THE OLD FORTIFICATIONS OF SMOLENSK
THE OLD FORTIFICATIONS OF SMOLENSKThe north-east front abutting on the river. The illustration gives a good impression of the deeply-sunken course of a Russian river
Dokhturov withdrew his four divisions from the city without great difficulty, carrying off all his guns and all but the most severely injured of his wounded, took up the temporary bridges, broke the permanent structure, and was safe. But in the confusion at head-quarters no measures had been taken for properly occupying thetête du ponton the right bank. At 2 a.m. Ney ascertained that the wall in his front was deserted and entered the city, while a little later Davout also marched in by the Malakova Gate. The bridge was broken, but the river was only four feet deep, and at 9 a.m. a detachment of 600 Württembergers and Portuguese dashed through it and surprised thetête du pont. The Chasseurs holding it were driven out pell-mell. Hügel’s Württemberg brigade at once followed; Ney brought up his artillery to the river’s edge and the work was maintained. Barclay could only mask it with his rear-guard, under Baron Korff, consisting of 7 regiments of Chasseurs and 3 of Lancers and Hussars, which occupied the northern suburb. Davout promptly set to work to restore the bridge.
Barclay did not at once commence his retreat. For this Clausewitz blames him severely, but it must be remembered that on the 16th his whole army had made a forced march, and that on the 17th part of it had been heavily engaged. Then also he was probably still harassed and distracted by the mutinous state of hissubordinates. For the moment his firmness appears to have crushed insubordination. The Grand Duke was sent off to St. Petersburg under the pretext that his presence was needed there. Otherwise Barclay’s delay was perhaps due to a desire to mislead Napoleon as to his line of retreat. In this he certainly succeeded; but it was scarcely necessary to retain the whole of his army in position; a well-handled rear-guard could have masked the direction of the march.
Early on the 18th Napoleon was at the river-bank opposite Korff’s position, but then he appears to have retired to rest, after sending a brief letter to Maret at Vilna to announce the capture of Smolensk. He certainly may have needed sleep, and it may also be imagined that the bulk of the army, which had fought all day and been astir all night, was reposing. At any rate the day was one of inaction for both sides, except at the bridge, where desultory fighting went on until nightfall. Ney slowly reinforced thetête du pontby means of boats and rafts, but the bridge could not be completed until Korff withdrew. It does not seem to have been ready until late at night. During the day Junot’s corps and the head of the 4th reached Smolensk.
There is some reason to believe that on this day Bagration’s ugly temper led him into the commission of what was practically an act of treason. He took off his entire army to Solovievo, leaving only four regiments of Cossacks at the important road junction at Lubino. As the high-road by the river was commanded by French artillery on the south bank, Barclay would be forced to use for his retreat the cross-road by Gorbunovo, which reached the highway at Lubino, and certainly a handful of light horsemen was a most inadequate guard for this vital last point. Barclay says that he only learnt at the last moment that it was practically uncovered. Bagration’s retreat was natural, now that Smolensk was abandoned, but in leaving no infantry at Lubino, and not apparentlyinforming his colleague, he committed, to say the least of it, a very dubious action. Otherwise the incident throws light on the bad staff-work of the Russians, and one may fairly ask why Yermólov and St. Priest were not in close and frequent communication with each other.
Between 7 and 8 p.m. Dokhturov, with the 5th and 6th Corps, and Korff’s and Pahlen’s cavalry (less detachments to rear-guard), was ordered to march by cross-roads to Solovievo. An hour or so later the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Corps, with Uvarov’s cavalry corps, started by the Gorbunovo track for Lubino. At this moment apparently, Barclay heard that there were no troops at that vital point except Karpov’s Cossacks. He at once directed Major-General Tuchkov III with the Yelisabetgrad Hussars, the Revel Regiment, the 20th and 21st Chasseurs and a horse artillery battery to hasten thither. At 2 a.m. Korff withdrew from before Smolensk.
From the first everything went wrong. The retreating columns encountered all kinds of difficulties. The roads were, of course, unspeakable. Gullies were frequent, and often had to be bridged for the artillery to pass, nothing having been done in advance by the inefficient staff. The darkness and the troubles incidental to filing some 40,000 men along a single bad track caused endless delays. To crown all, the column missed its way and wandered into a side track, with the result that at daybreak its rear was only 2 or 3 miles north-east of the St. Petersburg suburb! On the withdrawal of Korff, Davout had completed his bridge-restoring, and at 4 a.m. Ney’s main body began to pass.
Barclay, whose great military virtue was perfect self-possession in the face of danger, ordered Prince Eugen, with as much of his division as remained with him, to take up a position at the hamlet of Gedeonovo, bidding him recollect that the fate of the army might depend upon his firmness. Ney’s advance-guard was soon in contact with Eugen, who held his ground obstinately,in order to give Korff time to file past. After a good deal of fighting Eugen was forced back, but by that time Korff had got his 14 battalions on to the Gorbunovo-Lubino track. Eugen then fell back to another position towards Gorbunovo, and Ney was preparing to follow, when orders arrived directing him to incline to his right to the Moscow road. This appears to have been about 11 a.m.
Early on the 19th Napoleon sent Eblé to Prudichevo to bridge the Dnieper, and ordered Junot’s corps to cross the river there, a movement which would bring him to Lubino. Grouchy was sent along the St. Petersburg road, Montbrun along that to Moscow, while Bruyère’s division of Nansouty’s corps was ordered to support Ney. Evidently Napoleon had no certainty as to the precise direction of Barclay’s retreat, and so far the Russian general’s delay on the 18th had justified itself. About 11 a.m. Davout’s corps began to cross the bridge. The Guard, now rejoined by Claparède, was in Smolensk. Eugène and Poniatowski were in the ruins of the suburbs. The Emperor apparently spent the morning in his cabinet, but in the afternoon mounted and proceeded to the high ground east of the city, opposite Sheïn Ostrog.
General Tuchkov III in his march had to contend with the same difficulties and obstacles which impeded the main column, so that he did not reach the Moscow road, some 4 miles west of Lubino, until 8 a.m. Toll accompanied him, and they went forward to confer with Karpov. It soon became evident that a force of cavalry, presumably the advance-guard of Napoleon’s main body, was moving eastward from Smolensk, and also that a strong column was passing the Dnieper at Prudichevo. Tuchkov pushed Karpov out to observe Junot, and with his own column took up a position across the road, where it passed over a low swell, with his flanks covered by some small woods and his twelve guns on the crest of the rise, and awaited events.
Soon after 10 o’clock skirmishing began on the high-road, probably with the advanced guard of Bruyère’s division, supported perhaps by some battalions of light infantry; but it cannot have been until about 1 p.m. that the head of Ney’s main column appeared, and the battle of Lubino definitely began.[2]By this time the 3rd Corps, which was at the head of Barclay’s column, had reached Lubino. As it tramped through, Tuchkov I detached Tornov’s brigade of Grenadiers to support his brother.
At 1 p.m. the head of Ney’s infantry column began to attack. The Russians offered a steady resistance, and it was not until three that, seeing the heavy masses coming into line, and knowing that Junot was threatening his left, Tuchkov decided to withdraw behind the Stragan rivulet, some 2 miles to his rear, and about the same distance from Lubino. Ney inferred from the obstinate resistance that Tuchkov covered some important movement, and asked Napoleon for support. It was probably while he was awaiting a reply that Tuchkov drew off, covered by his cavalry, towards Lubino. Napoleon ordered Gudin’s division to reinforce Ney, sent Morand’s towards the left with a view to a turning movement, but gave Junot no directions; clearly he had no conception of the real importance of the action.
