FOOTNOTES:[3]Klengel gives his whole strength as only 1985; but he had obvious motives for minimising the disaster. The figures given in the text are confirmed by the muster-rolls of the 7th Corps.[4]For Plan see Appendix.
FOOTNOTES:
[3]Klengel gives his whole strength as only 1985; but he had obvious motives for minimising the disaster. The figures given in the text are confirmed by the muster-rolls of the 7th Corps.
[3]Klengel gives his whole strength as only 1985; but he had obvious motives for minimising the disaster. The figures given in the text are confirmed by the muster-rolls of the 7th Corps.
[4]For Plan see Appendix.
[4]For Plan see Appendix.
CHAPTER VII
SMOLENSK TO BORODINO
Thebattle of Lubino concluded the bloody fighting about Smolensk; and, though there was practically no pause in the operations, it marked the term of another stage in the campaign, as poor in results as the preceding ones. At Vilna the Russians had deliberately refused to fight, and had withdrawn out of reach. At Vitebsk they had almost accepted the chance of battle, but then, on better information, had slipped out of their great opponent’s closing grasp in the nick of time. At Smolensk it seemed that the desired great battle would at last be delivered and elusive victory crown the eagles of Napoleon. Whatever be thought of the wisdom of the Emperor’s manœuvres, they had been admirably carried out, and his troops had fought splendidly. Yet the results of the great effort had been completely negative. The Russian army had wrought its way out of the great conqueror’s clutches, and had inflicted decidedly more damage that it had itself received. A few guns, a few prisoners and a ruined and nearly deserted city—these constituted the poor reward of so much skill and courage.
It may be regarded as certain that Napoleon had originally intended to conclude the campaign of 1812 at Smolensk. When he first began to contemplate a change of plan cannot be determined, but it is possible that it was at a comparatively early period of the campaign. The elusive strategy of his opponents cannot but have kept before his eyes the probability either ofbeing forced to extend the area of his operations, or of taking up winter-quarters with his self-imposed task unfinished. Jomini points out that the fact that he did not then disclose his purpose may merely indicate that he wished to encourage his weary troops by the prospect of a speedy end of their toils. On the other hand, it is highly probable that his decision was not formed until after the battle of Smolensk. The absolutely negative results of that engagement forced him to consider the necessity of pushing on to strike a crushing blow. Had he succeeded in disorganising the main Russian army by a heavy defeat he would probably have stayed his advance, and devoted the rest of the campaigning season to solidly organising his communications, and crushing Tormazov and Wittgenstein.
So much for the time at which Napoleon decided to continue his advance. His reasons fall under three headings—military, political and personal.
Napoleon played many parts on the stage of history, but he was in the first instance and before everything a soldier. Military reasons may therefore justly take priority of place. Since crossing the frontier in June he had kept steadily before him the crushing of the principal forces of Russia in a great battle. This purpose he had failed to effect. The Russian armies were yet unbroken, and had suffered, relatively to their numbers, less heavily than their opponents. They were retiring upon their resources, and, slow and difficult as was the organisation of reinforcements, the Russian national spirit was thoroughly roused, and the vanguard of the new levies was beginning to reach the fighting line. But for the moment this fighting line was much weaker than the forces immediately under Napoleon’s command, and would probably succumb to them in a pitched battle. Were it allowed to manœuvre rearwards, and rally and assimilate the new levies which were being collected and drilled, the chances of Napoleon’s success would begreatly diminished. His lines of communication were already troubled by Cossacks, and time would mean the increase of these vexatious irregulars both in numbers and efficiency, thus compelling larger detachments and weakening the striking force upon which everything really depended. It was practically certain that the elusive Russians would never abandon “White-Walled Moscow” without a battle, and it was necessary to go forward to seek it while the striking force was yet strong enough to deal a decisive blow. It would also appear that the halt on the Düna and Dnieper had permitted the accumulation of supplies sufficient to subsist the army as far as Moscow, at any rate with the addition of what might be obtained by foraging.[5]Finally, the victory of Schwarzenberg at Gorodeczna on August 12th, and that of St. Cyr over Wittgenstein at Polotsk on the 17th and 18th, appeared to assure the immediate security of Napoleon’s flanks.
Political reasons also must have weighed much with Napoleon. The continuance of his empire, as he himself probably understood better than anyone, depended upon continued military success. His own position rested almost solely upon the force of his own personality. To remain for several months, perhaps a year, away from France might lead to his downfall. Moreover, whatever the dynasts might say or do, Germany was full of discontent; and in his absence revolt might break out in his rear. To confess failure by a retreat was not to be contemplated. In short, there was practically no alternative to an advance.
To the influence exercised by sound military and political argument must be added that of Napoleon’s personality. He had never yet experienced failure so far as his own personal enterprises had been concerned,and exasperated as he was by the lack of success, up to the present, of the campaign, every prompting of his fierce and impetuous nature impelled him to go forward.
On the other hand, the Russians—in so far as there was any public opinion in Russia—were by no means contented with the progress of the campaign. Alexander, before leaving the army, had issued two proclamations, one to the people at large, the other to the city of Moscow, calling upon the nation to make great efforts to expel the invaders. He then hastened to Moscow, where, on July 27th, an assembly of nobles and merchants was convoked under the presidency of the Governor-General, Count Rostopchin. The nobles offered for war a levy of one man in ten from the population of their estates. The merchants volunteered a contribution by an assessment upon the capital of each; and a special subscription opened on the spot realised in an hour nearly £200,000. In the midst of these enthusiastic proceedings the Tzar entered the assembly, and ended a speech, in which he set forth the national peril, by a declaration that he intended to continue the struggle until the bitter end.
