[1189]Eur.H. F.1218 ff.[1190]Cf. 1324.[1191]See Eustath. onIl.IV.295.[1192]Gk Etymol.547.[1193]Vergleichende Grammatik,II.§ 122.[1194]The nearest parallel could only be the dubious formἀδώτηςin Hesiod,W. and D., 353. But that form, if correct, is probably best treated as adjective (giftless) not as substantive (non-giver).[1195]I am indebted to Mr P. Giles, of Emmanuel College, for pointing out to me that the analogy withμιάστωρis mentioned in the last edition of Meyer’sGriechische Philologie.[1196]Hom.Il.IV.295,Ἀμφὶ μέγαν Πελάγοντα, Ἀλάστορά τε, Χρόμιόν τε. The hiatus in the third foot has been made the basis of a suggestion, to which Mr P. Giles has kindly called my attention, thatἀλάστωρshould begin with a digamma. There is however no need for the supposition, since hiatus after the trochaic caesura is not infrequent (e.g.Il.I.569) and some license is generally allowed in any case in the metrical treatment of proper names; moreover, inIl.VIII.333, we have a lineδῖος Ἀλάστωρwhich makes against the original existence of a digamma in the word.[1197]Aesch.Eum.103.[1198]Aesch.Eum.114.[1199]Aesch.Eum.98.[1200]This is distinctly stated in the passage, though of course her own violent death might equally well have been given as a cause of ‘wandering.’[1201]Eur.Tro.1023.[1202]Cf. Plutarch,de defect. orac., cap. 15 (p. 418).[1203]Aesch.Eum.236, cf. above, p.466.[1204]Soph.Ajax, 373.[1205]Demosth.de Falsa Legat., p. 438, 28.[1206]Demosth.de Corona, § 296, p. 324.[1207]Soph.Trach.1092.[1208]e.g. Eur.Iph. in Aul.878;Phoen.1550;El.979;Or.1668.[1209]Choeph.928.[1210]Electra, 677.[1211]Eur.Or.1584.[1212]Eur.Andr.614.[1213]Aeschines,De falsa legatione, § 168 (p. 49). Cf. § 162 (p. 48).[1214]Aeschylus,Agam.1587.[1215]Plato,Leges,IX.p. 866B, cf. above, p.445.[1216]So far as I can discover, it is a solitary example of the use in Classical Greek; but I very strongly suspect that in Antiphon, p. 127 (init.),προστρέψομαιshould be read instead ofπροστρίψομαι. A man accused of murder is saying,ἀδίκως μὲν γὰρ ἀπολυθεὶς, διὰ τὸ μὴ ὀρθῶς διδαχθῆναι ὑμᾶς ἀποφυγὼν, τοῦ μὴ διδάξαντος καὶ οὐχ ὑμέτερον τὸν προστρόπαιον τοῦ ἀποθανόντος καταστήσω· μὴ ὀρθῶς δὲ καταληφθεὶς ὑφ’ ὑμῶν, ὑμῖν καὶ οὐ τούτῳ τὸ μήνιμα τῶν ἀλιτηρίων προστρίψομαι. The sense is, ‘If I were really guilty of this murder and yet owing to the feeble case presented by the prosecutor I were acquitted by you, my escape would bring the Avenger of the dead man upon the prosecutor and not on you; whereas, if you condemn me wrongly when I am innocent, it will be on you and not on him that I, after death, shall turn the wrath of the Avengers.’ Clearlyπροστρέψομαιis required to answerπροστρόπαιον, and it could have no more natural object thanτὸ μήνιμα, the special word denoting the wrath which follows on bloodguilt.[1217]Photius, s.v.παλαμναῖος.[1218]I venture upon this emphatic negation, not so much because I have found no such usage in my reading of Greek literature, as because the line of theEumenidesin which Orestes calls himselfἀλάστορα, οὐ προστρόπαιον, would be hopelessly ambiguous if such an usage had been possible.[1219]Antiphon, 119. 6.[1220]Aesch.Choeph.287.[1221]Antiphon, 125. 32 and 126. 39.[1222]Pausan.II.18. 2.[1223]Hesychius, s.v.προστρόπαιος.[1224]Aesch.Agam.1587; see above, p.480.[1225]Cf. Aesch.Eum.283 and 450.[1226]Bern. Schmidt,Lieder, Märchen, Sagen etc., Folk-song no. 33.[1227]Cf. above, p.389.[1228]See above, p.307, note 1, and p.313.[1229]The feasts at earlier dates, as on the third and ninth days, will be shown later to be popular in origin. See below, pp.530ff.[1230]Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 82.[1231]Op. cit.p. 81. The form here isσαρανταρίκια.[1232]Δελτίον τῆς ἱστορ. καὶ ἐθνολ. ἑταιρ. τῆς Ἑλλάδος,III.p. 337. The form isσαραντάρια.[1233]See above, p.373.[1234]Soph.Antig.256. Cf. Jebb’s notead loc., from which I take the further references.[1235]Aelian,Var. Hist.v.14.[1236]Aelian,Hist. Anim.v.49.[1237]Cf. Fauriel,Chants de la Grèce Moderne, Discours Préliminaire, p. 40;Μιχαὴλ Σ. Γρηγορόπουλος, ἡ νῆσος Σύμη, p. 46.[1238]Early Age of Greece, Vol.I.cap. 7.[1239]Bury,History of Greece, p. 41.[1240]Rohde,Psyche, cap.I.[1241]Hom.Il.VI.417 ff.,XXIII.252 ff.,XXIV.791 ff.;Od.XI.72 ff. andXII.11 ff.[1242]PsycheI.pp. 31–32.[1243]Cf. Lucian,De Luctu14,ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον συγκατέφλεξεν ἣ συγκατώρυξεν.[1244]Described inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1889, pp. 171 ff.[1245]Described inAthen. Mittheilungen, 1893, pp. 73–191.[1246]The perusal of Philios’ narrative leaves the impression that several cases of cremation were discovered. Yet in his concluding summary he says: “Burial, not burning, of the dead was in those times the more prevalent custom, since in one case and one only can we admit that the corpse was not buried but burnt.” I note that Brückner and Pernice (op. cit.p. 149) in referring to Philios’ results tacitly soften his rigid ‘one and one only’ into the more supple ‘one or two.’ For justification of this see Philios,op. cit.pp. 178, 179, 180, 185.[1247]Hirschfeld, inAnnali, 1872, pp. 135, 167, cited by Brückner and Perniceop. cit.p. 148.Κουμανούδης, inΠρακτικὰ, 1873–4, p. 17.[1248]Op. cit.pp. 91 ff.[1249]Op. cit.p. 178.[1250]Brückner and Pernice take this view of the fact, though the words which they use are coloured by their acceptance of Rohde’s theory of propitiatory offerings to the dead. ‘Vor der Beerdigung, so scheint es nach den Funden des Herrn Philios, sind an der Grabstätte des öfteren Brandopfer dargebracht worden.’Op. cit.p. 151.[1251]Seeop. cit.pp. 78–9.[1252]See above, p.347.[1253]Il.XXIV.719 ff.[1254]Cf.Athen. Mittheil.1893, p. 103.[1255]Plutarch,Solon20.[1256]Lysias,Or.XII.18, 19.[1257]Lucian,de Luctu, 12 and 13.[1258]Hom.32in Mat.p. 306.[1259]Preserved among the archives of Zante, which the kindness of Mr Leonidas Zoës enabled me to inspect.[1260]Psyche,I.pp. 209 and 360. From this source I draw several of the following references.[1261]Tsountas inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1888, p. 136.[1262]Plut.Lycurg.27.[1263]Iambl.Vit. Pythag.154.[1264]Pliny,N. H.XXXV.160.[1265]Dem.Orat.43 § 71.[1266]Antig.1201. Prof. Jebb in his note on this passage expresses the opinion that theθάλλοι νεοσπάδεςwere not fuel: in view of the Attic law above cited I am inclined to dissent. He also takesκλήματαin Ar.Eccles.1031 to mean ‘olive twigs’ and not, as more usual, ‘vine-shoots.’ I pass by the passage as doubtful evidence.[1267]Ross,Arch. Aufs.I.31.[1268]Artemid.Oneirocr.IV.57.[1269]Herod.V.8.[1270]Lucian,de Luctu, 21.[1271]Antiquities of the Christian Church, BkXXIII.cap. 2, whence I take the following references.[1272]Minucius, p. 32.[1273]Acta Tharaciap. Baron. an. 299, n.XXI., Ammian. Marcell. lib.XXII.p. 241, Euseb. lib.VIII.cap. 6.[1274]Tertull.De Anima, cap. 51.[1275]Tertull.de Resur.cap. 1.[1276]Cod. Th.lib.IX.tit. 17de Sepulcris violatis, leg. 6.[1277]Saturnal.lib.VII.cap. 7.[1278]See Finlay,History of Greece, vol.V.pp. 274–6.[1279]Passow,Popularia Carm. Graeciae recentioris, nos. 222–224. I translate here no. 222.[1280]So I interpret, but without certainty, the wordsκαὶ τὸ βεζύρη κάψαν, literally ‘and they burnt the Vizir.’[1281]The Liápides were an Albanian tribe employed by the Turks.[1282]No. 223.[1283]Actual data on this point are difficult to obtain; but archaeologists whom I consulted in Greece were all agreed, that lamps are more frequent in graves of late date, most frequent in the Greco-Roman period.[1284]Hieron.Vita Pauli4, cap. 66.[1285]Chrysostom,Hom.32in Mat.p. 306.[1286]Cited by Durant,de Ritibus, lib.I.cap.XXIII.n. 14 (p. 235). I have been unable to discover the original passage. Cf. Bingham,op. cit.XXIII.3.[1287]See Bingham,Antiquities of the Christian Church, BkXXIII.cap. 3ad fin.[1288]Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.[1289]These lines, or others in the same tenor, are well known among the professionalμυρολογίστριαις(women hired to mourn at funerals). The version which I here follow is given by Passow,Popul. Carm.no. 377A.Κι’ ὄντες νά με περάσουνε ψάλλοντες οἱ παπᾶδες,Ἔβγα κρυφὰ ’π’ τὴ μάνα σου κι’ ἄναψε τρεῖς λαμπάδες·Κι’ ὄντες νά μου τὰ σβέσουνε παπᾶδες τὰ κηριά μου,Τότες τρανταφυλλένια μου βγαίνεις ἀπ’ τὴν καρδιά μου.[1290]TheocritusXXI.36 f.; Athenaeus 700D; Pausan.I.26. 7.[1291]Frazer, inJourn. of Philol.XIV.145 ff.[1292]Plato,Phaedo115Cff.[1293]Hom.Il.XXIII.65 ff.[1294]Hom.Il.XXIII.72.[1295]Cf. the constant contrast ofαὐτὸςandψυχή, as inIliadI.3–4, and twice in the passage before us,Il.XXIII.65 f. and 106 f.[1296]Hom.Od.XI.489 ff.[1297]Hom.Il.XVI.857.[1298]The few inconsistencies in theOdyssey, such as the physical punishment of Tityos, Tantalos, and Sisyphos (Od.XI.576 ff.), or again the mention of the ‘asphodel mead’ (Od.XI.539,XXIV.13), are unimportant. They are, I think, adventitious Pelasgian elements in the Homeric scheme of the future life, and it may be noted that theIliadis singularly free from them, while inOdyssey, BkXI., where they chiefly occur, they are obviously incongruous with the general conception of the lower world.[1299]See above, p.99.[1300]Pindar, Fr. 129 (95).[1301]See above, p.345.[1302]Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 407 ff.[1303]Ἐκθ. ὀρθοδοξ. πίστεως11 (25); Migne,Patrolog.(ser. Graec.) Vol.XCIV.p. 916.[1304]Plutarch,de occult. viv.cap. 7, cited by Bergk inLyrici Graeci,ad loc.[1305]Pind.Ol.II.134.[1306]Pind.Ol.I.1.[1307]νὰ δροσίσουν τὴ λαύρα τοῦ πεθαμένου.[1308]Cf. Theodore Bent,The Cyclades, p. 220.[1309]This is of course only one out of several passages in which Pindar speaks of the future life, and he does not adhere to any one doctrine; elsewhere, as inOl.II., his views are coloured largely by Pythagorean or Orphic eschatology, although there is a close resemblance between the isles of the blest there described (126–135) and the abode depicted in this fragment.[1310]Hom.Il.IX.632 ff.[1311]Herod.II.51.[1312]Herod.II.171.[1313]Aristoph.Frogs, 884.