Chapter 51

[1034]Πολίτης,op. cit.p. 43 (Version No. 4, ll. 18, 19).[1035]The periodicalΠανδώρα, 1862, vol. 13, p. 367 (Πολίτης,op. cit.p. 66, no. 17, ll. 19, 20).[1036]Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, Ἡ Σινασός, p. 164 (from Sinasos in Asia Minor).[1037]I make this statement with as full confidence as can be felt in any such negation, after perusing nearly a score of versions.[1038]See above, p.368.[1039]Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις,I.p. 589.[1040]Ibid.p. 591.[1041]Goar,Eucholog.p. 685.[1042]Cf. Leo Allatius,De quor. Graecorum opinat.XIII.Balsamon,I.569 (Migne).Epist. S. Niconis, quoted by Balsamon,II.p. 1096 (ed. Paris, 1620). Christophorus Angelus, cap. 25.[1043]S. Matthew xviii. 18.[1044]The power of excommunicating belonged to priests as well as to bishops, but they might not exercise it without their bishop’s sanction. Cf. Balsamon,I.27 and 569 (Migne).[1045]Quoted by Leo Allatius,De quor. Graec. opinat.XIII.andXIV.[1046]The reversal of the decree of excommunication by the same person who had pronounced it was always preferred, largely as a precaution against an excommunicated person obtaining absolution too easily. Cf. Balsamon,I.64–5 and 437 (Migne).[1047]op. cit.cap.XV.Cf. also Christophorus Angelus,Ἐγχειρίδιον περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν σήμερον εὑρισκομένων Ἑλλήνων(Cambridge, 1619), cap. 25, where is told the story of a bishop who was excommunicated by a council of his peers, and whose body remained ‘bound, like iron, for a hundred years,’ when a second council of bishops at the same place pronounced absolution and immediately the body ‘turned to dust.’[1048]According to Georgius Fehlavius, p. 539 (§ 422) of his edition of Christophorus Angelus,De statu hodiernorum Graecorum(Lipsiae, 1676), Emanuel Malaxus was the writer of a work entitledHistoria Patriarcharum Constantinopolitanorum, which I have not been able to discover. It was apparently used by Crusius for hisTurco-Grecia; for the story here told is narrated by him in two versions (I.56 andII.32, pp. 27 and 133 ed. Basle) and he alludes also (p. 151) to a story concerning Arsenios, Bishop of Monemvasia, which likewise according to Fehlavius (l.c.) was narrated by Malaxus.[1049]See below, p.409.[1050]Christophorus Angelus (op. cit.cap. 25) vouches for the early use of this word by one Cassianus, whom he describes asἝλλην παλαιὸς ἱστορικός. I cannot identify this author.[1051]Du Cange,Med. et infim. Graec., s.v.τυμπανίτης.[1052]Christophorus Angelus,l.c.[1053]Matthew xviii. 18.[1054]John xx. 23.[1055]See above, p.365.[1056]The wordμνημόσυνα, which I have rendered with verbal correctness ‘memorial services,’ really implies more, and corresponds to a mass for the repose of the dead.[1057]Anastasius Sinaita, in Migne’sPatrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 89, 279–280.[1058]i.e. theπνευματικοί, as they were called, the more discreet and ‘spiritual’ priests who alone were authorised by their bishops to discharge this function. Cf. Christophorus Angelus,op. cit.cap. 22.[1059]Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, pp. 335 and 339.[1060]On this symbol see above, pp.112f.[1061]Newton,Travels and Discoveries in the Levant,I.p. 212 (1865). (Cf. B. Schmidt,das Volksleben, p. 164.)[1062]Cf. Christophorus Angelus,op. cit.cap. 25 (init.).[1063]I. Cor.v. 5 andI. Tim.i. 20.[1064]Theodoretus, onI. Cor.v. 5 (Migne,Patrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 82, 261).