Meanwhile the Russians had safely retired behind the Stragan, where they were joined by Barclay, bringing with him 8 heavy guns, 7 battalions, and a mass of cavalry. The 3rd and 4th Corps had now reached Lubino, but Baggohufwudt and Korff were far to the rear, and the cross-road was packed with baggage and hundreds of guns, which would be the prey of the French could they break through. But Barclay on the field, calm, brave andresourceful, was a very different man from the anxious and harassed Barclay of the cabinet. Without hesitation he ranged his scanty force in order of battle, and ordered Yermólov to bring up the 3rd and 4th Corps with all speed.
The high-road, after crossing the Stragan, passed over the southern end of a low wooded plateau which extended northward for some 2 miles. South of the road a stretch of marsh, in most places passable owing to the dry weather, extended to the Dnieper. Out of it arose several low swells of firm ground, studded with hamlets and patches of wood. One of these lay near the road, and needed to be occupied.
On the northern plateau Barclay posted 5 infantry regiments, and to the south of the road 2 more, with 3 battalions in reserve. Twenty guns were posted to sweep the road. On the swell in the marsh he stationed 26 squadrons of Hussars under General Orlov-Denisov. Of infantry and guns there were no more available, and, to make a show of support for Orlov-Denisov, Barclay ordered Uvarov’s cavalry to dismount, and occupy a village behind the marsh on his left. At 5 o’clock, just as the action was renewed, Konovnitzin and, a little later, Choglokov arrived, bringing with them 7 regiments of their divisions and a horse-battery. Choglokov’s troops were ordered to support the cavalry, and Konovnitzin’s 4 regiments brought up to the centre.
At 5 p.m. Gudin’s division reached the front, and Ney at once sent it forward, Razout’s advancing level with it on the left. Some Württemberg artillery was carried forward with the advance to silence Barclay’s battery. Ledru and Scheler remained in reserve.
lubino
BATTLE OF LUBINO, AUGUST 19th, 1812Fought to cover the passage of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Russian Army Corps from the north of Smolensk to the Moscow road at Lubino
Comte Gudin, one of the finest officers in the French service, conducted the attack with splendid vigour. The 7th Léger, supported by 2 battalions of the 21st and 127th Regiments, crossed the Stragan, and, maddened by the fall of the General, who was struck down as he led thecharge, broke the Russian infantry to the south of the road and drove them back, threatening to pierce Barclay’s thin defensive line. Barclay at once sent forward Konovnitzin’s division which, charging resolutely, checked the advance and enabled the broken troops to rally. General Gérard, who succeeded to Gudin’s command, sent forward the 12th Regiment, and restored the battle on the right. Meanwhile, a fierce struggle was raging north of the road where Razout was making desperate but fruitless attempts to carry the plateau. Attack after attack was steadily met and repulsed.
Beyond Gudin’s right, Murat was coming up from Smolensk with Nansouty’s and Montbrun’s cavalry, but only his single light division (Bruyère) could be of much service. Still farther to the right Junot was advancing from Prudichevo, but showed great irresolution. He at first declined to move at all, and what actually took place is very obscure. He seems, about five o’clock, to have reconnoitred the Russian left with his cavalry brigade and two battalions of light infantry; and some desultory fighting ensued. His cavalry do not appear to have gained any success, and a company of light infantry which established itself across the marsh was destroyed by the Russian Hussars. Then, when Choglokov’s infantry was seen coming into action, Junot formed his corps in squares opposite the Russian left. At last General Ochs obtained permission to advance with 2 battalions of light infantry, presently supported by Junot with 4 companies of Voltigeurs. He was successful in driving back the Russian outposts, and with this Junot’s attack came to an end. Murat had obliged Karpov’s Cossacks to retire behind the main Russian line, and his light horsemen executed one or two more or less successful charges on Orlov-Denisov’s troopers, but without Junot’s co-operation he could do no more.
At 6 p.m. Tuchkov I had brought forward all his corps, and was himself at Lubino with his 3 rear-guard regiments,and 3 horse batteries which he had drawn out of the stream of retreating artillery. The position was still critical. Baggohufwudt had not yet arrived. Korff was still farther back; the trains were still pouring along the road from Gedeonovo. But everyone on the Russian side was at last thoroughly awake to the emergency. Every attempt was made to hasten the march; and the incompetent gilded youth of the General Staff, at whom Eugen of Württemberg sneers bitterly, were doing useful work in saving the trains and the precious artillery. At Lubino the bridge was utterly inadequate for the vast throng of vehicles. Prince Alexander of Württemberg suggested that another should be made. Löwenstern dismounted a squadron of Hussars and set them to tear down the houses, while Alexander and Baron Salza went with a company of pioneers to the stream; and so, by desperate exertions, a bridge was constructed, to which a part of the mass was diverted. The tracks were all but impassable in many places, and had to be corduroyed and made up with fascines and boughs before the trains could be got forward. The gunners and drivers, admirably directed and encouraged by Count Kutaïsov, made superhuman exertions to drag the artillery along, and, to their glory, not a gun or caisson was abandoned.
On the Stragan the battle raged with unabated fury. Barclay de Tolly was doing his uttermost, and though the line was often shaken it was always reformed and steadied. Some of Ledru’s and Scheler’s troops endeavoured to get round the Russian right, but their attempts had no result; the Revel Regiment and the Bodyguard Grenadiers, fighting doggedly with the bayonet, held them off; while Konovnitzin and Tuchkov III still successfully defended the road. About seven Ney made a general advance, calling up his reserves and sending forward every available man. Gérard joined in on the right, throwing in his last three battalions. TheRussian position was critical, for Barclay had sent forward all his reserves; but at this moment Baggohufwudt’s corps at last made its appearance. Olsuviev’s division, which was marching at its head, was at once put in; and again the opposing forces closed in deadly strife. At first it seemed as if the French would carry all before them in their impetuous onslaught, and matters looked so dark that Tuchkov III went himself to ask Barclay for aid—as did Windham in 1855 in the Great Redan of Sevastopol. Barclay was furious. “Go back to your post,” he stormed, “and get yourself killed! If you come back I’ll shoot you!”
Colonel Voïkov came up the road with his heavy battery just in time to check Gérard’s onslaught. Still the French held their own and, believing themselves victorious, were slowly gaining ground; when Eugen’s division at length marched upon the field, and Tuchkov, burning to redeem himself, led on a counter-attack. He himself was wounded and taken at the head of the Ekaterinoslav Regiment, but Eugen at once supported, and after a bitter struggle, in which the bayonet was freely employed, the French were finally repulsed. It was 9 o’clock when the roar of conflict died away in the darkness. Korff had reached the field; the artillery and trains were on the way to Solovievo; and the Russians had gained a great strategic victory.
Morand’s division had been unable to come into action, having been entangled in a piece of virgin forest, and was eventually recalled by Napoleon. It has been suggested that had he been allowed to continue his advance it would have ensured the destruction of the Russian army. Lacking definite information as to time and topography, it is difficult to express an opinion, but, judging from such descriptions as are available, it seems very doubtful whether Morand could have debouched with a force strong enough to be effective.
Barclay, having attained the object for which he hadstood to fight, had no intention of waiting to be overwhelmed by Napoleon’s main army about Smolensk. At 4 a.m. on the 20th his much-tried troops evacuated the field, and marched 20 miles to Solovievo, where Dokhturov arrived the same day. Bagration, having thrown three bridges over the Dnieper, was already across. On the 21st the First Army followed, took up the bridges, and marched for Dorogobuzh.
French writers for the most part consider Lubino, or Valutina-Gora as they call it, a victory, but to regard it thus is merely to make a mock of the word. A battle is not necessarily fought for the possession of a few yards of ground. Barclay had fought at Lubino in order to secure the safe passage of his right column into the Moscow road. This had been successfully achieved, and very heavy loss inflicted on the pursuers, who had failed to capture a single gun or any appreciable amount of baggage. Napoleon regarded the battle as a mere advance-guard engagement. Had he realised its real importance he would not have failed to send forward everything available. Barclay must have been disastrously defeated, and probably driven northward with the remains of his army.