[1314]Op. cit.1032 ff.[1315]A conspicuous example is Delphi, where the Achaean god Apollo had usurped the place of some oracular deity of the Pelasgians, cf. Plutarch,de defect. orac.cap. 15 p. 418. See Miss Harrison,Proleg. to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 113 f.[1316]Il.XXIII.104.[1317]Il.XXIII.101.[1318]Plato,Phaedo, cap. 29 (p. 80D).[1319]Cf.Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.[1320]Rohde (PsycheI.cap. 1) contends that the discovery of an altar, of the type used in the worship of Chthonian deities, superimposed upon one Mycenaean grave, proves both that offerings to the dead were continued after the interment and also that the offerings were of a propitiatory character. On this slight foundation he rears the edifice of his theory that a vigorous soul-cult flourished in Mycenaean and earlier ages. Accordingly he views all gifts to the dead, including those made at the time of the funeral, as offerings intended to propitiate departed souls, although he is forced to admit that from the Homeric age onwards there is no evidence that fear of the dead was a feature of Greek religion; the offerings made, on his view, to the soul of Patroclus were merely, he holds, a ‘survival,’ a custom no longer possessed of any meaning. The accident of an altar belonging to some Chthonian deity having been found above the grave of some man seems to me insufficient basis for any theory.[1321]The blood which in theOdysseyis used to attract the souls of the dead and is given to Teiresias to drink forms, I imagine, part of a magic rite, which has no connexion with the present point.[1322]I omit the twelve Trojan prisoners; the slaughter of these is clearly stated to have been an act of revenge. SeeIl.XXIII.22 f.[1323]Il.XXIII.50.[1324]Φίλιος, inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1889, p. 183. Possibly also at Athens, cf. Brückner and Pernice, inAthen. Mittheil.1893, pp. 89–90.[1325]I am not overlooking the fact thatἐναγίσματαwere also made to Chthonian deities (cf. Pausan.VIII.34. 3), but there was a distinction in character even between theseἐναγίσματαand those made to the dead. Wine, for example, was excluded from the former and included in the latter. Possibly in originἐναγίζεινwas the Pelasgian rite,θύεινthe Achaean.[1326]Lysist.611.[1327]Menecl.46 andCiron55 (p. 73. 26).[1328]Ctesiphon, 226 (p. 86. 5).[1329]PolluxVIII.146; Harpocrat. s.v.τριακάς.[1330]Herod.IV.26.[1331]Artem.Oneirocr.IV.83.[1332]loc. cit.[1333]Bingham,Antiq. of Christian Church, Bk 23, cap. 3.[1334]See Chrysostom,Homily47 in 1 Cor., p. 565.
[1189]Eur.H. F.1218 ff.
[1189]Eur.H. F.1218 ff.
[1190]Cf. 1324.
[1190]Cf. 1324.
[1191]See Eustath. onIl.IV.295.
[1191]See Eustath. onIl.IV.295.
[1192]Gk Etymol.547.
[1192]Gk Etymol.547.
[1193]Vergleichende Grammatik,II.§ 122.
[1193]Vergleichende Grammatik,II.§ 122.
[1194]The nearest parallel could only be the dubious formἀδώτηςin Hesiod,W. and D., 353. But that form, if correct, is probably best treated as adjective (giftless) not as substantive (non-giver).
[1194]The nearest parallel could only be the dubious formἀδώτηςin Hesiod,W. and D., 353. But that form, if correct, is probably best treated as adjective (giftless) not as substantive (non-giver).
[1195]I am indebted to Mr P. Giles, of Emmanuel College, for pointing out to me that the analogy withμιάστωρis mentioned in the last edition of Meyer’sGriechische Philologie.
[1195]I am indebted to Mr P. Giles, of Emmanuel College, for pointing out to me that the analogy withμιάστωρis mentioned in the last edition of Meyer’sGriechische Philologie.
[1196]Hom.Il.IV.295,Ἀμφὶ μέγαν Πελάγοντα, Ἀλάστορά τε, Χρόμιόν τε. The hiatus in the third foot has been made the basis of a suggestion, to which Mr P. Giles has kindly called my attention, thatἀλάστωρshould begin with a digamma. There is however no need for the supposition, since hiatus after the trochaic caesura is not infrequent (e.g.Il.I.569) and some license is generally allowed in any case in the metrical treatment of proper names; moreover, inIl.VIII.333, we have a lineδῖος Ἀλάστωρwhich makes against the original existence of a digamma in the word.
[1196]Hom.Il.IV.295,Ἀμφὶ μέγαν Πελάγοντα, Ἀλάστορά τε, Χρόμιόν τε. The hiatus in the third foot has been made the basis of a suggestion, to which Mr P. Giles has kindly called my attention, thatἀλάστωρshould begin with a digamma. There is however no need for the supposition, since hiatus after the trochaic caesura is not infrequent (e.g.Il.I.569) and some license is generally allowed in any case in the metrical treatment of proper names; moreover, inIl.VIII.333, we have a lineδῖος Ἀλάστωρwhich makes against the original existence of a digamma in the word.
[1197]Aesch.Eum.103.
[1197]Aesch.Eum.103.
[1198]Aesch.Eum.114.
[1198]Aesch.Eum.114.
[1199]Aesch.Eum.98.
[1199]Aesch.Eum.98.
[1200]This is distinctly stated in the passage, though of course her own violent death might equally well have been given as a cause of ‘wandering.’