[1065]Aesch.Choeph., 432–3.[1066]Paus.IX.32. 6.[1067]Philopseudes, cap. 29.[1068]See above, p.208.[1069]Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις,I.p. 576.[1070]Ralston,Songs of the Russian people, p. 412.[1071]Mirabilia, cap.I.[1072]By ‘seer’ I renderμάντις, a man directly inspired; by ‘diviner’οἰωνοσκόπος, one who is skilled in the science of interpreting signs and omens.[1073]Relation de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable a Sant-Erini etc., p. 213. He calls Philinnion a Thessalian girl, and makes Machates come from Macedonia. But his reference to the story contains a patent inaccuracy (for he speaks of the girl being buried a second time, whereas she was burnt), and in all probability he was quoting from memory, not from a more complete text than that now preserved.[1074]See Pashley,Travels in Crete,II.p. 221; Carnarvon,Reminiscences of Athens and the Morea, p. 162; Schmidt,das Volksleben, p. 165;Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις,I.pp. 589, 591 and 593;Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 125.[1075]Alardus Gazaeus,Commentary onIoh. Cassianus,Collatio,VIII.21 (Migne,Patrologia, Ser.I.vol. 49).[1076]On ‘striges’ see above, pp.179ff.[1077]On this word see above, p.288.[1078]Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 170, with note 1.[1079]Philopseudes, cap. 26.[1080]Ar.Eccles., 1072–3.[1081]See above, pp.387-91.[1082]Eur.Or., 1086.[1083]Eur.Hipp., 1038.[1084]Soph.O. C., 1383 ff.[1085]Soph.O. C., 1405.[1086]261–297.[1087]Aesch.Choeph., 287–8.[1088]Κατὰ Ἀριστογείτονος,I.p. 788.συμπεπτωκότοςis a necessary correction of theἐμπεπτωκότοςof the MSS.[1089]Cf. l. 366μιαίνεται.[1090]Aesch.Suppl., 407 ff.[1091]Aesch.Eum., 173 ff. readingἄλλον μιάστορ’ ἐξ ἐμοῦ.[1092]See above, p.398.[1093]Works and Days, 325 ff.[1094]See above, p.397.[1095]See above, p.370.[1096]Hom.Il.XXIII.69 ff.[1097]Hom.Od.XI.51 ff.[1098]Eur.Hec.1–58.[1099]Aesch.Eum.94 ff. It must be observed, however, that Clytemnestra’s restlessness is represented as being due to her being a murderess quite as much as to her having been violently slain. There was a double cause. See below, p.474.[1100]cap. 29.[1101]Other references are given by Schmidt,das Volksleben, p. 169, among them Servius on Virg.Aen.,IV.386 and Heliod.Aethiop.,II.5.[1102]Certain hints however are to be found, on which see below, pp.438-9.[1103]Aesch.Choeph.480 ff.[1104]See below, pp.438-9.[1105]p. 81C,D.[1106]IliadXXIII.65 ff.[1107]Eurip.Hecuba1 ff.[1108]τοῦ ὁρατοῦas opposed toτοῦ ἀειδοῦς τε καὶ Ἅιδου.[1109]See above, pp.110ff.[1110]See above, p.340.[1111]Soph.El.453–4.[1112]Aesch.Choeph.480–1.[1113]Aesch.Ag.455.[1114]Eur.Or.491–541.[1115]Ibid.580 ff.[1116]Aesch.Choeph.924–5. Cf. also 293.[1117]Soph.El.445.[1118]Aesch.Choeph.439 ff.[1119]Antiphon, pp. 119, 125, and 126.[1120]Cf. below, p.459.[1121]Plato,Leges, 865D,παλαιόν τινα τῶν ἀρχαίων μύθων.[1122]The wordδειμαίνει, which in this passage seems clearly transitive, is perhaps a verbal reminiscence of the old language in which Plato had heard the tradition.[1123]Plato,Leges, 865Dff.[1124]Cf. Demosth.,in Aristocr., pp. 634 and 643.[1125]The word technically used of this withdrawal without formal sentence of banishment wasἀπενιαυτεῖν, or simplyἐξιέναι(cf.ὑπεξελθεῖν τῷ παθόντιin the above passage of Plato), or, as again in the same passage,ἀποξενοῦσθαι; whereas legal banishment was denoted byφεύγειν.[1126]Plato,Leges, 872Dff.