Alexander wisely restricted the new levies to provinces which were not yet the seat of war. He also decided that a proportion of 2 per cent. generally, and 1 per cent. in Siberia, would be sufficient. Men were not lacking, but arms and equipment were deficient, so also were officers capable of organising and training the new recruits. The collection of the levies was an operation requiring much time and trouble: it was even more difficult to realise the money contribution, part of which was not finally received until the following year. But considering the vast extent and poverty of the empire the immediate results were exceedingly creditable. We shall soon have occasion to note the rapid strengthening of the Russian army.
With all this enthusiasm and patriotic endeavourthere was not unnaturally mingled a good deal of distrust and discontent among the nobles, who voiced such public opinion as existed. These feelings were justified to a great extent by the foolishness of the Government, which reported non-existent military successes, and misrepresented the operations which were in progress. A certain amount of reliable news, however, filtered through from the front. It gradually became clear that, despite the so-called successes of the Russians, the armies were steadily retreating, and that cities and provinces were being abandoned to the invader.
The general results of all this was a more or less openly expressed desire that the conduct of the war should be changed. To a certain extent it was the outcome of genuine conviction that the command might be in better hands, but it was also largely the reflection of the insubordinate discontent among the army officers, which had reached its height at Smolensk. The outcry was chiefly against Barclay, whose foreign name was made the platform for every kind of unjust accusation. It appears to have chiefly been the sentiments of Bagration and his adherents which made themselves heard in the capital. Barclay had few friends—Löwenstern says that Konovnitzin was almost the only general officer attached to him—and had neither leisure nor talents for defending his reputation against intriguers. Alexander apparently always trusted and liked him; but on the abandonment of the offensive early in August the clamour became so loud that he was constrained to give way, though he angrily declared that he would not assume responsibility for any evil consequences. He appointed a committee consisting of Arakcheiev, the Vice-Chancellor Count Kotschubey, and Prince Lopukhin, to consider the question of a different conduct of the war. The action was probably merely nominal, for both the remedy and the man to apply it had been practically agreed upon. The committee met on the 17th of August. It recommended the appointment of a commander-in-chief of all the Russian field armies, and for the post submitted to the Tzar the name of General Prince Golénischev-Kutuzov.
There were practically only two candidates for the onerous position. One was Kutuzov. The other was Bennigsen, who in his own estimation was fully equal to the responsibility. Others, however, did not think so highly of his merits, or of those of his campaign of 1807 against Napoleon. Alexander knew him as one of his father’s assassins, and probably distrusted his vain and selfish character. Besides, he was a foreigner. Kutuzov’s military reputation was estimated as highly as Bennigsen’s; his laurels were recent; and, above all, he was a native Russian, popular with the army and believed to be the exponent of the hard-fighting tactics of far-famed Suvórov.
On the 18th Alexander nominated Kutuzov to the position of commander-in-chief. Bennigsen was appointed chief-of-staff. The reasons are somewhat obscure. Clausewitz considers that Bennigsen procured his appointment in the hopes of succeeding to Kutuzov’s place if, as seemed not unlikely, the old man’s health should break down. Bennigsen himself says that, at Vilna, Barclay informed him that Alexander wished to employ him again. It is possible that Alexander appointed him in view of such a contingency as Clausewitz suggests; certainly he was senior to all the generals with the army, so that, in the event of Kutuzov’s retirement, he would naturally assume the command. He seems to have regarded himself rather as his chief’s colleague than his assistant. Kutuzov did not take his appointment very kindly, and the yoking together of the two veterans, one a Russian noble and the other a German soldier of fortune, was not a happy expedient.
While at Smolensk, Napoleon regulated his main line of communications, which was now to run by Vilna,Minsk, Borisov and Orsha, to Smolensk. Smolensk became the advanced depôt of the army, and Vitebsk being of only secondary importance, Charpentier was transferred to the former place with the greater part of his garrison. Winzingerode, however, was so active in the neighbourhood of Vitebsk that on the 21st Napoleon detached Pino’s Italian division thither to support Pajol. The alarm was a false one, for Winzingerode had, as we know, only a weak detachment of cavalry. On receiving intelligence of the retreat of the Russian main army he fell back towards Moscow, and Napoleon called Pino, Pajol and Guyon towards him, but only the cavalry were able to rejoin in time for the battle of Borodino.
Orders were given to construct bakeries at Smolensk, and to form magazines and hospitals. The city, however, was little better than a heap of ruins. Nearly all the inhabitants had fled, and artificers and materials were lacking to carry out the works ordered by Napoleon. It is a favourite saying of the Emperor’s apologists that his orders were neglected. The truth is that they were too frequently impracticable. The hospitals, choked with some 15,000 sick and wounded, were in a frightful condition. So great was the dearth of supplies that the parchment of the city archives and gun-waddings were utilised for bandages.
Nor was the condition of the army at large satisfactory. Food was for the moment sufficient; but clothing and equipment were already wearing out. Nansouty declared that he had never seen cavalry in so wretched a condition as his own 1st Corps; there were Cuirassiers half naked. The number of broken-down horses was alarmingly large. Discipline was worse than ever. Napoleon declared in a moment of depression that two-thirds of the army were stragglers. There was small prospect of these evils being remedied. The army, having made an all too brief halt about Vitebsk and Orsha, and a yet briefer one atSmolensk, was about to be pushed forward for another 250 miles. Napoleon had, in a sense, provided for everything; that is, he had issued orders which anticipated most contingencies. But De Fezensac, himself a soldier of merit, puts his finger on the weak point of the elaborate arrangements, and sums up the situation in a single damning paragraph: “Mais il ne suffit pas de donner des ordres, il faut que ces ordres soient exécutables; et avec la rapidité des mouvements, la concentration des troupes sur un même point, le mauvais état des chemins, la difficulté de nourrir les chevaux, comment aurait-il été possible de faire des destributions régulières et d’organiser convenablement le service des hôpitaux?” The army swept the country through which it was moving clear in a few hours; it became literally and without exaggeration a wilderness. Stores of every kind were being poured into Vilna and pushed forward with all diligence to Minsk and Smolensk, but bad roads, lack of horses and sometimes mismanagement delayed the advance of the convoys. The main army, for whose benefit they were intended, was constantly moving forward, and they could never attain it. When on October 19th, Napoleon turned back from Moscow his nearest considerable magazine was at Smolensk, and it contained only six or seven days’ supplies.