[1200]This is distinctly stated in the passage, though of course her own violent death might equally well have been given as a cause of ‘wandering.’
[1201]Eur.Tro.1023.
[1201]Eur.Tro.1023.
[1202]Cf. Plutarch,de defect. orac., cap. 15 (p. 418).
[1202]Cf. Plutarch,de defect. orac., cap. 15 (p. 418).
[1203]Aesch.Eum.236, cf. above, p.466.
[1203]Aesch.Eum.236, cf. above, p.466.
[1204]Soph.Ajax, 373.
[1204]Soph.Ajax, 373.
[1205]Demosth.de Falsa Legat., p. 438, 28.
[1205]Demosth.de Falsa Legat., p. 438, 28.
[1206]Demosth.de Corona, § 296, p. 324.
[1206]Demosth.de Corona, § 296, p. 324.
[1207]Soph.Trach.1092.
[1207]Soph.Trach.1092.
[1208]e.g. Eur.Iph. in Aul.878;Phoen.1550;El.979;Or.1668.
[1208]e.g. Eur.Iph. in Aul.878;Phoen.1550;El.979;Or.1668.
[1209]Choeph.928.
[1209]Choeph.928.
[1210]Electra, 677.
[1210]Electra, 677.
[1211]Eur.Or.1584.
[1211]Eur.Or.1584.
[1212]Eur.Andr.614.
[1212]Eur.Andr.614.
[1213]Aeschines,De falsa legatione, § 168 (p. 49). Cf. § 162 (p. 48).
[1213]Aeschines,De falsa legatione, § 168 (p. 49). Cf. § 162 (p. 48).
[1214]Aeschylus,Agam.1587.
[1214]Aeschylus,Agam.1587.
[1215]Plato,Leges,IX.p. 866B, cf. above, p.445.
[1215]Plato,Leges,IX.p. 866B, cf. above, p.445.
[1216]So far as I can discover, it is a solitary example of the use in Classical Greek; but I very strongly suspect that in Antiphon, p. 127 (init.),προστρέψομαιshould be read instead ofπροστρίψομαι. A man accused of murder is saying,ἀδίκως μὲν γὰρ ἀπολυθεὶς, διὰ τὸ μὴ ὀρθῶς διδαχθῆναι ὑμᾶς ἀποφυγὼν, τοῦ μὴ διδάξαντος καὶ οὐχ ὑμέτερον τὸν προστρόπαιον τοῦ ἀποθανόντος καταστήσω· μὴ ὀρθῶς δὲ καταληφθεὶς ὑφ’ ὑμῶν, ὑμῖν καὶ οὐ τούτῳ τὸ μήνιμα τῶν ἀλιτηρίων προστρίψομαι. The sense is, ‘If I were really guilty of this murder and yet owing to the feeble case presented by the prosecutor I were acquitted by you, my escape would bring the Avenger of the dead man upon the prosecutor and not on you; whereas, if you condemn me wrongly when I am innocent, it will be on you and not on him that I, after death, shall turn the wrath of the Avengers.’ Clearlyπροστρέψομαιis required to answerπροστρόπαιον, and it could have no more natural object thanτὸ μήνιμα, the special word denoting the wrath which follows on bloodguilt.
[1216]So far as I can discover, it is a solitary example of the use in Classical Greek; but I very strongly suspect that in Antiphon, p. 127 (init.),προστρέψομαιshould be read instead ofπροστρίψομαι. A man accused of murder is saying,ἀδίκως μὲν γὰρ ἀπολυθεὶς, διὰ τὸ μὴ ὀρθῶς διδαχθῆναι ὑμᾶς ἀποφυγὼν, τοῦ μὴ διδάξαντος καὶ οὐχ ὑμέτερον τὸν προστρόπαιον τοῦ ἀποθανόντος καταστήσω· μὴ ὀρθῶς δὲ καταληφθεὶς ὑφ’ ὑμῶν, ὑμῖν καὶ οὐ τούτῳ τὸ μήνιμα τῶν ἀλιτηρίων προστρίψομαι. The sense is, ‘If I were really guilty of this murder and yet owing to the feeble case presented by the prosecutor I were acquitted by you, my escape would bring the Avenger of the dead man upon the prosecutor and not on you; whereas, if you condemn me wrongly when I am innocent, it will be on you and not on him that I, after death, shall turn the wrath of the Avengers.’ Clearlyπροστρέψομαιis required to answerπροστρόπαιον, and it could have no more natural object thanτὸ μήνιμα, the special word denoting the wrath which follows on bloodguilt.
[1217]Photius, s.v.παλαμναῖος.
[1217]Photius, s.v.παλαμναῖος.
[1218]I venture upon this emphatic negation, not so much because I have found no such usage in my reading of Greek literature, as because the line of theEumenidesin which Orestes calls himselfἀλάστορα, οὐ προστρόπαιον, would be hopelessly ambiguous if such an usage had been possible.
[1218]I venture upon this emphatic negation, not so much because I have found no such usage in my reading of Greek literature, as because the line of theEumenidesin which Orestes calls himselfἀλάστορα, οὐ προστρόπαιον, would be hopelessly ambiguous if such an usage had been possible.
[1219]Antiphon, 119. 6.
[1219]Antiphon, 119. 6.
[1220]Aesch.Choeph.287.
[1220]Aesch.Choeph.287.
[1221]Antiphon, 125. 32 and 126. 39.
[1221]Antiphon, 125. 32 and 126. 39.
[1222]Pausan.II.18. 2.
[1222]Pausan.II.18. 2.
[1223]Hesychius, s.v.προστρόπαιος.
[1223]Hesychius, s.v.προστρόπαιος.
[1224]Aesch.Agam.1587; see above, p.480.
[1224]Aesch.Agam.1587; see above, p.480.
[1225]Cf. Aesch.Eum.283 and 450.
[1225]Cf. Aesch.Eum.283 and 450.
[1226]Bern. Schmidt,Lieder, Märchen, Sagen etc., Folk-song no. 33.