The French had on the field at Lubino about 50,000 men, of whom perhaps 37,000 were seriously engaged. The number of Russian troops successively brought into action was probably about 30,000. The losses were naturally heavy. Gérard alone reported 2297 killed and wounded, and Ney can hardly have lost less than 4000. Junot probably overestimated his losses at 700, but, including casualties among Murat’s cavalry, the French total must have been over 7000. The losses of the Russians were probably rather less, as they were standing on the defensive, and for the most part succeeded in repelling attack, nevertheless, they were very heavy—probably in the neighbourhood of 5000. Few prisoners were taken—not more than some hundreds on both sides.
It is impossible to conclude this chapter without some remarks upon the strategy which led up to the battles about Smolensk. It is tolerably certain, judging from the evidence of documents, that Napoleon’s plan of marching upon Smolensk by the left bank of the Dnieper was a preconceived one. Considered by itself, there is little to say of the manœuvre. It was in no way hazardous, since the left flank of the columns moving from Vitebsk was covered by forests, and once across the Dnieper the march was protected by the river against a Russian flank attack. Moreover, having two lines of supply, Napoleon risked nothing by moving his army across from one to the other.
The manœuvre was certainly unexpected by the Russian leaders—except perhaps by Bagration—and it is clear that it was only the firmness of Raievski and the prompt return of the main army that saved Smolensk from falling into Napoleon’s hands.
Nevertheless, when we turn from the manœuvre to its purpose it seems doubtful whether it was by any means the best under the circumstances.
Napoleon’s object was the bringing to bay of the Russian main army and the crushing of it in a decisive battle. As the Russians had chosen to take the offensive, the opportunity was apparently in his hands. Barclay might march fast enough to force an engagement before Davout could arrive from Orsha, but even so Napoleon could meet him with equal or superior numbers. If Barclay returned to the defensive, Napoleon’s best manœuvre was to advance to Poriechie, threatening the Russian communications with Moscow. To reopen them Barclay and Bagration must either give battle or retreat eastward in all haste, in which case Smolensk would fall of itself. The utmost that could be expected of the march south of the Dnieper was that the Russians might be forestalled at Smolensk.
The modern French opinion appears to be that thisforestalling was the essence of the plan, and that Napoleon, having occupied the city, intended to debouch from it and attack Barclay and Bagration in the rear.
To the writer it appears that all criticism must necessarily base itself upon the fact that Napoleon’s strategy was preconceived. Before he knew anything of the Russian plans he had practically made up his mind to advance on Smolensk by the left bank of the Dnieper. The offensive movement of the Russians produced no change in his resolution.
It is highly probable that his determination was taken on grounds not purely military. He must by now have recognised that warfare in Russia was subject to conditions which did not obtain in Germany or Austria. His opponents were elusive; but there were certain places regarded by soldiers and people as holy, which the popular voice would probably force the generals to make a show of defending. He therefore resolved to threaten Smolensk directly, believing that thereby the Russian army would be constrained to give battle.
Even so it appears somewhat doubtful whether this end could not have been as well attained by manœuvring on the right bank. The advance by the left appears to have assumed that Smolensk would be uncovered and undefended, and that the Russian field army would be too far away to return to its rescue. Napoleon, on this hypothesis, would have been able to occupy it and give battle to his outmanœuvred opponents with all the prestige of the capture of the sacred city behind his onset. As a fact Barclay had provided for speedy information by his flank-guard under Neverovski, and his resolution not to move far from Smolensk afforded the means of frustrating Napoleon’s strategy. That he only arrived in the nick of time hardly affects the discussion, since his obsession about an attack from the direction of Poriechie delayed him for a day. On the other hand, Napoleon’s hesitation, owing to the appearance of Bagration’s army at Katan, also caused him to lose a day, during which Barclay was able to arrive.
According to Barclay’s memoir to the Tzar he had no intention of wasting his army in the defence of Smolensk, a place of no military value, and merely held it in order to allow Bagration time to occupy Solovievo. Bagration and the majority of the Russian generals appear to have expected that he would have made it the centre of the Russian operations. It is, of course, possible that Barclay, harassed and perplexed, did make some conditional promise as to defending Smolensk should a favourable opportunity offer. General Okunev—who may perhaps voice the views of Paskievich—apparently thinks that it could have been held. But it must be said that as the Russians’ line of retreat was in extension of their left flank such a policy would have been hazardous at best. There seems every reason to believe that Barclay’s ideas were sound; what he lacked was commanding strength of character to enforce them on his unruly officers.
Napoleon’s assault upon Smolensk is very difficult to account for: and led to little but waste of human life.
FOOTNOTES:[1]This is my own explanation of what happened. Bagration says that he reached Smolensk at 10 a.m.; but Raievski declares that the leading brigade of the 8th Corps did not arrive until past 6 p.m., and speaks of Bagration coming later. Either the march of the 8th Corps was much delayed, or it moved with amazing slowness under the circumstances. Seeing what Bagration had written to Raievski, it is difficult to suppose that he would not make all speed to his rescue. It is only possible to reconcile the conflicting statements as to the hour of Bagration’s arrival at Smolensk by such an assumption as is made in the text. For the rest it must be admitted that Bagration’s despatches are often unreliable, and he naturally endeavoured to present himself in the best light. When there is a conflict of testimony between him and Raievski, I prefer to believe the latter.[2]Only thus is it possible to reconcile the statements of the Russian historians that the action began at 10 a.m. with that of Eugen of Württemberg, that he did not withdraw from Gedeonovo until about that hour. Ney seems to have followed him to his second defensive position before he was recalled, which brings us to 11 a.m. at least; and then time must be allowed for the march of nearly 6 miles to Tuchkov’s front.
FOOTNOTES:
[1]This is my own explanation of what happened. Bagration says that he reached Smolensk at 10 a.m.; but Raievski declares that the leading brigade of the 8th Corps did not arrive until past 6 p.m., and speaks of Bagration coming later. Either the march of the 8th Corps was much delayed, or it moved with amazing slowness under the circumstances. Seeing what Bagration had written to Raievski, it is difficult to suppose that he would not make all speed to his rescue. It is only possible to reconcile the conflicting statements as to the hour of Bagration’s arrival at Smolensk by such an assumption as is made in the text. For the rest it must be admitted that Bagration’s despatches are often unreliable, and he naturally endeavoured to present himself in the best light. When there is a conflict of testimony between him and Raievski, I prefer to believe the latter.
[1]This is my own explanation of what happened. Bagration says that he reached Smolensk at 10 a.m.; but Raievski declares that the leading brigade of the 8th Corps did not arrive until past 6 p.m., and speaks of Bagration coming later. Either the march of the 8th Corps was much delayed, or it moved with amazing slowness under the circumstances. Seeing what Bagration had written to Raievski, it is difficult to suppose that he would not make all speed to his rescue. It is only possible to reconcile the conflicting statements as to the hour of Bagration’s arrival at Smolensk by such an assumption as is made in the text. For the rest it must be admitted that Bagration’s despatches are often unreliable, and he naturally endeavoured to present himself in the best light. When there is a conflict of testimony between him and Raievski, I prefer to believe the latter.
[2]Only thus is it possible to reconcile the statements of the Russian historians that the action began at 10 a.m. with that of Eugen of Württemberg, that he did not withdraw from Gedeonovo until about that hour. Ney seems to have followed him to his second defensive position before he was recalled, which brings us to 11 a.m. at least; and then time must be allowed for the march of nearly 6 miles to Tuchkov’s front.
[2]Only thus is it possible to reconcile the statements of the Russian historians that the action began at 10 a.m. with that of Eugen of Württemberg, that he did not withdraw from Gedeonovo until about that hour. Ney seems to have followed him to his second defensive position before he was recalled, which brings us to 11 a.m. at least; and then time must be allowed for the march of nearly 6 miles to Tuchkov’s front.