[1127]In early Greek, as witness the first line of theIliad, the use ofμῆνις, was less restricted than in later times; but the word,μήνιμαeven in Homer occurs only, I think, in the phraseμήνιμα θεῶν. See below, p.449.[1128]Plato,Phaedrus, § 49, p. 244D.[1129]Cf. especially Eur.Or.281–2, as pointed out by Bekker in his note on Plato,Phaedrus,l.c.[1130]Aesch.Choeph.293.[1131]Plato,Leges, 869A(Bekker’s text); cf. also 869E.[1132]See Aesch.Eum.101 and 317 ff.; cf. Eur.Or.583.[1133]Ibid.94–139.[1134]Ibid.417.[1135]Xenoph.Cyrop.VIII.7, 18.[1136]Hom.Il.XXII.358.[1137]Hom.Od.XI.73.[1138]Pind.Pyth.IV.280 ff.[1139]Cf. Plato,Leges,IX.passim, and especially p. 871.[1140]Cf. Aesch.Eum.285 and 448 ff.[1141]Plato,Leges, 868Aand 871A.[1142]Cf. Aesch.Eum.445.[1143]Plato,Leges, 871B.[1144]Ibid.865C.[1145]Cf. Plato,Leges, p. 854A,δυσίατα καὶ ἀνίατα.[1146]Cf. Plato,Leges, 866–874,passim.[1147]Aesch.Eum.74 ff.[1148]Aesch.Choeph.280–1.[1149]Aesch.Choeph.288–9.[1150]Cf. especially Aesch.Choeph.400 ff.[1151]Aesch.Eum.336,θανὼν δ’ οὐκ ἄγαν ἐλεύθερος.[1152]Aesch.Eum.137–9.[1153]Ibid.264–7.[1154]Ibid.328 ff., and again 343 ff.[1155]This rendering of the wordαὐονάhas been challenged, but has the support of the Scholiast who explains it by the wordsὁ ξηραίνων τοὺς βροτούς, (the hymn) which dries and withers men.[1156]The tense ofταριχευθένταin the phrase from which I started (Choeph.296) is hereby explained.[1157]Plato,Phaedrus, 244E,πρός τε τὸν παρόντα καὶ τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον.[1158]Plato’s list is ‘father, mother, brother, sister, or child,’Leges,IX.873A.[1159]Plato,Leges,IX.873B.[1160]Cf. especially Tournefort,Voyage du Levant,I.p. 163, who was an eye-witness of such an occurrence in Myconos.[1161]Cf. Aesch.Eumen.780 ff., and (for the withdrawal of the curse) 938 ff.[1162]Eur.Phoen.1592 ff. The word here translated ‘avengers’ isἀλάστορες, which is fully discussed below, pp.465ff.[1163]Aesch.Suppl.262 ff., reading in 266μηνιτὴ δάκη, the emendation of Porson.[1164]l.c.265–6,μιάσμασιν ... μηνιτή ... ἀνῆκε.[1165]Aesch.Eum.52.[1166]Aesch.Eum.53, 137–9.[1167]Ibid.254.[1168]Ibid.75, 111, 131, 246–7.[1169]passim.[1170]183–4, 264.[1171]Ibid.780 ff., 938 ff.[1172]Ibid.644.[1173]Ibid.70, 73, 644.[1174]Eur.Med.1370.[1175]Aesch.Eum.177.[1176]Soph.El.603.[1177]Aesch.Eum.349, readingμαυροῦμεν νέον αἷμα.[1178]Aesch.Eum.236.[1179]L. and S. s.v.[1180]Cf. Aesch.Choeph.1026 ff., andEumen.passim.[1181]Cf. Preller,Griech. Mythol.,I.p. 145 (edit. 4, Carl Robert).[1182]Clem. Alex.Protrept.II.§ 26.[1183]Aesch.Pers.353.[1184]This fact is recognised by Geddes in his edition of thePhaedo, in the course of his note (p. 280 ff.) on the difficulty concerning the wordsἢ λόγου θείου τινὸςin cap. 33 (p. 85D). He does not however infer that the words really contrasted areἀλάστωρandδαίμων, but claims for the particleἢan epexegetic sense (‘or, in other words,’) besides its usual disjunctive sense (‘or else’). I am far from being satisfied that the epexegetic use ofἢexisted at all in Classical Greek, which idiomatically employedκαὶin that way. At any rate its existence is not proved by the other passages which Geddes cites—Aesch.Pers.430 and Soph.Phil.934—where theἢperhaps equalsvelrather thanaut, but has none of the epexegetic sense ofsive.[1185]Eur.Med.1059 ff.[1186]Eur.Med.1333 ff.[1187]Eur.H. F.1229 ff.[1188]Cf. Paley, in his note to elucidate this dialogue. It should be added however that in a second note on the same page, dealing with this line only, he apparently contradicts his previous explanation.