[1226]Bern. Schmidt,Lieder, Märchen, Sagen etc., Folk-song no. 33.
[1227]Cf. above, p.389.
[1227]Cf. above, p.389.
[1228]See above, p.307, note 1, and p.313.
[1228]See above, p.307, note 1, and p.313.
[1229]The feasts at earlier dates, as on the third and ninth days, will be shown later to be popular in origin. See below, pp.530ff.
[1229]The feasts at earlier dates, as on the third and ninth days, will be shown later to be popular in origin. See below, pp.530ff.
[1230]Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 82.
[1230]Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 82.
[1231]Op. cit.p. 81. The form here isσαρανταρίκια.
[1231]Op. cit.p. 81. The form here isσαρανταρίκια.
[1232]Δελτίον τῆς ἱστορ. καὶ ἐθνολ. ἑταιρ. τῆς Ἑλλάδος,III.p. 337. The form isσαραντάρια.
[1232]Δελτίον τῆς ἱστορ. καὶ ἐθνολ. ἑταιρ. τῆς Ἑλλάδος,III.p. 337. The form isσαραντάρια.
[1233]See above, p.373.
[1233]See above, p.373.
[1234]Soph.Antig.256. Cf. Jebb’s notead loc., from which I take the further references.
[1234]Soph.Antig.256. Cf. Jebb’s notead loc., from which I take the further references.
[1235]Aelian,Var. Hist.v.14.
[1235]Aelian,Var. Hist.v.14.
[1236]Aelian,Hist. Anim.v.49.
[1236]Aelian,Hist. Anim.v.49.
[1237]Cf. Fauriel,Chants de la Grèce Moderne, Discours Préliminaire, p. 40;Μιχαὴλ Σ. Γρηγορόπουλος, ἡ νῆσος Σύμη, p. 46.
[1237]Cf. Fauriel,Chants de la Grèce Moderne, Discours Préliminaire, p. 40;Μιχαὴλ Σ. Γρηγορόπουλος, ἡ νῆσος Σύμη, p. 46.
[1238]Early Age of Greece, Vol.I.cap. 7.
[1238]Early Age of Greece, Vol.I.cap. 7.
[1239]Bury,History of Greece, p. 41.
[1239]Bury,History of Greece, p. 41.
[1240]Rohde,Psyche, cap.I.
[1240]Rohde,Psyche, cap.I.
[1241]Hom.Il.VI.417 ff.,XXIII.252 ff.,XXIV.791 ff.;Od.XI.72 ff. andXII.11 ff.
[1241]Hom.Il.VI.417 ff.,XXIII.252 ff.,XXIV.791 ff.;Od.XI.72 ff. andXII.11 ff.
[1242]PsycheI.pp. 31–32.
[1242]PsycheI.pp. 31–32.
[1243]Cf. Lucian,De Luctu14,ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον συγκατέφλεξεν ἣ συγκατώρυξεν.
[1243]Cf. Lucian,De Luctu14,ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον κόσμον συγκατέφλεξεν ἣ συγκατώρυξεν.
[1244]Described inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1889, pp. 171 ff.
[1244]Described inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1889, pp. 171 ff.
[1245]Described inAthen. Mittheilungen, 1893, pp. 73–191.
[1245]Described inAthen. Mittheilungen, 1893, pp. 73–191.
[1246]The perusal of Philios’ narrative leaves the impression that several cases of cremation were discovered. Yet in his concluding summary he says: “Burial, not burning, of the dead was in those times the more prevalent custom, since in one case and one only can we admit that the corpse was not buried but burnt.” I note that Brückner and Pernice (op. cit.p. 149) in referring to Philios’ results tacitly soften his rigid ‘one and one only’ into the more supple ‘one or two.’ For justification of this see Philios,op. cit.pp. 178, 179, 180, 185.
[1246]The perusal of Philios’ narrative leaves the impression that several cases of cremation were discovered. Yet in his concluding summary he says: “Burial, not burning, of the dead was in those times the more prevalent custom, since in one case and one only can we admit that the corpse was not buried but burnt.” I note that Brückner and Pernice (op. cit.p. 149) in referring to Philios’ results tacitly soften his rigid ‘one and one only’ into the more supple ‘one or two.’ For justification of this see Philios,op. cit.pp. 178, 179, 180, 185.
[1247]Hirschfeld, inAnnali, 1872, pp. 135, 167, cited by Brückner and Perniceop. cit.p. 148.Κουμανούδης, inΠρακτικὰ, 1873–4, p. 17.
[1247]Hirschfeld, inAnnali, 1872, pp. 135, 167, cited by Brückner and Perniceop. cit.p. 148.Κουμανούδης, inΠρακτικὰ, 1873–4, p. 17.
[1248]Op. cit.pp. 91 ff.
[1248]Op. cit.pp. 91 ff.
[1249]Op. cit.p. 178.
[1249]Op. cit.p. 178.
[1250]Brückner and Pernice take this view of the fact, though the words which they use are coloured by their acceptance of Rohde’s theory of propitiatory offerings to the dead. ‘Vor der Beerdigung, so scheint es nach den Funden des Herrn Philios, sind an der Grabstätte des öfteren Brandopfer dargebracht worden.’Op. cit.p. 151.
[1250]Brückner and Pernice take this view of the fact, though the words which they use are coloured by their acceptance of Rohde’s theory of propitiatory offerings to the dead. ‘Vor der Beerdigung, so scheint es nach den Funden des Herrn Philios, sind an der Grabstätte des öfteren Brandopfer dargebracht worden.’Op. cit.p. 151.
[1251]Seeop. cit.pp. 78–9.
[1251]Seeop. cit.pp. 78–9.
[1252]See above, p.347.
[1252]See above, p.347.
[1253]Il.XXIV.719 ff.
[1253]Il.XXIV.719 ff.
[1254]Cf.Athen. Mittheil.1893, p. 103.
[1254]Cf.Athen. Mittheil.1893, p. 103.
[1255]Plutarch,Solon20.
[1255]Plutarch,Solon20.