There was depression and growing discontent among the generals. Napoleon noticed it and made angry and bitter comments thereupon. Ney alone seems to have been undaunted. Just after Lubino he wrote to the Emperor suggesting that an attempt should be made to overtake the Russians by three or four forced marches.
In the rear also events were far from answering to Napoleon’s expectations. He complained bitterly that Lithuania did nothing. It was to some extent true. Lithuania was a poor country; it had been wasted by the passage across it of the bulk of theGrande Armée, and it could furnish practically no supplies. The leviesordered by the provisional government existed largely upon paper, and the troops actually enrolled were of very poor quality. Had Napoleon frankly re-established the Kingdom of Poland better results might have been obtained, but it is not very probable. It is impossible, after reading his minute directions to De Pradt, his agent at Warsaw, and his ambiguous replies to the Polish deputies who waited upon him at Vilna, not to perceive that he was deliberately trading upon the hopes and enthusiasm of the Poles. Moreover, he had on entering Lithuania committed a blunder by proclaiming liberty to everyone. The serfs naturally interpreted this as granting permission for plunder and general licence. The nobles, whom Napoleon should certainly, from the point of view of his own interests, have conciliated, were alienated, as were the Jews, who practically monopolised such trade and industry as existed. At best it can scarcely be said that Lithuania was actively favourable to Napoleon. It was necessary to garrison the principal towns and to escort all convoys as if the country had been hostile instead of nominally friendly. For all practical purposes Napoleon’s base continued to be on the Niemen and Vistula, and supplies had to be brought up thence.
On the 20th of August, apparently, Napoleon finally made up his mind to continue his advance, and on the 21st and 22nd the army was set in motion. Ney’s shattered corps could no longer fulfil the duties of support to the advanced guard, and Davout’s took its place. Murat led the way with the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Corps of Cavalry, and the light horse of the 1st and 3rd Army Corps. Behind Murat marched the 1st Corps, with Compans’ division leading; the 3rd and 8th Corps and the Imperial Guard followed. The 4th Corps formed the left flank-guard; the 5th and Latour-Maubourg’s Corps (less three Polish regiments left on the Dnieper) that on the right. On the 23rd intelligence arrived that theRussians had taken up a position for battle near Dorogobuzh, 22 miles east of Solovievo. Eugène and Poniatowski were drawn in towards the centre and the muster-rolls called. They showed an effective strength of 147,000 men, of whom 31,000 were cavalry, with nearly 590 guns—exclusive of the head-quarters troops.
On leaving Lubino Barclay had sent forward Toll to look for a favourable field of battle. While the First Army was marching to Solovievo, Bagration moved on towards Dorogobuzh. Toll, who was accompanied by Clausewitz, found a position, which he considered satisfactory, about 5 miles west of the town, behind the small river Uzha, which here flowed into the Dnieper from the south. It was open in front, giving free play to the action of the powerful Russian artillery, and woods behind afforded cover for reserves. On the right, however, a hill beyond the Uzha commanded part of the main position, and thus appeared to Barclay and Bagration, who met to confer, a cardinal defect. Barclay, whose temper had probably scarcely been softened by persecution, blamed Toll, and the latter, always gruff to the verge of rudeness, growled a reply to the effect that he could notmakepositions—if they were not to befoundthat was the fault of the country. Barclay, recognising that there was reason in the answer, if little courtesy, refrained from an angry reply; but Bagration was furious, and his natural generosity impelled him to praise the very man whom he had recklessly assailed.
“If you cannot choose positions,” he told the luckless young Quartermaster-General, “that is not to say that others cannot! How dare you, you unlicked cub, address the commander-in-chief so? He owes his position to his great qualities, and deserves every consideration. I am his senior, but I set the example by serving under him. You and your blue riband! (Toll was a Knight of St. Andrew.) You think that you honour him by serving under him; but it is the other way about.It is disgraceful that a young swelled-head like you should hold such language towards the man on whom depends the fate of the army and the empire. Thank his generosity that worse does not befall you, for if I had my way I would change that blue riband for a common soldier’s belts!”
The threat was by no means an empty one, for a Russian commander-in-chief had power to degrade officers to the ranks. Bagration’s words certainly afford food for reflection, seeing his remarks of a few days since, but it is good to know that one of the last actions of his honourable life was to endeavour to make some amends to his ill-used colleague.
The position being deemed unfavourable, Bagration suggested another in front of Dorogobuzh. Clausewitz describes this—perhaps partly out of pique—as very bad. It at any rate appears that it was intersected by the Dnieper, though the river was not here a very formidable obstacle.
The rear-guard, under Platov, consisting of 3 regiments of Hussars, 1 of Lancers, 6 of Chasseurs and some Cossacks, had on the 22nd a brisk action with Murat, rejoining the main army on the 23rd. On the same day Napoleon himself left Smolensk, and Eugène and Poniatowski were called in. Poniatowski’s march to the south of the road indicated an intention to turn the Russian left; and Bagration counselled a retreat. It seems obvious that he had at last definitely ranged himself on the side of Barclay. His example may have served to improve the sense of subordination among the other generals. It had fallen so low that Platov personally insulted Barclay a few days after the evacuation of Smolensk. The position was evacuated in the night of the 23rd-24th and the retreat continued, the main body retiring to Brazhino on the Moscow road, Baggohufwudt and Uvarov proceeding level with it on the north bank of the Dnieper. The rear-guard fell back to Dorogobuzh.
Barclay’s resolution to give battle before Dorogobuzh was bold to the verge of rashness. His entire strength was probably not more than 107,000 men, of whom 3000 were raw militia-men from the province of Smolensk, and certainly neither of the positions in advance of the town was strong enough to compensate for a numerical inferiority of 40,000 men. It almost appears as if he had grown desperate at the persecution to which he was subjected, and had resolved to stake everything on a single throw of the dice.