[1034]Πολίτης,op. cit.p. 43 (Version No. 4, ll. 18, 19).

[1035]The periodicalΠανδώρα, 1862, vol. 13, p. 367 (Πολίτης,op. cit.p. 66, no. 17, ll. 19, 20).

[1036]Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, Ἡ Σινασός, p. 164 (from Sinasos in Asia Minor).

[1037]I make this statement with as full confidence as can be felt in any such negation, after perusing nearly a score of versions.

[1038]See above, p.368.

[1039]Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις,I.p. 589.

[1040]Ibid.p. 591.

[1041]Goar,Eucholog.p. 685.

[1042]Cf. Leo Allatius,De quor. Graecorum opinat.XIII.Balsamon,I.569 (Migne).Epist. S. Niconis, quoted by Balsamon,II.p. 1096 (ed. Paris, 1620). Christophorus Angelus, cap. 25.

[1043]S. Matthew xviii. 18.

[1044]The power of excommunicating belonged to priests as well as to bishops, but they might not exercise it without their bishop’s sanction. Cf. Balsamon,I.27 and 569 (Migne).

[1045]Quoted by Leo Allatius,De quor. Graec. opinat.XIII.andXIV.

[1046]The reversal of the decree of excommunication by the same person who had pronounced it was always preferred, largely as a precaution against an excommunicated person obtaining absolution too easily. Cf. Balsamon,I.64–5 and 437 (Migne).

[1047]op. cit.cap.XV.Cf. also Christophorus Angelus,Ἐγχειρίδιον περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν σήμερον εὑρισκομένων Ἑλλήνων(Cambridge, 1619), cap. 25, where is told the story of a bishop who was excommunicated by a council of his peers, and whose body remained ‘bound, like iron, for a hundred years,’ when a second council of bishops at the same place pronounced absolution and immediately the body ‘turned to dust.’

[1048]According to Georgius Fehlavius, p. 539 (§ 422) of his edition of Christophorus Angelus,De statu hodiernorum Graecorum(Lipsiae, 1676), Emanuel Malaxus was the writer of a work entitledHistoria Patriarcharum Constantinopolitanorum, which I have not been able to discover. It was apparently used by Crusius for hisTurco-Grecia; for the story here told is narrated by him in two versions (I.56 andII.32, pp. 27 and 133 ed. Basle) and he alludes also (p. 151) to a story concerning Arsenios, Bishop of Monemvasia, which likewise according to Fehlavius (l.c.) was narrated by Malaxus.

[1049]See below, p.409.

[1050]Christophorus Angelus (op. cit.cap. 25) vouches for the early use of this word by one Cassianus, whom he describes asἝλλην παλαιὸς ἱστορικός. I cannot identify this author.

[1051]Du Cange,Med. et infim. Graec., s.v.τυμπανίτης.

[1052]Christophorus Angelus,l.c.

[1053]Matthew xviii. 18.

[1054]John xx. 23.

[1055]See above, p.365.

[1056]The wordμνημόσυνα, which I have rendered with verbal correctness ‘memorial services,’ really implies more, and corresponds to a mass for the repose of the dead.

[1057]Anastasius Sinaita, in Migne’sPatrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 89, 279–280.

[1058]i.e. theπνευματικοί, as they were called, the more discreet and ‘spiritual’ priests who alone were authorised by their bishops to discharge this function. Cf. Christophorus Angelus,op. cit.cap. 22.

[1059]Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, pp. 335 and 339.

[1060]On this symbol see above, pp.112f.

[1061]Newton,Travels and Discoveries in the Levant,I.p. 212 (1865). (Cf. B. Schmidt,das Volksleben, p. 164.)

[1062]Cf. Christophorus Angelus,op. cit.cap. 25 (init.).

[1063]I. Cor.v. 5 andI. Tim.i. 20.

[1064]Theodoretus, onI. Cor.v. 5 (Migne,Patrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 82, 261).

[1065]Aesch.Choeph., 432–3.

[1066]Paus.IX.32. 6.

[1067]Philopseudes, cap. 29.

[1068]See above, p.208.

[1069]Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις,I.p. 576.

[1070]Ralston,Songs of the Russian people, p. 412.

[1071]Mirabilia, cap.I.

[1072]By ‘seer’ I renderμάντις, a man directly inspired; by ‘diviner’οἰωνοσκόπος, one who is skilled in the science of interpreting signs and omens.

[1073]Relation de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable a Sant-Erini etc., p. 213. He calls Philinnion a Thessalian girl, and makes Machates come from Macedonia. But his reference to the story contains a patent inaccuracy (for he speaks of the girl being buried a second time, whereas she was burnt), and in all probability he was quoting from memory, not from a more complete text than that now preserved.