[1256]Lysias,Or.XII.18, 19.
[1256]Lysias,Or.XII.18, 19.
[1257]Lucian,de Luctu, 12 and 13.
[1257]Lucian,de Luctu, 12 and 13.
[1258]Hom.32in Mat.p. 306.
[1258]Hom.32in Mat.p. 306.
[1259]Preserved among the archives of Zante, which the kindness of Mr Leonidas Zoës enabled me to inspect.
[1259]Preserved among the archives of Zante, which the kindness of Mr Leonidas Zoës enabled me to inspect.
[1260]Psyche,I.pp. 209 and 360. From this source I draw several of the following references.
[1260]Psyche,I.pp. 209 and 360. From this source I draw several of the following references.
[1261]Tsountas inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1888, p. 136.
[1261]Tsountas inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1888, p. 136.
[1262]Plut.Lycurg.27.
[1262]Plut.Lycurg.27.
[1263]Iambl.Vit. Pythag.154.
[1263]Iambl.Vit. Pythag.154.
[1264]Pliny,N. H.XXXV.160.
[1264]Pliny,N. H.XXXV.160.
[1265]Dem.Orat.43 § 71.
[1265]Dem.Orat.43 § 71.
[1266]Antig.1201. Prof. Jebb in his note on this passage expresses the opinion that theθάλλοι νεοσπάδεςwere not fuel: in view of the Attic law above cited I am inclined to dissent. He also takesκλήματαin Ar.Eccles.1031 to mean ‘olive twigs’ and not, as more usual, ‘vine-shoots.’ I pass by the passage as doubtful evidence.
[1266]Antig.1201. Prof. Jebb in his note on this passage expresses the opinion that theθάλλοι νεοσπάδεςwere not fuel: in view of the Attic law above cited I am inclined to dissent. He also takesκλήματαin Ar.Eccles.1031 to mean ‘olive twigs’ and not, as more usual, ‘vine-shoots.’ I pass by the passage as doubtful evidence.
[1267]Ross,Arch. Aufs.I.31.
[1267]Ross,Arch. Aufs.I.31.
[1268]Artemid.Oneirocr.IV.57.
[1268]Artemid.Oneirocr.IV.57.
[1269]Herod.V.8.
[1269]Herod.V.8.
[1270]Lucian,de Luctu, 21.
[1270]Lucian,de Luctu, 21.
[1271]Antiquities of the Christian Church, BkXXIII.cap. 2, whence I take the following references.
[1271]Antiquities of the Christian Church, BkXXIII.cap. 2, whence I take the following references.
[1272]Minucius, p. 32.
[1272]Minucius, p. 32.
[1273]Acta Tharaciap. Baron. an. 299, n.XXI., Ammian. Marcell. lib.XXII.p. 241, Euseb. lib.VIII.cap. 6.
[1273]Acta Tharaciap. Baron. an. 299, n.XXI., Ammian. Marcell. lib.XXII.p. 241, Euseb. lib.VIII.cap. 6.
[1274]Tertull.De Anima, cap. 51.
[1274]Tertull.De Anima, cap. 51.
[1275]Tertull.de Resur.cap. 1.
[1275]Tertull.de Resur.cap. 1.
[1276]Cod. Th.lib.IX.tit. 17de Sepulcris violatis, leg. 6.
[1276]Cod. Th.lib.IX.tit. 17de Sepulcris violatis, leg. 6.
[1277]Saturnal.lib.VII.cap. 7.
[1277]Saturnal.lib.VII.cap. 7.
[1278]See Finlay,History of Greece, vol.V.pp. 274–6.
[1278]See Finlay,History of Greece, vol.V.pp. 274–6.
[1279]Passow,Popularia Carm. Graeciae recentioris, nos. 222–224. I translate here no. 222.
[1279]Passow,Popularia Carm. Graeciae recentioris, nos. 222–224. I translate here no. 222.
[1280]So I interpret, but without certainty, the wordsκαὶ τὸ βεζύρη κάψαν, literally ‘and they burnt the Vizir.’
[1280]So I interpret, but without certainty, the wordsκαὶ τὸ βεζύρη κάψαν, literally ‘and they burnt the Vizir.’
[1281]The Liápides were an Albanian tribe employed by the Turks.
[1281]The Liápides were an Albanian tribe employed by the Turks.
[1282]No. 223.
[1282]No. 223.
[1283]Actual data on this point are difficult to obtain; but archaeologists whom I consulted in Greece were all agreed, that lamps are more frequent in graves of late date, most frequent in the Greco-Roman period.
[1283]Actual data on this point are difficult to obtain; but archaeologists whom I consulted in Greece were all agreed, that lamps are more frequent in graves of late date, most frequent in the Greco-Roman period.
[1284]Hieron.Vita Pauli4, cap. 66.
[1284]Hieron.Vita Pauli4, cap. 66.
[1285]Chrysostom,Hom.32in Mat.p. 306.
[1285]Chrysostom,Hom.32in Mat.p. 306.
[1286]Cited by Durant,de Ritibus, lib.I.cap.XXIII.n. 14 (p. 235). I have been unable to discover the original passage. Cf. Bingham,op. cit.XXIII.3.
[1286]Cited by Durant,de Ritibus, lib.I.cap.XXIII.n. 14 (p. 235). I have been unable to discover the original passage. Cf. Bingham,op. cit.XXIII.3.
[1287]See Bingham,Antiquities of the Christian Church, BkXXIII.cap. 3ad fin.
[1287]See Bingham,Antiquities of the Christian Church, BkXXIII.cap. 3ad fin.
[1288]Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.
[1288]Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.
[1289]These lines, or others in the same tenor, are well known among the professionalμυρολογίστριαις(women hired to mourn at funerals). The version which I here follow is given by Passow,Popul. Carm.no. 377A.Κι’ ὄντες νά με περάσουνε ψάλλοντες οἱ παπᾶδες,Ἔβγα κρυφὰ ’π’ τὴ μάνα σου κι’ ἄναψε τρεῖς λαμπάδες·Κι’ ὄντες νά μου τὰ σβέσουνε παπᾶδες τὰ κηριά μου,Τότες τρανταφυλλένια μου βγαίνεις ἀπ’ τὴν καρδιά μου.