On the 27th the two armies reached Viasma. Napoleon on the same day was at Slavkovo, about 27 miles westward. There was a rear-guard fight between Murat and Platov, as the result of which the latter, to avoid being turned, retired to Semlevo, nearer Viasma. Platov, being indisposed, was succeeded by Konovnitzin. On the 28th Napoleon entered Semlevo; and on the 29th Barclay and Bagration reached Tzarévo-Zaïmichi. On the same day General Miloradovich was at Gzhatsk with 14,466 infantry and 1123 cavalry—depôt troops, convalescents and recruits. Barclay and Bagration now decided that with this reserve force within reach, they might safely stand to fight, and took up a position. It appears to have been fairly strong in the centre, but, like most positions in Central Russia, its flanks were exposed. This weakness the generals proposed to remedy by entrenchments. In the evening Kutuzov arrived and assumed the supreme command.
Kutuzov decided not to give battle in the Tzarévo-Zaïmichi position. The decision was a perfectly sensible one. The responsibility was now his, and he as yet knew nothing of his army. He would naturally desire to become better acquainted with it, and as it was still some 130 miles from Moscow he might hope to find a stronger position. Toll and his staff were sent on ahead, and the army resumed its retreat, Konovnitzin with aforce now augmented to 26 battalions and 72 squadrons covering the rear.
platov
GENERAL OF CAVALRY COUNT PLATOVAtaman of the Don Cossacks
Meanwhile the French were doggedly following, suffering much from fatigue and heat, and troubled, as usual, by internal dissensions. Davout accused Murat, apparently with great justice, of wasting the cavalry, and exhausting them by useless manœuvres and lack of proper care for their subsistence. He said that it wrung his heart—not a very tender organ—to see the wretched state of the reserve cavalry divisions, and declared that he would not allow his infantry to be so over-worked. Matters came to a head on August 28th in an open quarrel between the two leaders in Napoleon’s presence. Murat retorted to Davout’s accusation by a counter-charge of over-caution, and declared that they had better settle their differences by a duel! Napoleon rather added fuel to the flames, for he insinuated that had Murat been in Davout’s place in July he might have intercepted Bagration. Davout was also on bad terms with Berthier. There is no discovering the real cause of this, but it is certain that Davout’s fierce temper and rough manners made him many enemies.
The march of the army was toilsome. The wide road was occupied by the artillery and trains, five or six vehicles abreast, while along both sides tramped the infantry in heavy columns of companies or “divisions.” They suffered much from heat, which was aggravated by the dense clouds of dust raised by the marching columns; and the supply of water was scanty. Even the Russians occasionally felt the want of it, and it was naturally worse for the French, who found the wells drunk dry and the streams trodden into mud. At the same time it does not appear that the diminution in the ranks owing to these causes was exceptional, though it was certainly serious. The worst losses were among the horses, which suffered at once from lack of proper forage and from thirst. Corn and hay became more and more difficult toprocure, and the rations of the unfortunate animals were made up with rye straw. The wastage among them was all the more serious because there was little hope of being able to replace them.
The villages along the route, and the few small towns, were for the most part deserted by their inhabitants, and in part at least destroyed. This was not invariably the case. Dorogobuzh—“Cabbage-town,” as the French soldiers called it from the cabbage fields amid which it lay—was uninjured, and three months later still contained some of its inhabitants. Gzhatsk also was uninjured. Viasma was partly destroyed, owing to fire spreading from a depôt of flour and spirits which the Russians had fired before retreating. Otherwise it is difficult to decide whether the destruction of houses and villages was due to French or Russians. It may be attributed to both at various times according to circumstances.
The Russians retired eastward through Gzhatsk, covered by their powerful rear-guard. On September 1 they were about Kolotskoï, a great monastery about 75 miles from Moscow, the rear-guard being a day’s march behind. At Kolotskoï Toll and Vistitski II, Bagration’s Quarter-master-General, recommended a defensive position at Borodino, a few miles farther on—probably in despair of being able to find anything better between it and Moscow. Napoleon either learned on the same day that the Russians had definitely turned to bay, or inferred that they were about to do so, for he stayed his advance at Gzhatsk in order to rally his forces for the impending struggle. The musters for the 2nd of September, including men temporarily detached or straggling who might rejoin within two or three days, and exclusive of head-quarter troops, showed nearly 135,000 sabres and bayonets. Two battalions of the 8th Corps were garrisoning Dorogobuzh and Viasma. Before the battle Napoleon was rejoined by Pajol’s division and by the 1st and 12thLight Cavalry Brigades—nearly 4000 sabres in all. For the head-quarters troops 3000 is a conservative estimate.
Napoleon made great efforts at this time to grapple with the disorder in his rear, and especially to reduce the vast trains of vehicles which impeded the march. There is abundant evidence that they were out of all proportion to the strength of the army, and the superfluity consisted chiefly of private carriages. Napoleon’s efforts produced little effect. He issued stringent orders, and himself directed the firing of some vehicles; but Baron Girod tells of at least one instance in which the fire was extinguished as soon as the Emperor’s back was turned, and in general the order remained a dead letter.
During the halt there was a good deal of rain, which did not improve the indifferent roads, but relieved the distress for water. The 4th, however, was fine, and early in the morning the French army resumed its advance. The order was as before, but, to Davout’s disgust, Compans’ division was placed under Murat’s direct orders. A provisional battalion of the Vistula Legion was left to garrison Gzhatsk. Konovnitzin made a stand at Gridnevo, about half-way to Borodino, withdrawing when Murat’s infantry turned his flank, his cavalry skirmishing steadily with the leading French squadrons. On the 5th he made another stand at Kolotskoï, and it was not until he saw Eugène’s corps marching past his right flank that he fell back into the main army behind the Kolotza.