CHAPTER VI
THE OPERATIONS IN VOLHYNIA AND ON THE DÜNA
Ithas been seen that when King Jerome resigned his command, the 5th and 8th Corps went to reinforce Davout, Latour-Maubourg to observe Bobruisk, while the 7th Corps returned to Slonim. Reynier was instructed to take the place of Schwarzenberg in guarding the frontier of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, while the latter marched on Minsk. Reynier himself was convinced that his corps was far too weak for the prescribed duty, while he had better information than his master of Tormazov’s real strength. Nevertheless he endeavoured to carry out Napoleon’s orders. On the 19th he ordered Klengel’s infantry brigade and a regiment of cavalry to take the place of an Austrian detachment at Kobrin. On the same day Schwarzenberg informed Napoleon that Tormazov had some 30,000 men at Lutsk. The Emperor, however, was sceptical. On the 22nd he ordered Reynier to enter Volhynia, saying that Tormazov’s “army” was merely a collection of reserve battalions. On the same day he told Davout that Tormazov had only 8000 men of 3rd battalions. The movements which he had ordered continued, and by the 24th the Austrians were about Slonim, on the way to Minsk, while the 7th Corps, moving in the opposite direction, was approaching Kobrin, some 30 miles east of Brest-Litovsk.
Napoleon’s information was hopelessly inaccurate. So far he could not be accountable for the unforeseensituation which was now to disclose itself. But his refusal to believe Schwarzenberg and Reynier is distinctly blameworthy, and can only be attributed to the fatal optimism which had now become fixed in him.
General Tormazov, when hostilities broke out, commanded an army which was neither concentrated nor complete in its organisation. Three infantry divisions, a brigade of combined Grenadier companies, 3 regiments of Hussars, and a cavalry corps 36 squadrons strong, were scattered over western Volhynia. General Sacken’s reserve troops—12 depleted battalions and 24 squadrons—were at Zaslavl and Staroï Konstantinov near the frontier of Podolia, and the irregulars were scattered along the Austrian and Polish borders. It was not until the middle of July that a respectable force was at last concentrated near Lutsk.
Tormazov’s original task was the defence of Volhynia, but Napoleon showed no intention of making any eccentric movements in that direction. On hearing of Bagration’s retreat on Bobruisk, he thought that he himself might be obliged to fall back towards Kiev, in order not entirely to lose touch with the Second Army. By the middle of July, however, the situation became clearer. The allied troops were pouring along the Warsaw-Smolensk road, and there were only few and small detachments guarding the Polish frontier. He therefore determined to invade the Grand Duchy of Warsaw by way of Lublin; and General Lambert, his cavalry commander, had already crossed the Bug, when he was recalled.
On July 17th instructions reached Tormazov from Alexander to advance northward against the flanks and rear of the forces that were opposed to Bagration. It is probable that this manœuvre promised more immediate results than the contemplated advance on Warsaw. At the same time it is by no means certain that Tormazov was wrong in his original decision. The capture of Warsaw would have been a terrific shock to Napoleon’sprestige. The Russians could not have held it long, but they would have been able to destroy the depôts there collected, and might have cut up Reynier’s corps had Napoleon, as was probable, urged it in overhasty pursuit of an enemy whose strength he underestimated. In that case Napoleon would have been obliged to divert against him not merely Schwarzenberg’s Austrians, but perhaps also the 8th Corps. In any case he would have been forced to employ some of his new formations in the rear to meet the irruption.
The plan now imposed upon Tormazov had the advantage that it must, in the nature of things, call back Schwarzenberg from his march to reinforce Davout. On the other hand, it involved passing the Pinsk Marshes, which would oppose a dangerous barrier to retreat in case of a reverse; and the chances of crushing the 7th Corps were minimised, since a few concentric marches would unite Reynier and Schwarzenberg.
General Sacken with his reserves had been left in eastern Volhynia; some of his troops were detached to strengthen the force at Mozyr. On July 22 Tormazov ordered Lambert to leave General Kruchov, with a brigade of dragoons and 2 regiments of Cossacks, to observe the Polish frontier, and with 4 battalions, 16 squadrons, 5 Cossack regiments and 6 guns, to march by both banks of the Bug upon Brest-Litovsk. Four battalions and 7 squadrons, under Major-General Melissino, were to make a demonstration towards Pinsk, while the corps of Kamenski and Markov advanced upon Brest-Litovsk and Kobrin. Tormazov’s strength, exclusive of Kruchov, was probably about 36,000 men, with 144 guns. He was consequently nearly three times as strong as Reynier’s corps; but the latter could be sustained within a few days by 30,000 Austrians.
On the 24th Reynier’s main body was about Bezdizh on the Brest-Litovsk-Pinsk high-road. Klengel’s brigade occupied Kobrin. Two squadrons of cavalrywere at Brest, and another detachment was on the road to Pinsk. Reynier’s small corps was thus spread out over a line of 80 miles. Reynier appears to have realised his danger, and provided against it to the best of his ability by keeping his main body together. He was perhaps to blame in detaching Klengel, but in justice it must be said that his duties were out of all proportion to his strength.
On the 24th Lambert expelled the Saxon cavalry from Brest-Litovsk. Melissino drove in the outposts on Reynier’s left, and occupied Pinsk, expelling its Austrian garrison and capturing a gun. Reynier was thus alarmed on both flanks, and doubted in which direction to turn. Early on the 27th Tormazov’s advanced guard, under Major-General Chaplitz, approached Kobrin from the south, while at the same time Lambert’s cavalry came up from the west. His infantry, who were fatigued by hard marching, he had left in the rear.
Klengel’s brigade consisted of only about 2600 men with 8 guns. Obviously he could make no effective resistance to the Russian army; but he considered himself bound by Reynier’s orders to defend Kobrin to the last extremity. Reynier’s comment was that, being the advanced guard of the corps, the brigade should have retired when it became obvious that it ran the risk of being surrounded. It appears to be a somewhat uncertain point among military men as to how far detachment commanders are justified in departing from the letter of their orders. On the morning of the 27th Klengel’s line of retreat on Pruzhani was certainly open. On the other hand, his corps commander would probably come by the Pinsk road; and he appears to have made at least one attempt to break through in that direction, which gives some index to what was passing in his mind. By midday Lambert had cut the road to Pruzhani, and the brigade was surrounded. The Saxons were driven by overwhelming numbers from their hasty entrenchments intothe town, and after a gallant resistance, and having expended all their ammunition, were forced, about 2 p.m., to surrender. They had lost 76 killed and 182 wounded, including 13 officers. Seventy-six officers and 2382 rank and file were captured, with 8 guns and 4 standards.[3]Reynier’s advance-guard had only reached Horodetz, about 11 miles east of Kobrin, when it was met by fugitives who bore tidings of the disaster.
Tormazov, with diplomatic courtesy, complimented the Saxon officers on their really creditable defence, and returned them their swords. He could not, however, push his advance. His commissariat was defective and supplies were running short. He had also his prisoners to dispose of. His infantry were fatigued with hard marching on execrable roads. He therefore was obliged to halt for two days, which Reynier utilised to effect his retreat. He appealed for help to Schwarzenberg, who informed Napoleon that Reynier was too weak to resist Tormazov, who was estimated to be 40,000 strong, and that he must perforce turn back to his rescue from Nesvizh. On August 2nd he reached Polonka, 18 miles from Slonim, now occupied by Reynier. Tormazov, leaving Kobrin on the 30th, occupied Pruzhani and Antopol and pushed out detachments; while Kruchov’s force crossed the Bug and made reconnaissances towards Warsaw. The Poles were panic-stricken; and Loison, the Governor of Königsberg, thought it necessary to advance towards Bielostok with nearly the whole of his force—some 10,000 men. More than this Tormazov could not do. He was still very short of supplies; every march in advance took him farther from his base, and he had the Pinsk Marshes in his rear.