[1289]These lines, or others in the same tenor, are well known among the professionalμυρολογίστριαις(women hired to mourn at funerals). The version which I here follow is given by Passow,Popul. Carm.no. 377A.
Κι’ ὄντες νά με περάσουνε ψάλλοντες οἱ παπᾶδες,Ἔβγα κρυφὰ ’π’ τὴ μάνα σου κι’ ἄναψε τρεῖς λαμπάδες·Κι’ ὄντες νά μου τὰ σβέσουνε παπᾶδες τὰ κηριά μου,Τότες τρανταφυλλένια μου βγαίνεις ἀπ’ τὴν καρδιά μου.
Κι’ ὄντες νά με περάσουνε ψάλλοντες οἱ παπᾶδες,Ἔβγα κρυφὰ ’π’ τὴ μάνα σου κι’ ἄναψε τρεῖς λαμπάδες·Κι’ ὄντες νά μου τὰ σβέσουνε παπᾶδες τὰ κηριά μου,Τότες τρανταφυλλένια μου βγαίνεις ἀπ’ τὴν καρδιά μου.
Κι’ ὄντες νά με περάσουνε ψάλλοντες οἱ παπᾶδες,Ἔβγα κρυφὰ ’π’ τὴ μάνα σου κι’ ἄναψε τρεῖς λαμπάδες·Κι’ ὄντες νά μου τὰ σβέσουνε παπᾶδες τὰ κηριά μου,Τότες τρανταφυλλένια μου βγαίνεις ἀπ’ τὴν καρδιά μου.
Κι’ ὄντες νά με περάσουνε ψάλλοντες οἱ παπᾶδες,
Ἔβγα κρυφὰ ’π’ τὴ μάνα σου κι’ ἄναψε τρεῖς λαμπάδες·
Κι’ ὄντες νά μου τὰ σβέσουνε παπᾶδες τὰ κηριά μου,
Τότες τρανταφυλλένια μου βγαίνεις ἀπ’ τὴν καρδιά μου.
[1290]TheocritusXXI.36 f.; Athenaeus 700D; Pausan.I.26. 7.
[1290]TheocritusXXI.36 f.; Athenaeus 700D; Pausan.I.26. 7.
[1291]Frazer, inJourn. of Philol.XIV.145 ff.
[1291]Frazer, inJourn. of Philol.XIV.145 ff.
[1292]Plato,Phaedo115Cff.
[1292]Plato,Phaedo115Cff.
[1293]Hom.Il.XXIII.65 ff.
[1293]Hom.Il.XXIII.65 ff.
[1294]Hom.Il.XXIII.72.
[1294]Hom.Il.XXIII.72.
[1295]Cf. the constant contrast ofαὐτὸςandψυχή, as inIliadI.3–4, and twice in the passage before us,Il.XXIII.65 f. and 106 f.
[1295]Cf. the constant contrast ofαὐτὸςandψυχή, as inIliadI.3–4, and twice in the passage before us,Il.XXIII.65 f. and 106 f.
[1296]Hom.Od.XI.489 ff.
[1296]Hom.Od.XI.489 ff.
[1297]Hom.Il.XVI.857.
[1297]Hom.Il.XVI.857.
[1298]The few inconsistencies in theOdyssey, such as the physical punishment of Tityos, Tantalos, and Sisyphos (Od.XI.576 ff.), or again the mention of the ‘asphodel mead’ (Od.XI.539,XXIV.13), are unimportant. They are, I think, adventitious Pelasgian elements in the Homeric scheme of the future life, and it may be noted that theIliadis singularly free from them, while inOdyssey, BkXI., where they chiefly occur, they are obviously incongruous with the general conception of the lower world.
[1298]The few inconsistencies in theOdyssey, such as the physical punishment of Tityos, Tantalos, and Sisyphos (Od.XI.576 ff.), or again the mention of the ‘asphodel mead’ (Od.XI.539,XXIV.13), are unimportant. They are, I think, adventitious Pelasgian elements in the Homeric scheme of the future life, and it may be noted that theIliadis singularly free from them, while inOdyssey, BkXI., where they chiefly occur, they are obviously incongruous with the general conception of the lower world.
[1299]See above, p.99.
[1299]See above, p.99.
[1300]Pindar, Fr. 129 (95).
[1300]Pindar, Fr. 129 (95).
[1301]See above, p.345.
[1301]See above, p.345.
[1302]Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 407 ff.
[1302]Πολίτης, Μελέτη, p. 407 ff.
[1303]Ἐκθ. ὀρθοδοξ. πίστεως11 (25); Migne,Patrolog.(ser. Graec.) Vol.XCIV.p. 916.
[1303]Ἐκθ. ὀρθοδοξ. πίστεως11 (25); Migne,Patrolog.(ser. Graec.) Vol.XCIV.p. 916.
[1304]Plutarch,de occult. viv.cap. 7, cited by Bergk inLyrici Graeci,ad loc.
[1304]Plutarch,de occult. viv.cap. 7, cited by Bergk inLyrici Graeci,ad loc.
[1305]Pind.Ol.II.134.
[1305]Pind.Ol.II.134.
[1306]Pind.Ol.I.1.
[1306]Pind.Ol.I.1.
[1307]νὰ δροσίσουν τὴ λαύρα τοῦ πεθαμένου.
[1307]νὰ δροσίσουν τὴ λαύρα τοῦ πεθαμένου.
[1308]Cf. Theodore Bent,The Cyclades, p. 220.
[1308]Cf. Theodore Bent,The Cyclades, p. 220.
[1309]This is of course only one out of several passages in which Pindar speaks of the future life, and he does not adhere to any one doctrine; elsewhere, as inOl.II., his views are coloured largely by Pythagorean or Orphic eschatology, although there is a close resemblance between the isles of the blest there described (126–135) and the abode depicted in this fragment.