The Borodino position has often been spoken of as an admirable one for defence. Clausewitz, who knew it, is of a very different opinion; and in all probability it was selected simply because there was no likelihood that anything better would present itself in the endless plain-lands. It had one grave strategic defect. Some way to the west the great road forks, the branches uniting again at Mozhaïsk, about 6 miles east of Borodino. It was therefore necessary to hold two roads instead of one, and to bestrong on both. At Borodino they are 2½ miles apart, the new road, on which Borodino stands, lying to the north.
The Kolotza rivulet makes a very acute angle with the new road, running for a considerable distance nearly parallel with it, always in a gully with steep banks. After passing Borodino, which lies on its left bank, it flows north-eastward with a very sinuous course to join the Moskva, about 2¾ miles farther on. The Moskva itself flows south-eastward to the high-road at the village of Uspenskoïe, three miles from Borodino, where it turns eastward towards Mozhaïsk.
In the angle formed by the two streams lies a low partly wooded plateau, its base formed by a rivulet which joins the Kolotza at Borodino. At its south-western angle stood the hamlet of Gorki, about a mile from Borodino. A few hundred yards higher up another streamlet joined the Kolotza from the south-east. This streamlet, called after the hamlet of Semenovskoï, about a mile and a quarter south of Borodino, flows in a little ravine, and the ground between it and the Gorki rivulet forms another low plateau, not more than 30 feet high, but with a fairly steep western drop. It descends very slightly towards the east for about a mile, until it is crossed by another brook flowing in a gully. The eastern bank of this gully is the higher, and the ground extends eastward in another low plateau on which lies the village of Tzarévo, a mile and a half east of Semenovskoï. Just west of Gorki there is a low knoll, and another a mile due south-east of Gorki, and about 1100 yards north of Semenovskoï. From Semenovskoï to the old road at the village of Utitza is about a mile and a quarter, and from the latter village extended northward for about 1000 yards a thick wood. Three-quarters of a mile east of Utitza is a knoll, and a little eastward again another low plateau. South of the old road extended marshy woods, though a little south of Utitza there was a clearing round the hamletof Michino. Patches of wood were scattered over the whole position. The villages were all log-built and useless for defence. From Utitza by Borodino to the junction of the Kolotza with the Moskva is a distance of almost 5 miles.
To the west of the Borodino-Utitza line the country is of the same character, only slightly lower. At the village of Shevardino, a mile westward from Semenovskoï, is a low knoll. The villages were of so little consequence that it is superfluous to name them.
It will probably be gathered from this description that the general position afforded no great advantages to the weaker side. Clausewitz, indeed, says that in places it was difficult to tell which had the advantage of the ground. The northern plateau was fairly advantageous for defence, but the Kolotza ravine in its front prevented the troops posted on it from making counter-attacks. The old road afforded opportunities to an enterprising foe of a turning movement. It was therefore necessary to hold it strongly, but the wood south of Semenovskoï almost cut the troops about Utitza from the main line farther north. Bennigsen criticises the whole position most bitterly, as far too extended, but represents it as being 2 miles longer than it really was. He was himself an advocate of very narrow positions, and French critics declared that his line at Eylau was far too close and heavy. He says in his memoirs that he perfectly understood that Napoleon’s concentrated attacks could only be repulsed by a concentration of defence. In principle he was no doubt right, but the defensive concentration, as Wellington had been teaching an unappreciative Europe for years, should have been one of effective muskets, not of crowded columns. Bennigsen was too self-satisfied to see this; but it is perhaps fair to add that probably the British army was the only one in Europe sufficiently highly trained to execute linear tactics. The Russian soldiers were extremely steady and accurate in manœuvre,but not rapid, and scarcely highly trained; French observers criticise their clumsiness. Clausewitz thinks that the reserves were too near the front. The bulk of the army was massed on a front of four miles; both flanks were covered by Cossacks.
The Kolotza entered the Moskva amid marshy ground; the right was accordingly supported on a wood a mile and a half further south. In front of this and on its left towards Gorki were various field works. In front of Gorki was a parapet with redans, and on the knoll south of Borodino a large earthwork, called by the French the “Great Redoubt.” Semenovskoï had been destroyed, the houses being mere shell traps. At its western end a parapet had been marked out, and to the south threeflèchesor redans. The Gorki work, the Great Redoubt and the Semenovskoï redans were the only entrenchments at all complete, and they were very hastily finished and of poor profile. Engineers and sappers were few in the Russian army, and tools seem to have been lacking.
The strength of the army gathered to defend this very mediocre position cannot be exactly estimated. Russian figures vary, and none seem to be accurate in details. Bogdanovich, for example, reckons 14,500 artillery and sappers present, which, allowing for 1000 of the latter, gives an average of 250 per battery—more than in June!
The only very certain fact about the Russian strength is that when the army reached Gzhatsk it cannot have contained much over 100,000 men, of whom 3000 were militia and 7000 Cossacks. Miloradovich’s 15,500 men were drafted into the regiments, presumably with a view to bringing them up as far as possible to equal strength. On the 4th the army was joined by 7000 militia from Moscow under Count Markov, the vanguard of the great national levy. The total may be fairly estimated at nearly 125,000 men. The militia were absolutely rawtroops; some of them were merely employed on police and fatigue duties. There were over 17,000 excellent regular cavalry, 7000 Cossacks, and 640 guns and howitzers, admirably appointed and horsed.
Napoleon had left perhaps 700 men in Gzhatsk, and allowing 1000 men for casualties at Gridnevo and Kolotskoï, and 2000 for stragglers or men who failed to rejoin, he had still over 131,000 men on the 5th of September, exclusive of the head-quarters guard, at least 3000 men, who must be counted as present no less than the Russian militia. Between the 5th and 7th the army was reinforced by 4000 cavalry, giving a total of 138,000 men available. There were about 32,000 cavalry, but their superiority in numbers hardly compensated for the inferior condition of the horses. The weight of metal thrown by the 584 guns was slightly superior to that projected by the 640 opposing pieces; and the former—with the exception of the regimental artillery—were undoubtedly more efficiently served, but here also the horses were in poor condition.