Napoleon, probably with some misgivings, informed Schwarzenberg on July 31st that he was to supportReynier according to his information, which, as he was on the spot, must necessarily be better than that of the Emperor. On August 2nd he placed the 7th Corps under his orders, and instructed him to march against Tormazov and drive him into Volhynia. The Government at Warsaw meanwhile was making desperate efforts to form a field force at Zamosc, under General Kosinski.
On August 3rd the Austrians and Saxons were in close communication, and on the 4th the united force began to advance. Tormazov’s advanced guards were attacked on August 8th and driven back, except at Pruzhani, from which Lambert was only expelled on the 10th after a well-contested rear-guard action. Tormazov, finding his outposts everywhere assailed by superior forces, ordered Markov and Kamenski to Gorodeczna, about half-way from Pruzhani to Kobrin. Lambert and Markov united there in the night of the 10th-11th, and next day Kamenski also arrived. Melissino’s detachment and the other advanced guards, under Generals Chaplitz and Prince Khovanski, could not rejoin under some days. Tormazov therefore had only 24 battalions, 36 squadrons, and 3 regiments of Cossacks, amounting with artillery to about 21,000 men. In artillery, however, he was strong, having 84 pieces, a large proportion of which were heavy.
The Russian position was a fairly strong one, if defended by adequate numbers. The Pruzhani-Kobrin road passes over a low plateau, at the foot of which flows a marshy stream. This plateau is some three miles long and a little less in breadth. It extends roughly east and west, its eastern extremity being opposite Gorodeczna. West of it is a valley about a mile in breadth, beyond which rises a second plateau, thickly wooded, through which another road leads from the village of Cherechev to join that to Kobrin some miles south-west of Gorodeczna. The eastern end of the plateau was also shut in by woods. Besides the causeway across the marsh at Gorodeczna,there was a second at Poddubno about three miles above, and a third a mile farther on at the Cherechev road. Obviously all should have been guarded; but only that at Gorodeczna was actually held. The reasons for this extraordinary oversight are not clear. It is possible that Tormazov expected a turning movement on the right rather than the left. It is also possible that he did not intend to fight a general action, but only a rear-guard engagement, in order to gain time for Chaplitz, Khovanski and Melissino to close up. Apparently also he considered that Schwarzenberg and Reynier were following him in one column on the Kobrin road. In any case he merely kept the bulk of his force opposite Gorodeczna. His opponents were moving in two columns, the Austrians upon Gorodeczna, Reynier with the Saxons on the right towards Poddubno. Schwarzenberg had made considerable detachments to guard his communications, but his entire force can hardly have numbered less than 36,000 men, including 12,000 Saxons, with 96 guns.
Reynier pointed out to Schwarzenberg that Tormazov’s negligence afforded opportunities for a flanking movement. Schwarzenberg assented and supported him with Siegenthal’s division, Hesse-Homburg’s brigade of Bianchi’s division, and a brigade of light cavalry, while with the rest of his forces he observed the main Russian force. Tormazov was drawn up in three lines on the Kobrin road, facing Gorodeczna, Markov’s 12 battalions in front line, Kamenski’s 12 (temporarily commanded by Prince Cherbatov, Kamenski being ill) a verst to the rear, Lambert with the cavalry behind Cherbatov.
In the night of the 11th-12th a Saxon detachment seized the Poddubno dyke. Tormazov apparently heard of this about 9 a.m. on the 12th and promptly sent Cherbatov with 10 battalions, 2 dragoon regiments and 24 guns to Poddubno. This appeared temporarily to secure the left, but about noon Siegenthal arrived and threatened a direct attack, while Reynier, who hadmoved the bulk of his corps along the Cherechev road, debouched from the woods and menaced the Russian rear. Tormazov at first simply fronted Cherbatov to the left, leaving the guns and a single infantry regiment at Poddubno, and covered the new front with the fire of 24 more guns brought up from the reserve. It soon, however, became evident that the turning movement was being executed by considerable forces, and that Cherbatov could not withstand it unaided. Tormazov thereupon called up Markov with 8 battalions to prolong Cherbatov’s line, and Lambert with 4 battalions and 24 squadrons to cover the left flank. Lambert deployed across the Cherechev road, barring it against the farther advance of General Zechmeister with his Austrian cavalry and Saxon infantry. Schwarzenberg on his side, instead of attacking the weak detachment now before him at Gorodeczna, sent another infantry brigade and one of cavalry to the right, and himself proceeded thither.
At 3 a.m. Frimont’s Austrian cavalry and Trautenberg’s infantry at Gorodeczna were demonstrating against weak detachments, while nearly the whole Russian army had faced to the left and rear. Tormazov, considering that the extension of the hostile line afforded an opportunity for piercing it, developed a fierce attack by Cherbatov’s infantry upon Sahr’s Saxon brigade, which was driven back, barely saving its artillery from capture by the Russian dragoons. To extricate it General Bianchi led forward Lilienberg’s brigade, while Schwarzenberg, now at Poddubno, ordered Hesse-Homburg’s across the stream, and Siegenthal sent forward part of his division. By these combined efforts the advance of the Russians was brought to a stand and finally converted into a retreat. The brigades of Lilienberg and Sahr moved forward together, Hesse-Homburg joining in on the left, Lecoq’s Saxon division prolonging the line to the right, while Zechmeister, reinforced by Froelich’s Austrian and Gablenz’s Saxon cavalry, renewedhis attacks on Lambert. The latter had hitherto held his own with considerable success, but was now driven back and forced to seek shelter behind Markov’s line. Night ended the conflict, and under cover of darkness Tormazov rallied his detachments and retreated on Kobrin, covered by a rear-guard, under Lambert. At Teveli, 7 miles from the battle-field, Chaplitz rejoined and took over rear-guard duty from Lambert.
BATTLE OF GORODECZNA
BATTLE OF GORODECZNAFought between Napoleon’s detached right wing (Austrians and Saxons) under Prince Schwarzenberg against the Russian Army of Volhynia
The Russian loss appears to have been about 3000 men out of a total of about 18,000 actively engaged: of these perhaps 500 were prisoners. That of the allies was probably a little less. Schwarzenberg estimated the loss of the Austrians at about 1300, of whom 865 were in Bianchi’s division. Reynier only admitted 931 casualties.
Tormazov did not stay his retreat at Kobrin, but continued on his way southward, intending to make for the Styr and stand on the defensive behind it. His resolution was undoubtedly wise. With Chaplitz’s and Khovanski’s troops he had in hand 30,000 men, and might abide the chances of another battle. But his force was too small to rout Schwarzenberg’s, and a heavy defeat might leave Admiral Chichagov, who was at last on the way from Bukharest, too weak to face Napoleon’s right wing. On the other hand, by retreating on Lutsk he would lessen the distance between himself and the Admiral, would be in closer communication with his base at Kiev and Sacken’s reserves, and his position behind the marshy Styr might well induce the cautious Austrian general and his half-hearted or openly disaffected lieutenants to call a halt.
On the 13th there was some rear-guard fighting on the Kobrin road, but it was not serious, and Tormazov continued his retreat to Kovel, which he reached on the 24th. There he apparently would have stood firm, but Schwarzenberg threatening to turn his left he abandoned his position and marched towards Lutsk, where he arrived on the 29th. Schwarzenberg’s pursuit was notvery energetic, owing to scarcity of supplies and the difficulty of the Pinsk fenlands.
Tormazov therefore found himself at the beginning of September in the same position which he had occupied five weeks before. His strategy had been far from faultless: in particular his detachments previous to the battle of Gorodeczna seem to have been unnecessarily large. His tactics at Gorodeczna had been bad at the outset, however much his boldness and energy may have compensated for his earlier carelessness. Still, whatever his faults, he had inflicted a heavier loss than he had sustained, and had drawn upon himself, away from the main theatre of war, the whole of the Austrian auxiliary army and the 7th Corps, as well as Kosinski’s Polish column from Zamosc. Moreover, Admiral Chichagov’s advanced guard was only fourteen or fifteen marches away, and might be relied upon to join him by the middle of September.