[1074]See Pashley,Travels in Crete,II.p. 221; Carnarvon,Reminiscences of Athens and the Morea, p. 162; Schmidt,das Volksleben, p. 165;Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις,I.pp. 589, 591 and 593;Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 125.

[1075]Alardus Gazaeus,Commentary onIoh. Cassianus,Collatio,VIII.21 (Migne,Patrologia, Ser.I.vol. 49).

[1076]On ‘striges’ see above, pp.179ff.

[1077]On this word see above, p.288.

[1078]Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 170, with note 1.

[1079]Philopseudes, cap. 26.

[1080]Ar.Eccles., 1072–3.

[1081]See above, pp.387-91.

[1082]Eur.Or., 1086.

[1083]Eur.Hipp., 1038.

[1084]Soph.O. C., 1383 ff.

[1085]Soph.O. C., 1405.

[1086]261–297.

[1087]Aesch.Choeph., 287–8.

[1088]Κατὰ Ἀριστογείτονος,I.p. 788.συμπεπτωκότοςis a necessary correction of theἐμπεπτωκότοςof the MSS.

[1089]Cf. l. 366μιαίνεται.

[1090]Aesch.Suppl., 407 ff.

[1091]Aesch.Eum., 173 ff. readingἄλλον μιάστορ’ ἐξ ἐμοῦ.

[1092]See above, p.398.

[1093]Works and Days, 325 ff.

[1094]See above, p.397.

[1095]See above, p.370.

[1096]Hom.Il.XXIII.69 ff.

[1097]Hom.Od.XI.51 ff.

[1098]Eur.Hec.1–58.

[1099]Aesch.Eum.94 ff. It must be observed, however, that Clytemnestra’s restlessness is represented as being due to her being a murderess quite as much as to her having been violently slain. There was a double cause. See below, p.474.

[1100]cap. 29.

[1101]Other references are given by Schmidt,das Volksleben, p. 169, among them Servius on Virg.Aen.,IV.386 and Heliod.Aethiop.,II.5.

[1102]Certain hints however are to be found, on which see below, pp.438-9.

[1103]Aesch.Choeph.480 ff.

[1104]See below, pp.438-9.

[1105]p. 81C,D.

[1106]IliadXXIII.65 ff.

[1107]Eurip.Hecuba1 ff.

[1108]τοῦ ὁρατοῦas opposed toτοῦ ἀειδοῦς τε καὶ Ἅιδου.

[1109]See above, pp.110ff.

[1110]See above, p.340.

[1111]Soph.El.453–4.

[1112]Aesch.Choeph.480–1.

[1113]Aesch.Ag.455.

[1114]Eur.Or.491–541.

[1115]Ibid.580 ff.

[1116]Aesch.Choeph.924–5. Cf. also 293.

[1117]Soph.El.445.

[1118]Aesch.Choeph.439 ff.

[1119]Antiphon, pp. 119, 125, and 126.

[1120]Cf. below, p.459.

[1121]Plato,Leges, 865D,παλαιόν τινα τῶν ἀρχαίων μύθων.

[1122]The wordδειμαίνει, which in this passage seems clearly transitive, is perhaps a verbal reminiscence of the old language in which Plato had heard the tradition.

[1123]Plato,Leges, 865Dff.

[1124]Cf. Demosth.,in Aristocr., pp. 634 and 643.

[1125]The word technically used of this withdrawal without formal sentence of banishment wasἀπενιαυτεῖν, or simplyἐξιέναι(cf.ὑπεξελθεῖν τῷ παθόντιin the above passage of Plato), or, as again in the same passage,ἀποξενοῦσθαι; whereas legal banishment was denoted byφεύγειν.

[1126]Plato,Leges, 872Dff.

[1127]In early Greek, as witness the first line of theIliad, the use ofμῆνις, was less restricted than in later times; but the word,μήνιμαeven in Homer occurs only, I think, in the phraseμήνιμα θεῶν. See below, p.449.

[1128]Plato,Phaedrus, § 49, p. 244D.

[1129]Cf. especially Eur.Or.281–2, as pointed out by Bekker in his note on Plato,Phaedrus,l.c.

[1130]Aesch.Choeph.293.

[1131]Plato,Leges, 869A(Bekker’s text); cf. also 869E.

[1132]See Aesch.Eum.101 and 317 ff.; cf. Eur.Or.583.