After the fight at Kolotskoï the French moved forward,—the main column by the new road, Eugène to the left rear, Poniatowski by the old road on the right—Konovnitzin and his troops retiring steadily before them. The Russian army was not yet definitely ranged for battle, the direction of Napoleon’s attack being still uncertain. Barclay, with the 2nd, 4th and 6th Corps, was behind Borodino, Bagration about Semenovskoï with an advanced guard, under his second in command Prince Gorchakov, at Shevardino, where a redoubt had been thrown up and armed with 12 heavy guns. Gorchakov’s force comprised the 27th Division, Sievers’ cavalry corps, the 2nd Cuirassier Division, and a light infantry regiment from the 2nd Corps. The 3rd and 5th Corps, with the militia, were for the present held in reserve.
It was not until 3 p.m. that Konovnitzin retired from Kolotskoï, and probably not before 5 that Murat attackedGorchakov. The 3rd Chasseurs were ejected from the hamlet of Doronimo by the 61st Regiment, which marched at the head of Compans’ division; and the French infantry attacked the redoubt. It was a hastily constructed work; but the 27th Division fought with steady determination and contested its possession fiercely, the cavalry co-operating by means of repeated charges, in one of which the Russian Cuirassiers captured 5 guns. The position was taken and retaken three times, and Bagration seems to have contemplated holding it definitely, for at 8 he relieved Neverovski’s troops by the division of Karl of Mecklenburg. But by this time Poniatowski was well advanced along the old Moscow road on the left; and about 10 p.m. Bagration, by Kutuzov’s orders, withdrew to the main position. The losses on both sides had been considerable. Bagration, who had exposed himself in his usual reckless fashion, was slightly wounded, as were also Gorchakov and St. Priest.
The French army was not yet fully concentrated, and Napoleon occupied the 6th in reconnoitring the Russian position and arranging his plan of attack, while the troops already on the field rested. On the Russian side the army was placed in position, and the day was for the most part spent in religious exercises, culminating in the progress of the Virgin of Smolensk, which had been rescued from the city, through the camps.
The Russian commanders realised that they ran the risk of being turned by the old Moscow road. Tuchkov’s corps was therefore withdrawn from the general reserve and posted at Utitza, with the Moscow militia behind it in support, and 6 regiments of Cossacks under Karpov on its left near Michino. On the plateau to the north of the new road were the 2nd and 4th Corps, the 2nd on the right and the latter to the left, near Gorki. Dokhturov, with a brigade of Voronzov’s Grenadiers attached, stood between Gorki and the Great Redoubt. Raievski’s weak corps occupied the space between Dokhturov andSemenovskoï and garrisoned the Great Redoubt, while the 8th Corps (less Voronzov’s detached brigade) and the 27th Division held Semenovskoï and the redans. The wood between Borozdin’s left and Tuchkov was occupied by 4 regiments of light infantry. Every corps had its Chasseur regiments thrown out in front. Borodino was garrisoned by the Chasseurs of the Imperial Guard. Kutuzov and Bennigsen were stationed between Gorki and Tzarévo, whence they could overlook nearly the entire field.
Behind the first line stood the cavalry, each reserve corps having attached for the day a regiment of Corps-Hussars. Uvarov, having also the Cossacks of the Guard, was with Baggohufwudt, Korff behind Ostermann-Tolstoï, Kreutz (vicePahlen invalided) in rear of Dokhturov, and Sievers behind Semenovskoï, with Duka’s Cuirassier division. Platov had 5 Cossack regiments watching the right flank, and 9 more in rear of the 2nd Corps. The 5th Corps, now under General Lavrov, was at Tzarévo, with an artillery reserve of about 240 field and horse guns.
These dispositions have not escaped criticism. Clausewitz considers that there were too many troops on the right, and as they had eventually for the most part to be brought over to the left he was probably correct. Bennigsen says that he saw that the left would be attacked in force, and that Bagration needed reinforcing. Both opinions have rather the air of wisdom after the event, and the manœuvre proposed by Clausewitz of forming a huge reserve, allowing Napoleon to drive back Bagration, and then attacking his advancing line in flank, seems rather a hazardous one.
The Russian line comprised four sections. Miloradovich commanded the 2nd and 4th Corps and the 1st and 2nd Cavalry Corps; Dokhturov the 6th Corps and the 3rd Cavalry Corps; Gorchakov the 7th and 8th Corps and Sievers’ cavalry; and Tuchkov the 3rd Corps and theMoscow militia. Finally, Barclay was in charge of the right half of the line, Bagration of the left. This multiplicity of generals was a nuisance. Barclay and Bagration sent orders direct to the divisional and brigade commanders.
The precise part which Kutuzov took in the battle is uncertain: the general impression is that he left Barclay and Bagration to direct the movements of the troops, except in a few instances.
It is a little doubtful if the Russian commanders intended nothing but a mere obstinate defensive. As has been already mentioned, Borodino was garrisoned and the bridge left intact; and from Barclay’s actions and remarks, as recorded by Löwenstern, he seems to have contemplated a counter-offensive on the right. The vigour of the French attack, however, in any case rendered this idea, if entertained, fruitless.
As regards the French plans, there is little information to be gathered from Napoleon’s orders, which merely provide in the simplest manner for massing batteries and opening infantry attacks, after which directions would be given according to circumstances. Poniatowski was to turn the Russian left by the old Moscow road—a task for which he had not enough troops. Probably, owing to the interposing woods, the Russian force on the old road had not been estimated at its real strength. Davout endeavoured to be allowed to make a strong flanking movement, but Napoleon characterised it as too hazardous. Probably his real fear was that the Russians would evacuate their position under its menace, and so rob him of the battle which he anxiously desired. The battle resolved itself into a general assault of the bulk of the French army upon the Borodino-Utitza line, which, to withstand the attacks upon it, was ultimately manned by the greater part of the Russian host. It is certain that Davout was in a state of sullen rage at the rejection of his advice, as well as at the fact that Morandand Gérard were detached from the 1st Corps, and placed for the day under the orders of Eugène.