[1309]This is of course only one out of several passages in which Pindar speaks of the future life, and he does not adhere to any one doctrine; elsewhere, as inOl.II., his views are coloured largely by Pythagorean or Orphic eschatology, although there is a close resemblance between the isles of the blest there described (126–135) and the abode depicted in this fragment.
[1310]Hom.Il.IX.632 ff.
[1310]Hom.Il.IX.632 ff.
[1311]Herod.II.51.
[1311]Herod.II.51.
[1312]Herod.II.171.
[1312]Herod.II.171.
[1313]Aristoph.Frogs, 884.
[1313]Aristoph.Frogs, 884.
[1314]Op. cit.1032 ff.
[1314]Op. cit.1032 ff.
[1315]A conspicuous example is Delphi, where the Achaean god Apollo had usurped the place of some oracular deity of the Pelasgians, cf. Plutarch,de defect. orac.cap. 15 p. 418. See Miss Harrison,Proleg. to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 113 f.
[1315]A conspicuous example is Delphi, where the Achaean god Apollo had usurped the place of some oracular deity of the Pelasgians, cf. Plutarch,de defect. orac.cap. 15 p. 418. See Miss Harrison,Proleg. to the Study of Greek Religion, pp. 113 f.
[1316]Il.XXIII.104.
[1316]Il.XXIII.104.
[1317]Il.XXIII.101.
[1317]Il.XXIII.101.
[1318]Plato,Phaedo, cap. 29 (p. 80D).
[1318]Plato,Phaedo, cap. 29 (p. 80D).
[1319]Cf.Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.
[1319]Cf.Κωνστ. Ν. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 341.
[1320]Rohde (PsycheI.cap. 1) contends that the discovery of an altar, of the type used in the worship of Chthonian deities, superimposed upon one Mycenaean grave, proves both that offerings to the dead were continued after the interment and also that the offerings were of a propitiatory character. On this slight foundation he rears the edifice of his theory that a vigorous soul-cult flourished in Mycenaean and earlier ages. Accordingly he views all gifts to the dead, including those made at the time of the funeral, as offerings intended to propitiate departed souls, although he is forced to admit that from the Homeric age onwards there is no evidence that fear of the dead was a feature of Greek religion; the offerings made, on his view, to the soul of Patroclus were merely, he holds, a ‘survival,’ a custom no longer possessed of any meaning. The accident of an altar belonging to some Chthonian deity having been found above the grave of some man seems to me insufficient basis for any theory.
[1320]Rohde (PsycheI.cap. 1) contends that the discovery of an altar, of the type used in the worship of Chthonian deities, superimposed upon one Mycenaean grave, proves both that offerings to the dead were continued after the interment and also that the offerings were of a propitiatory character. On this slight foundation he rears the edifice of his theory that a vigorous soul-cult flourished in Mycenaean and earlier ages. Accordingly he views all gifts to the dead, including those made at the time of the funeral, as offerings intended to propitiate departed souls, although he is forced to admit that from the Homeric age onwards there is no evidence that fear of the dead was a feature of Greek religion; the offerings made, on his view, to the soul of Patroclus were merely, he holds, a ‘survival,’ a custom no longer possessed of any meaning. The accident of an altar belonging to some Chthonian deity having been found above the grave of some man seems to me insufficient basis for any theory.
[1321]The blood which in theOdysseyis used to attract the souls of the dead and is given to Teiresias to drink forms, I imagine, part of a magic rite, which has no connexion with the present point.
[1321]The blood which in theOdysseyis used to attract the souls of the dead and is given to Teiresias to drink forms, I imagine, part of a magic rite, which has no connexion with the present point.
[1322]I omit the twelve Trojan prisoners; the slaughter of these is clearly stated to have been an act of revenge. SeeIl.XXIII.22 f.
[1322]I omit the twelve Trojan prisoners; the slaughter of these is clearly stated to have been an act of revenge. SeeIl.XXIII.22 f.
[1323]Il.XXIII.50.
[1323]Il.XXIII.50.
[1324]Φίλιος, inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1889, p. 183. Possibly also at Athens, cf. Brückner and Pernice, inAthen. Mittheil.1893, pp. 89–90.
[1324]Φίλιος, inἘφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολ.1889, p. 183. Possibly also at Athens, cf. Brückner and Pernice, inAthen. Mittheil.1893, pp. 89–90.
[1325]I am not overlooking the fact thatἐναγίσματαwere also made to Chthonian deities (cf. Pausan.VIII.34. 3), but there was a distinction in character even between theseἐναγίσματαand those made to the dead. Wine, for example, was excluded from the former and included in the latter. Possibly in originἐναγίζεινwas the Pelasgian rite,θύεινthe Achaean.
[1325]I am not overlooking the fact thatἐναγίσματαwere also made to Chthonian deities (cf. Pausan.VIII.34. 3), but there was a distinction in character even between theseἐναγίσματαand those made to the dead. Wine, for example, was excluded from the former and included in the latter. Possibly in originἐναγίζεινwas the Pelasgian rite,θύεινthe Achaean.
[1326]Lysist.611.
[1326]Lysist.611.
[1327]Menecl.46 andCiron55 (p. 73. 26).
[1327]Menecl.46 andCiron55 (p. 73. 26).
[1328]Ctesiphon, 226 (p. 86. 5).
[1328]Ctesiphon, 226 (p. 86. 5).
[1329]PolluxVIII.146; Harpocrat. s.v.τριακάς.
[1329]PolluxVIII.146; Harpocrat. s.v.τριακάς.
[1330]Herod.IV.26.
[1330]Herod.IV.26.
[1331]Artem.Oneirocr.IV.83.
[1331]Artem.Oneirocr.IV.83.
[1332]loc. cit.
[1332]loc. cit.
[1333]Bingham,Antiq. of Christian Church, Bk 23, cap. 3.
[1333]Bingham,Antiq. of Christian Church, Bk 23, cap. 3.
[1334]See Chrysostom,Homily47 in 1 Cor., p. 565.
[1334]See Chrysostom,Homily47 in 1 Cor., p. 565.