper in the mire. Hence Lord Palmerston is intriguing in every possible way to avoid the possibility of regeneration. King Leopold simply echoes Downing Street[211]upon French but not upon German questions, and Queen Louise is of her husband's opinion. A snare has been spread for the Duchesse d'Orléans by inviting her to consider a new combination—a proposal to induce the Duc de Bordeaux to abdicate, to which he will certainly never consent. In this you may recognise the punic faith of the modern Carthage. My husband has been commissioned by Claremont to give the password to our leaders here, and I know that the Legitimists have been informed of Louis Philippe's conciliatory attitude; but parties are broken in the numberless factions. The Legitimists are no longer drilled as they were, and some would prefer the Comte de Montemolin to the Comte de Paris. I often think of your prophetic words at Eisenach, to the effect that this desirable coalition, which might have produced such great results six months ago, has now missed its opportunity, and that every day's delay diminishes its possible importance and utility. But how is one to destroy such inveterate prejudices, in which self-esteemis so powerful a factor and petty subordinate ambition so energetic?"
The following is an extract from a letter which I have written to the Duc de Noailles to thank him for his speech before the Academy: "My dear Duc, you have gained a brilliant success before a great and sensitive audience. I propose to offer you one less brilliant and more remarkable from the depths of my solitude. I was busy readingd'Outre-tombewhen theJournal des Débatsbrought me a report of your magnificent speech; I admired it, although it contains nothing but praise of a man against whom my instinct has always revolted, and who has become the object of my deep aversion on account of the persistent jealousy manifested in his acrimonious confessions. But as I read your speech I had only to consider yourself, and I understood that you were not allowed to be a judge, but were forced to be a eulogist. I can therefore honestly say that my applause is the greatest triumph that your words can have gained, and perhaps also the greatest proof of my friendship. I am also convinced that precisely because you were thinking of me, it must have been difficult for you to draw a portrait without shadow, and to deprive it of truth precisely as you have added to its lustre. Disregarding the question of truth, I have been keenly delighted by the purity, simplicity, and taste—unfortunately now so rare—of your language which has given me infinite pleasure. The elevation of thought corresponds to the delicacy of feeling; political prudence has nowhere infringed literary dignity, while supporting it with a tactfulness alike clever and felicitous."
Sagan, December 21, 1849.—A letter from Paris, which I received yesterday, contains the following passage: "Political conditions are calmer for the moment, but the majority of the Assembly are divided by several class divisions, and apparently the dangers of the street alone can force them to unite. This is no great guarantee of security, and gives a touch of bitterness and sadness to all conversations. The best of friends entertain opposite ideas, and arguevehemently, so that social relations become difficult and unpleasant. Madame de Lieven alone seems perfectly contented, and quite delighted with her stay in Paris; she continues to make as many new acquaintances as she can, and is especially attentive to people in power, and sorry that she cannot go to the Elysée."
Sagan, December 26, 1849.—An incident which I regard as very vexatious has struck me—the discussion proceeding in the daily Press concerning the advantages, the inconveniences, the forms and conditions of the coalition, so long desired by all the true friends of France. It seems to me that nothing could be more fatal to the chance of a successful issue than thus to bring discussion before a public which is partial, prejudiced, ill-informed and often both malicious and ignorant. I fear I was correct at Eisenach, when I said that I feared it might be already too late to take a step which should have been burst upon the public unexpectedly, and have made the impression of an accomplished fact. Such a step would then have produced its full effect—would have decided waverers, gathered together all right-minded people, united the recalcitrants, and apart from a few courageous spirits, a vast number of timid minds would have been soon gathering round this one standard. Now, if it should be unfurled, it will appear shattered and torn by the missiles of journalists and the invectives of the wretched subordinate intriguers whom I was sorry to see about the Duchesse d'Orléans.
Apparently Vienna wishes to make some social effort to please the young Emperor. Last year the Emperor was greatly attracted at Olmütz by his cousin, the Archduchess Elizabeth, who has just lost her husband: though the Emperor consoled himself, it is said that some sparks of his early ardour remain to him and that very possibly the young Archduchess, who can easily be consoled, might become Empress when her mourning is over. She is nineteen years of age, is pretty and has one child.[212]
Sagan, December 30, 1849.—In France the conflict of opinion is obvious. One party are confident that they will secure the empire within a month; the other party are equally certain that the principle of legitimacy is immutable and universally recognised, so that their triumph is assured; the merchants say that they would prefer the family of Orléans, while the Socialists mock at all these dreams and regard their own accession to power as certain. As the parties would only unite in order to combat the Socialists, these last may very well find a favourable opportunity eventually.
In two days we are to begin a new year and to begin also the second half of the nineteenth century. What a half-century this last has been, and what catastrophes have marked the conclusion of this epoch of disturbance and madness! During the first years of this half-century we were emerging from chaos, and in chaos the last years of it have plunged us. Heaven alone knows to what depths we shall fall. May we at least be able to die peacefully in our beds; desires and hopes can go no further than that wish, although to desire even so much may seem excessive.