It has already been seen that when Barclay evacuated Drissa he had left Count Wittgenstein to cover the road to St. Petersburg. Wittgenstein had for his principal bases of operations the ancient towns of Pskov and Velikii Novgorod; his advanced depôt was Sebezh, some 60 miles from Polotsk, on the road to Pskov. In addition to his own 1st Corps he was given the bulk of the depôt troops at Drissa and Dünaburg, and his artillery was strengthened by a heavy battery. The 18 reserve battalions hardly mustered 5700 bayonets, but the 15 depôt squadrons could furnish 1900 sabres and lances, and included those of the Imperial Guard, some of the finest in Europe. Wittgenstein’s fighting strength, after the departure of Barclay, totalled some 29,000 men, of whom 4500 were cavalry and Cossacks, with 108 guns. Of this total 10 reserve battalions and 4 squadrons, about 3700 strong, were at Dünaburg; the rest were united under Wittgenstein’s immediate command.
The 1st Corps contained in its staff a considerableforeign element. Wittgenstein, his chief-of-staff, Major-General D’Auvray, and the Quartermaster-General Diebich, were all Germans. Wittgenstein himself was a man of no special talent, but active and energetic, and in the prime of life. D’Auvray was an older man, but possessed plenty of vigour, and was a good theoretical officer, though somewhat deficient in practical experience of warfare. Colonel Diebich, a Prussian, only twenty-seven years of age, was probably the most intellectually distinguished of the three. His enduring fame as “Zabalkanski”—the Balkan-Passer—dates from the year 1829, when he commanded in chief against the Turks. For the present all that need be observed is that the command of the Russian army of the Düna was in vigorous hands. Clausewitz notes that D’Auvray, especially, could “lay about him” at need; and doubtless the process was often necessary in dealing with the gallant but amateurish and frequently indolent Russian officers.
From Dünaburg to Riga, a distance of some 130 miles, there were practically no Russian troops. In the great Baltic port and its neighbourhood there were 30 depôt battalions, 8 squadrons, and some Cossacks and field artillery, which, with garrison troops, totalled perhaps 14,000 men, sufficient to defend the fortifications and outlying places, but not to furnish any considerable detachment for the field. Riga was furthermore defended by Russian and English gunboats and bomb-brigs; and naval assistance to almost any amount was available from the British Baltic fleet, should it be necessary. Riga was practically secure against any but a very large army. Its commander, Lieutenant-General Essen I, was an officer of no great ability, and in poor health.
The Russian forces therefore available for the defence of Kurland and the line of the Düna amounted in all to perhaps 43,000 men, but could be reinforced to nearly double that number by militia and regulars, the latterpartly depôt troops, but chiefly belonging to Count Steingell’s army of Finland, soon rendered disposable by the conclusion of peace with Sweden.
Towards Riga Napoleon had directed the so-called 10th Corps, under Marshal Macdonald. It had, in fact, as Macdonald complained, no proper corps organisation or administration; and consisted of two distinct bodies—Grandjean’s Polish and German division, formerly attached to the 1st Corps, and the bulk of the Prussian contingent under General Grawert. The operations of the corps were languid; it certainly was not strong enough to besiege Riga; and Napoleon paid curiously little attention to it. It would almost seem as if his real object in constituting it at the last moment was to have the notoriously disaffected Prussian contingent accompanied and watched by a competent force of troops drawn from states which he regarded as devoted to him.
The 10th Corps, having swept the right bank of the Niemen, concentrated on Rossieni, whence it set out on July 8th for Riga, Grawert advancing directly on the port by way of Mitau, while Grandjean’s division, accompanied by Macdonald, moved on the right. Before the 30,000 or 32,000 men of the 10th Corps the Russian detachments in Kurland were helpless, and fell back at all points into Riga. By the 18th the invading forces were ranged along the Aa river, which passes by Mitau, the capital of Kurland, and, flowing nearly parallel to the Düna, enters the Baltic some 20 miles west of Dünamunde. Mitau, Bausk, and the other towns along the Aa were occupied, and the Prussians reached out with their left to the sea. Essen could form for field operations only a force of 8 depôt battalions, 8 squadrons, a battery and some Cossacks—4500 men at most, with 10 guns—which he sent under Lieutenant-General Lewis towards Bausk. Lewis was too late to defend Mitau or Bausk, and took up a defensive position at Eckau between the latterplace and Riga. Against him Grawert advanced on July 19th with 7 battalions, 4 squadrons and 4 batteries—5000 men and 32 guns. Lewis was beaten with a loss of over 600 prisoners besides killed and wounded, and driven back upon Riga. The Prussians moved up nearer to the city, and Essen, on July 22nd, losing his head, ordered the suburbs to be fired. There was absolutely no need for this reckless step. Macdonald had not a siege gun within reach. The misery and destitution occasioned were, of course, terrible; the mere immediate material loss is said to have been valued at 15,000,000 paper rúbles (about £600,000).
Macdonald, after Eckau, moved with Grandjean’s division towards Jakobstädt, and established his head-quarters there on the 22nd. His advance-guard of 4 Polish battalions, under Prince Radziwil, moved down the left bank of the Düna on Dünaburg. Radziwil occupied the place on the 30th and 31st, the garrison having been withdrawn by Wittgenstein, and on August 8th Macdonald arrived with the rest of Grandjean’s division. He blew up the half-finished fortifications, and destroyed all the artillery, ammunition and tools which he could not carry away. De Chambray blames him for this, saying that he should have retained them for the siege of Riga; he also criticises him for not crossing the Düna and striking at Wittgenstein’s communications. It seems, however, clear that Macdonald’s appointed task was the siege of Riga; and he obviously could not undertake independent operations without Napoleon’s order. His position, as he told Oudinot, was very difficult. His force was scattered over a wide extent of country, and in the absence of any proper staff he was burdened with petty details.
MARSHAL OUDINOT, DUKE OF REGGIO
MARSHAL OUDINOT, DUKE OF REGGIOCommander of the 2nd French Army CorpsFrom the painting by Robert Lefèvre at Versailles
On August 7th Essen made an attack on Schlock, the port at the mouth of the Aa, with 6 British and 13 Russian sloops and gunboats, and about 1000 troops, all under General Lewis. Schlock was taken, but the lightcraft could not pass the Prussian batteries on the Aa, and Lewis abandoned Schlock and withdrew.
Oudinot, after his fruitless attack on the bridge-head of Dünaburg on July 13th, moved up the left bank of the Düna to join in the general advance on Vitebsk. He also endeavoured to render the works at Drissa indefensible. Wittgenstein, realising that Macdonald and Oudinot could not easily combine their operations, at first resolved to attack the 2nd Corps as it passed up the Düna; but on receiving a report that Macdonald was bridging the river at Jakobstädt he took up a position near Razitzi (? Pazitzi), about 16 miles from Druia on the road to Sebezh, and awaited events.
Oudinot, moving up the left bank of the Düna, left Merle’s division, chiefly Swiss, and Corbineau’s brigade of light cavalry to watch the river about Drissa, and with the rest of the 2nd Corps and Doumerc’s Cuirassier division, occupied Polotsk on the 26th. On the 28th, leaving a battalion at Polotsk, he advanced on Sebezh to cut Wittgenstein’s communications with St. Petersburg. He crossed the Drissa at Sivokhino and, early on the 30th, reached the hamlet of Kliastitzi, some 34 miles from Sebezh. As he was very badly informed as to Wittgenstein’s movements he decided to halt and send out reconnaissances.