Napoleon was certainly unwell. To say that he had a cold appears little to those who do not reflect that a cold may be very troublesome. Whatever the precise degree of Napoleon’s sickness there can be no doubt as to his lack of activity, and for a circumstance so remarkable there must have been strong reasons. It was no small cause that could keep the great conqueror, during a battle upon which his fortunes depended, lying listlessly on a rug behind his line.
During the 6th the French sappers raised three battery-emplacements in front of the 1st, 3rd and 4th Corps, each for 24 guns; but they were placed at too great a distance from the Russian line and played no part in the battle.
The night of the 6th-7th was foggy. Early on the 7th, while the troops were forming, the usual Imperial proclamation was read by the Colonels. It was a brief and uninspiring document, which can hardly have done much to raise the spirits of the men. De Chambray says that it was coldly received. Kutuzov’s proclamation, which was read to the Russian troops after the religious services on the 6th, was a much more effective production.
The French army was disposed in the following order from right to left. The 5th Corps was on the old Moscow road. Davout, with the divisions of Friant, Compans and Desaix, stood opposite Borozdin’s position and the wood to its south. Ney continued the line to the Kolotza with Ledru’s and Razout’s divisions; the relics of Scheler’s Württemberg division, now consolidated into only 3 battalions, were in reserve. North of the Kolotza, communicating with the other troops by means of five trestle bridges, was Eugène with the 4th Corps (less Pino’s division), Morand’s and Gérard’s divisions, Grouchy’s cavalry corps and Preising’s Bavarian horsemen.
In rear of Ney were the 8th Corps and Latour-Maubourg’s cavalry. Nansouty’s cavalry corps supported Davout. The Imperial Guard, with Montbrun’s cavalry corps, just rejoined by its light division, formed the general reserve, its final position being about the Shevardino redoubt captured on the 5th, near which Napoleon stationed himself.
About 6 a.m. the artillery of Davout’s corps, speedily supported by that of Ney, began a furious cannonade of the Russian left centre. Very soon afterwards Davout opened the infantry attack, sending forward Compans’ division against the Semenovskoï redans, while Ney supported by moving forward Ledru on Compans’ left. The Russian entrenchments were so slight that there was little difficulty in entering, but to hold them was a very different matter. Redan No. 2 was carried by the 24th Léger and the 57th of the line, but Voronzov, charging with his six Grenadier battalions formed in square, supported by Neverovski and some of Sievers’ dragoons, drove them out again, and the fight raged fiercely about the almost useless earthworks, which were taken and retaken as the generals on either side threw in reinforcements.
Bagration, seeing the heavy masses advancing against him, and fearing that he would be overpowered, ordered Tuchkov to send Konovnitzin’s division (now commanded by Tuchkov IV, Konovnitzin being on Kutuzov’s staff) from Utitza. This reinforcement was necessary, for by 8 Voronzov and Neverovski, no longer able to bear up against superior numbers, were evicted from all three redans, Voronzov being wounded. Tuchkov came up in time to rally the retreating battalions, and Bagration promptly led forward a fresh counter-attack which was successful in recovering the lost position, though Compans was now supported by Desaix. Already the terrible “Battle of the Generals” was earning its name. Compans was disabled first, then Desaix, while Rapp, sent byNapoleon to succeed Compans, received four wounds in about an hour.
On the left Eugène had attacked Borodino with Delzons’ division of the 4th Corps. The attack was made under cover of the mist which still hung over the field, and the village was carried with a rush. The Guard Chasseurs lost 30 officers in a quarter of an hour, and were driven in wild confusion to and across the Kolotza. The bridge was taken, and the 106th French Regiment poured across it in pursuit. The garrison would have been destroyed but for the 1st Chasseurs, under Colonel Karpenko, who hurried up to the rescue. Charged by them, and smitten by the fire of Ostermann-Tolstoï’s guns from the farther bank, the 106th lost heavily. General Plauzonne was killed as he endeavoured to rally it, and its remains were driven back across the stream. Karpenko’s charge was stopped by the 92nd Regiment, but he succeeded in destroying the bridge. Eugène left Delzons to watch the Kolotza north of the village, placed the Royal Guard in reserve, stationed the cavalry of the 4th Corps and Preising’s division, now united under General Ornano, to cover the left flank, and turned Morand’s, Gérard’s and Broussier’s divisions, supported by Grouchy, against Dokhturov and Raievski.
On the right Poniatowski captured Utitza, held only by the outposts, without difficulty; but on the knoll beyond Tuchkov had massed a strong force of artillery, supported by Strogonov’s division, while the Chasseurs in the wood to the north brought a flanking fire to bear upon the Poles. Poniatowski ranged 40 guns in advance of the village, but they failed to silence Tuchkov’s artillery, and for some hours the action in this quarter was reduced to cannonading and skirmishing.
Kutuzov, seeing that nearly the whole French army was moving against his centre and left, about 7.30 a.m. ordered Baggohufwudt to march the bulk of his corps to the support of Bagration. But as the movement wouldtake some time, and Bagration appeared to need immediate support, the Ismailovski and Lithuanian Guards, some Grenadiers, and a brigade of Cuirassiers, were sent forward, much to the disgust of Barclay, who held strong views about depleting reserves until the last moment. He hurried to Kutuzov, and begged him not to use up the Guard until things became critical, and Kutuzov assented. His action during the greater part of the battle indeed seems to have been confined to approving his lieutenants’ measures.