[1133]Ibid.94–139.

[1134]Ibid.417.

[1135]Xenoph.Cyrop.VIII.7, 18.

[1136]Hom.Il.XXII.358.

[1137]Hom.Od.XI.73.

[1138]Pind.Pyth.IV.280 ff.

[1139]Cf. Plato,Leges,IX.passim, and especially p. 871.

[1140]Cf. Aesch.Eum.285 and 448 ff.

[1141]Plato,Leges, 868Aand 871A.

[1142]Cf. Aesch.Eum.445.

[1143]Plato,Leges, 871B.

[1144]Ibid.865C.

[1145]Cf. Plato,Leges, p. 854A,δυσίατα καὶ ἀνίατα.

[1146]Cf. Plato,Leges, 866–874,passim.

[1147]Aesch.Eum.74 ff.

[1148]Aesch.Choeph.280–1.

[1149]Aesch.Choeph.288–9.

[1150]Cf. especially Aesch.Choeph.400 ff.

[1151]Aesch.Eum.336,θανὼν δ’ οὐκ ἄγαν ἐλεύθερος.

[1152]Aesch.Eum.137–9.

[1153]Ibid.264–7.

[1154]Ibid.328 ff., and again 343 ff.

[1155]This rendering of the wordαὐονάhas been challenged, but has the support of the Scholiast who explains it by the wordsὁ ξηραίνων τοὺς βροτούς, (the hymn) which dries and withers men.

[1156]The tense ofταριχευθένταin the phrase from which I started (Choeph.296) is hereby explained.

[1157]Plato,Phaedrus, 244E,πρός τε τὸν παρόντα καὶ τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον.

[1158]Plato’s list is ‘father, mother, brother, sister, or child,’Leges,IX.873A.

[1159]Plato,Leges,IX.873B.

[1160]Cf. especially Tournefort,Voyage du Levant,I.p. 163, who was an eye-witness of such an occurrence in Myconos.

[1161]Cf. Aesch.Eumen.780 ff., and (for the withdrawal of the curse) 938 ff.

[1162]Eur.Phoen.1592 ff. The word here translated ‘avengers’ isἀλάστορες, which is fully discussed below, pp.465ff.

[1163]Aesch.Suppl.262 ff., reading in 266μηνιτὴ δάκη, the emendation of Porson.

[1164]l.c.265–6,μιάσμασιν ... μηνιτή ... ἀνῆκε.

[1165]Aesch.Eum.52.

[1166]Aesch.Eum.53, 137–9.

[1167]Ibid.254.

[1168]Ibid.75, 111, 131, 246–7.

[1169]passim.

[1170]183–4, 264.

[1171]Ibid.780 ff., 938 ff.

[1172]Ibid.644.

[1173]Ibid.70, 73, 644.

[1174]Eur.Med.1370.

[1175]Aesch.Eum.177.

[1176]Soph.El.603.

[1177]Aesch.Eum.349, readingμαυροῦμεν νέον αἷμα.

[1178]Aesch.Eum.236.

[1179]L. and S. s.v.

[1180]Cf. Aesch.Choeph.1026 ff., andEumen.passim.

[1181]Cf. Preller,Griech. Mythol.,I.p. 145 (edit. 4, Carl Robert).

[1182]Clem. Alex.Protrept.II.§ 26.

[1183]Aesch.Pers.353.

[1184]This fact is recognised by Geddes in his edition of thePhaedo, in the course of his note (p. 280 ff.) on the difficulty concerning the wordsἢ λόγου θείου τινὸςin cap. 33 (p. 85D). He does not however infer that the words really contrasted areἀλάστωρandδαίμων, but claims for the particleἢan epexegetic sense (‘or, in other words,’) besides its usual disjunctive sense (‘or else’). I am far from being satisfied that the epexegetic use ofἢexisted at all in Classical Greek, which idiomatically employedκαὶin that way. At any rate its existence is not proved by the other passages which Geddes cites—Aesch.Pers.430 and Soph.Phil.934—where theἢperhaps equalsvelrather thanaut, but has none of the epexegetic sense ofsive.

[1185]Eur.Med.1059 ff.

[1186]Eur.Med.1333 ff.

[1187]Eur.H. F.1229 ff.

[1188]Cf. Paley, in his note to elucidate this dialogue. It should be added however that in a second note on the same page, dealing with this line only, he apparently contradicts his previous explanation.

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