Meanwhile Wittgenstein, informed of Oudinot’s advance, had determined to attack without delay. On the 30th he was within easy reach of Oudinot’s left flank; and about four in the afternoon his advance-guard came into contact with Legrand’s division at Jakubovo, about 2 miles west of Kliastitzi, posted on a narrow front between two woods.
Wittgenstein had with him the whole 1st Corps and 6 depôt battalions, in all about 21,000 men and 96 guns, organised into a vanguard, under Kulnev, 2 infantry divisions under Major-Generals Berg and Sazonov, and a mixed division commanded by Major-General Kakhovski.
Kulnev, a fiery cavalry officer, at once attacked Legrand, sending to Wittgenstein for reinforcements. Legrand was posted between the woods on a front of apparently only 800 yards, half of which was occupied by the mansion and hamlet of Jakubovo. Verdier and Doumerc were on the main road, there being no room wherein to deploy. An obstinate action ensued as reinforcements were thrown in on both sides and without any special success for either. Legrand’s narrow front, though it enabled him to concentrate his infantry, only permitted him to bring into action twelve guns as against 36 Russian pieces. On the 31st Wittgenstein, having collected his whole force, ordered a general attack. The fighting was very fierce. Jakubovo, defended by the 26th Léger, was taken and retaken; but on the whole the French held their own, and there was no sound reason for the retreat which Oudinot ordered. He says that he feared for the security of his left flank, threatened by an enemy twice as strong as himself! This latter idea is scarcely in accordance with his confident advance upon Sebezh. At any rate, he evacuated Jakubovo and retreated across the Nitcha, southward to Sivokhino, pursued and harassed by the Russians who, not unnaturally, claimed the affair as a complete victory. Wittgenstein had actually engaged 18 battalions. He claimed to have taken 900 prisoners and much baggage, but the estimates of the French losses in the Journal of the 1st Corps are greatly exaggerated. The Russians, also, must have lost severely in the fierce fighting about the mansion of Jakubovo; and Oudinot claimed 500 prisoners.
At Sivokhino Oudinot was rejoined by Merle’s division, coming from Drissa. He deliberately left the ford unguarded; and took up a position a little to the southward at the hamlet of Oboiarzina, with his flanks thrown forward and his whole force skilfully concealed in the woods and gullies with which the country abounded.
At daybreak on the 1st of August the impetuous Kulnev was leading the pursuit. He had with him some companies of sharpshooters, 7 infantry battalions, 6 squadrons and a horse battery, with which he crossed the ford and pushed forward into the sort ofcul-de-sacformed by Oudinot’s position to the southward. The Marshal had more than 40 guns ranged in a deep curve round the advancing Russian columns. As they opened fire Kulnev realised that something more serious than a mere rear-guard action was toward, and requested Sazonov, whose division was following, to support him. Sazonov sent forward the Tula Regiment and a heavy battery at once, but it was too late. The vanguard was overwhelmed by a furious cross cannonade, and broke before the charge of Verdier’s and Legrand’s infantry. The reinforcements were swept away in the rout; and the Russians poured back through the ford in a wild crowd of struggling men and horses, amid which the French fire made terrible havoc. Kulnev strove desperately to repair the consequences of his fatal impetuosity, but in vain. He was following the retreat when a cannon-ball shattered both his legs, ending at once his despair and his life. He bade his aides carry away his orders and insignia—“lest these French triumph over a Russian general”; and so passed a fiery and enthusiastic spirit who might have rendered his country good service.
Verdier’s division, driving before it the broken Russians, pressed through the ford in hot pursuit. Wittgenstein, who was advancing with his whole force, sent on Major-Generals Prince Iachvil and Helfreich to rally the vanguard, and took up a position at the hamlet of Golovitzi to sustain it, with 48 guns ranged before his line. Berg’s division was on the right and Kosakovki’s on the left. As soon as the remains of the vanguard had passed behind the batteries they opened a heavy cannonade, and Berg and Kozakovski moved forward to the attack. Wittgenstein’s second line, under Sazonov, also movedforward, and as the leading divisions diverged somewhat in their advance some of its battalions filled up the gap thus opened. Verdier, assailed by a greatly superior force, was unable to bear up against it; and was driven back, fighting hard but losing heavily, to Sivokhino, where he repassed the Drissa, covered by Legrand’s division.
The losses of the 2nd Corps from July 30th to August 1st amounted according to Oudinot’s returns (which appear trustworthy) to 464 officers and men killed, 2925 wounded, and 1596 prisoners and missing. This was certainly a gaping chasm in an effective strength of about 28,000 men; but the Russians admitted 4300 casualties, and again there was no solid reason for the French retreat upon Polotsk next day. Napoleon was greatly annoyed, and expressed his angry astonishment at the movement, which appeared to him entirely unnecessary. He ordered Oudinot to resume the offensive and, on August 4th, directed St. Cyr, with the 6th Corps, to reinforce him.
Wittgenstein on August 1st had been wounded, and had handed over the command to D’Auvray. The really indecisive nature of the fighting is shown by the fact that no attempt was made to pursue the French. On the contrary, D’Auvray withdrew by his right towards Dünaburg, in order to rally Hamen’s detachment, which was now to join the 1st Corps. On August 7th he once more took position at Razitzi. He decided to cross the Düna and to destroy Macdonald’s small force at Dünaburg; and to this end was already bridging the river, when he was recalled by a fresh advance of Oudinot from Polotsk.
St. Cyr, with the suffering remains of the Bavarian infantry and artillery—about 12,000 bayonets—reached Polotsk on August 7. Apart from his feeling that his troops were being sacrificed, he was angry at his subordination to Oudinot. St. Cyr had, in truth, a farbetter right to the Marshal’s bâton, and nothing but Napoleon’s dislike for him had hitherto deprived him of it. Oudinot, leaving the 6th Corps to follow, started westward from Polotsk with the 2nd on the 7th, and on the 9th reached Valéinzi, 8 miles from Drissa. Next day D’Auvray marched from Razitzi; and on the 10th the Russian advance-guard, now under Helfreich, collided with Oudinot’s advance, consisting of his light cavalry, supported by the 11th Léger, at Svolna, a few miles north of Valéinzi. D’Auvray arrived with his main body on the 11th. Expecting that Oudinot would advance in full force, he at first stood on the defensive, but, finding that the bulk of the 2nd Corps remained inactive at Valéinzi, attacked the advance-guard and drove it back. Thereupon, with curious timidity, Oudinot once more, on the 13th, retrograded to Polotsk, where he arrived on the morning of the 16th. On the 13th Hamen joined the Russian 1st Corps, and next day Wittgenstein resumed the command.
Polotsk, a place of much importance in the struggles between Poland and Russia during the 15th and 16th centuries, lies on the right bank of the Düna, at the point where it is joined by the little river Polota. The country around was in 1812 wooded to within a few miles of the town. Polotsk was traversed from north-west to south-east by the Riga-Vitebsk high-road, to which that from St. Petersburg united itself some miles out. From the south-west the Vilna road reached the town across the Düna. A fourth road left the Riga highway on the right a little way from Polotsk, and ran north-eastwards to Nevel.
The advance-guard of the Russians came in contact with the French outposts during the afternoon of the 16th, and the sound of the firing broke up a council-of-war which Oudinot had called to consider the situation.
During the evening the French troops took up position. Oudinot’s plan of action is difficult to understand. Heleft nearly the whole of Verdier’s and Merle’s divisions and the bulk of his cavalry on the left bank of the Düna. On the right bank, along the Polota, stood St. Cyr’s weak corps, with its right at the village of Spas, about a mile from Polotsk. Wrede’s division was in front line and Deroy in reserve. To the left of the Bavarians were Legrand’s division, 1 regiment of Verdier’s, and Corbineau’s cavalry brigade. Oudinot’s whole force was over 35,000 strong, with about 130 guns.
The Russian 1st Corps and the reserve troops attached to it—the latter now combined into regiments—totalled about 23,000 or 24,000 men and 99 guns. It was distributed in three mixed divisions, under Major-Generals Berg, Sazonov and Kakhovski, and two mixed brigades commanded respectively by Major-General Helfreich and Colonel Vlastov.[4]
Wittgenstein and his staff considered that Oudinot’s position about Polotsk was too strong, defended as it was by superior forces, to be attacked, and decided to confine themselves to a vigorous demonstration upon Spas to cover the bridging of the Düna and a raid on Oudinot’s communications. Early on the 17th, covered by Helfreich and Vlastov, the Russian main body debouched from the woods and deployed. The divisions as usual were broken up in the line of battle. In general, however, it may be said that Vlastov’s detachment formed the extreme left opposite Spas, and thence Berg’s division and Helfreich’s vanguard continued the line towards the Düna. Sazonov and Kakhovski were in reserve.
Vlastov, and part of Berg’s division, under the general direction of Prince Iachvil, attacked Spas, which was gallantly defended by the Bavarians. To sustain the attack Wittgenstein was obliged to direct to the left the rest of Berg’s division, replacing it by only two battalions of his second line. Oudinot thereupon ordered Legrand to attack the weakened Russian centre, but after somesharp fighting this was repelled by the advance of fresh battalions from Sazonov’s division. Legrand renewed his attacks, but was again forced to retire, but to repulse him nearly the whole of Sazonov’s division had to be employed. Around Spas a furious conflict raged all day, the Russian attacks being repelled time after time by a much smaller force of Bavarians. The outlook for Oudinot was entirely promising; by night almost all Wittgenstein’s army had been engaged and had been held at bay by the division of Legrand, about half of Wrede’s and one regiment of Verdier’s. All this time two strong divisions were inactive south of the Düna. It was probably fortunate that in the evening Oudinot was severely wounded and forced to transfer the command to the stronger hands of St. Cyr.
The latter general made up his mind that the badly shaken morale of his army, no less than the Emperor’s interests, imperatively demanded a victory, and determined to give battle. But he was too wary to deprive himself of the advantage of allowing the Russians to waste their strength against his defensive position before himself taking the offensive. He therefore waited during the morning of the 18th for Wittgenstein to come on. The latter, on his side, having driven Oudinot again into Polotsk, decided to withdraw, his mission being to defend the St. Petersburg road, and greatly overestimating the strength of the force opposed to him. His troops were to commence their march at 9 p.m.
St. Cyr during the morning made a parade of retiring his trains and reserve parks through the town towards Vitebsk, while Merle and Verdier were brought nearer to it as though to cover an evacuation. Some of the cavalry also defiled along the southern bank of the Düna with their horses laden with forage. These devices do not appear to have tricked the Russian staff into the belief that Polotsk was about to be abandoned; but they did give it the impression that there was no fear of an attack.The Russian army lay bivouacked in the order in which it had fought on the 17th, and head-quarters were at the hamlet of Prizmenitza, only half a mile from Spas.
St. Cyr, finding that Wittgenstein did not show any sign of attacking, and doubtless marking the obvious unpreparedness of the Russians, decided to take the offensive. About 2 p.m. Verdier’s division began to cross the Düna, screened from the sight of the Russians by the houses of Polotsk and the high banks of the Polota. Merle, Doumerc, and Castex’s light cavalry followed. Meanwhile at Spas Deroy’s division relieved Wrede’s, and a battery of 31 guns was massed at the village.
St. Cyr’s plan, as he defines it, was to smash Wittgenstein’s line by a heavy and concentrated attack of four infantry divisions advancing at the double, Wrede’s Bavarians leading on the right, Deroy to their left rear, Legrand and Verdier in echelon on the left of Deroy, while the cavalry followed in support, and Merle’s division stood in reserve at Polotsk. St. Cyr in his report to Berthier says that he had intended to commence the attack at 4 p.m., but the bringing up of the troops from the left bank of the Düna proved a tedious operation; and it was not until nearly 5 that St. Cyr was able to give the signal to commence the battle.
The French and Bavarian artillery opened a tremendous cannonade against the unsuspecting Russians, with great effect, especially among two batteries in advance of Prizmenitza, which lost nearly all their horses, and had a number of guns and waggons disabled or blown up against the Bavarian artillery. Diebich skilfully placed some guns in a battery on the extreme Russian left, which, being masked, caused considerable loss, but could not silence the far stronger array of pieces ranged before Spas.
THE FIRST BATTLE OF POLOTSK
THE FIRST BATTLE OF POLOTSKGained by General St. Cyr (in succession to Marshal Oudinot wounded) on 18th August, 1812
For some reason which is not very apparent the infantry attack did not take place immediately. PossiblySt. Cyr hoped that the fire of his 130 guns or thereabouts would soon demoralise the Russians, but he was deceived. Wittgenstein’s troops fell quickly into their places in the line, and their artillery stoutly responded to the greatly superior mass of Franco-Bavarian batteries.
After a cannonade of about an hour’s duration, Wrede moved forward, threatening to turn the Russian left, while Deroy marched straight against Prizmenitza. Legrand’s division, however, moved forward rather slowly, and Verdier’s division (temporarily commanded by General of Brigade Valentin) was still farther to the rear. The result was that the Russian resistance was by no means crushed by the impetus of a combined charge. As the Bavarians advanced they screened the fire of their guns, and the Russian artillery was able to play heavily upon the infantry. Deroy, a venerable officer respected by all, was mortally wounded as he directed his division, and the Bavarians, shaken by their losses, began to give way. Legrand, now in line on their left, carried Prizmenitza, but was driven out again by Hamen with seven battalions of Sazonov’s division. St. Cyr himself hastened to the front and directed a fresh advance of Legrand against Prizmenitza, supported by Sieben’s brigade of Deroy’s division. Wrede was directed to assume the command of the whole 6th Corps, and himself rallied and led on Deroy’s shaken troops. The four French and Bavarian infantry divisions, now supported by Merle on the left rear, moved forward together, breaking down the obstinate resistance of the Russians and forcing them back into the woods. The Russian cavalry charged repeatedly and brilliantly to cover the retreat of their infantry, and the combined Guard regiment created a panic in Corbineau’s brigade, and rode almost up to the walls of Polotsk. St. Cyr himself, who had been slightly wounded on the 17th and was obliged to use a carriage, was nearly captured, and the daring horsemen were only checked by the fire of the reserveartillery. They were fired into from all sides, and charged by one of Doumerc’s Cuirassier regiments, but the survivors regained the Russian line, sorely diminished in numbers, but covered with glory. The Russian army, badly defeated but by no means routed, made good its retreat during the night to Sivokhino, where it halted. St. Cyr did not pursue. He was not strong in light cavalry, and Corbineau’s brigade was obviously demoralised. Still it seems that more use might have been made of Merle’s Swiss regiments, which had scarcely fired a shot; several of Verdier’s and Wrede’s regiments also had not been heavily engaged.
The losses on both sides had been very heavy. Wrede gave the Bavarian loss as 118 officers and 1161 men killed and wounded. That of the 2nd Corps, which had 190 officershors de combat, can hardly have been less than 3500. The Russians admitted a loss of 5000 killed and wounded. St. Cyr claimed 1000 prisoners; and 14 Russian guns were captured.
On the French side General Deroy was mortally wounded. Oudinot, St. Cyr, Verdier and Wrede were wounded. Of the brigade leaders the Bavarian Sieben was killed, and two French and two Bavarians wounded. The Russians had Generals Berg, Kozakovski and Hamen wounded.
Polotsk was hardly a very glorious victory, St. Cyr having some 35,000 men on the field against Wittgenstein’s 23,000 or 24,000 at most, but it had important results in freeing Napoleon from anxiety for his left flank. He showed his satisfaction by at last giving St. Cyr his Marshal’s bâton.