Davout and Ney, after being forced from the redans, reformed their troops for another assault. Friant’s division was called up in support, and Tharreau’s division of the 8th Corps sent forward by Napoleon against the wood to the south, from which the Russian light infantry were keeping up a heavy fire. When the Westphalians began to penetrate the wood matters appeared critical for Bagration, exposed to attacks in front and flank at the same time; but at 9 a.m. Baggohufwudt’s corps arrived to his support. Eugen’s division was placed in reserve behind Semenovskoï; two of Olsuviev’s regiments reinforced Tuchkov IV, while the remaining four pushed into the wood and drove the Westphalians out again.
The attack on the wood had, however, caused the cessation of the flanking fire which had annoyed the Poles; and Poniatowski attacked and carried the knoll behind Utitza. The success was but momentary. Strogonov rallied his broken division; Tuchkov I himself led forward the Pavlovsk Grenadier regiment; while Olsuviev broke out of the wood with two regiments of Chasseurs. Attacked in front and flank, and charged by Olsuviev in the rear, the Poles were unable to stand and were thrust back to Utitza. The Russian success was achieved at the cost of the life of Tuchkov, who was mortally wounded as he led on his Grenadiers.
The arrival of Baggohufwudt enabled Bagration tosteady his line against the renewed advance of Davout and Ney. The struggle on the low heights was indescribably close and desperate. Behind the furiously fighting masses of infantry hovered the cavalry, charging again and again as opportunities presented themselves. By 10 a.m. the French had once more taken the redans; and the 15th Léger, of Friant’s division, fought its way into the ruins of Semenovskoï. Borozdin, charging with four regiments of Grenadiers, drove it out again past the redans, but was then set upon by Nansouty’s cavalry and forced back; and the struggle raged more furiously than ever as the French once more stormed the redans, to be hurled out again by a counter-attack of Tuchkov IV’s division, led by Konovnitzin. Already the losses had been fearful. Romœuf, Davout’s chief-of-staff, had fallen, and on the Russian side General Tuchkov IV, the second of his family to die for Russia on the field of Borodino.
Eugène, having crossed the Kolotza by the temporary bridges, placed batteries in position to bombard the Great Redoubt, and formed Morand’s division opposite that of Paskievich, which held the knoll. Broussier moved forward in support on Morand’s left, while Gérard was still crossing the stream. Paskievich’s troops outside the redoubt were so shattered by the fire of the French batteries that they sought refuge behind the shoulder of the knoll; and General Bonami, with the 30th of the Line, saw his chance. As the regiment advanced up the knoll it suffered fearfully in its close formation, but nevertheless pressed on dauntlessly and stormed the work, after a furious struggle with the Russian infantry and gunners, who proved, as Captain François says, worthy antagonists.
This sudden piercing of the centre of the Russian line produced an immediate counter-attack, while Morand’s other regiments appear to have been too busy with Kolubakin’s division to support Bonami. A message washurriedly sent to Barclay; but without waiting for orders all the officers on the spot immediately did the right thing. Yermólov, who was at hand, picked up a battalion of the Ufa regiment (Likhachev’s division) and was joined by Colonel Löwenstern, Barclay’s aide, with one of the Regiment of Tomsk. Likhachev hurried up the 19th and 40th Chasseurs. Vassilchikov promptly turned a battalion of Kolubakin’s division against the lost redoubt, and Paskievich, rallying his broken division, again pushed forward. The improvised attack was completely successful. Unsupported, except by one battalion of the 13th Léger, the gallant 30th was lost. The redoubt was recaptured and Bonami desperately wounded and taken. As the remains of the regiment streamed away down the knoll, Barclay came upon the scene, and let loose a brigade of Kreutz’s Dragoons. The 30th was almost completely destroyed, only 11 officers and 257 men being able to rally. The Russians had not come off scatheless. Count Kutaïsov was killed as he led the charge with Yermólov, and the latter was wounded. To cover the escape of the remains of the 30th Eugène concentrated a tremendous artillery fire on the redoubt, in which Barclay replaced Paskievich’s shaken division by Likhachev’s.
The Great Redoubt was retaken at about 11 a.m., and at the same time Ney, Davout and Murat made a last and determined assault on Bagration’s position about Semenovskoï. The last reserves of the 1st and 3rd Corps were thrown into the fight; Napoleon sent up the rest of the 8th Corps; behind the infantry were ranged Nansouty’s and Latour-Maubourg’s corps and the Corps Cavalry, and the attack was covered by the fire of over 250 guns.
This final assault was made by the French and Germans with magnificent courage. Under the furious fire of the Russian artillery and musketry the attacking columns pressed steadily on. The sight of their advance rousedBagration to generous admiration. Believing that it could not be stayed by artillery and infantry fire, he determined to make a counter-attack, and sent forward every available battalion. Again the opposing forces closed in deadly strife—Frenchmen, Russians and sturdy Germans, Spaniards and Portuguese enlisted in a quarrel not their own, fighting to the death around the blood-stained derelict redans. The cavalry joined in the conflict, individual regiments and squadrons striking in whenever an opportunity occurred. Bagration was desperately wounded in the leg; and Löwenstern tells how he found him lying among his staff behind the line, while Sir James Wylie, Alexander’s surgeon, attended to his wound. He said to Löwenstern, “How goes it with Barclay? Tell him that the safety of the army depends upon him. All goes well here at present”—and then seeing that Löwenstern was himself wounded, he kindly added: “Get yourself bandaged.” This touch helps one to understand the personal admiration which Bagration undoubtedly inspired in nearly everyone who came in contact with him; and it is certain that his fall caused a serious slackening in the vigour of the defence. Once more the stubborn Russians were driven from the redans and past Semenovskoï; and this time they were not to regain their lost positions.
After Bagration’s wound the temporary command devolved upon the brave soldier Konovnitzin; but he was unable to check the retreat which had now definitely set in. The whole of the defending force gave back towards Tzarévo, and upon it Murat launched his great masses of cavalry. Still there appear to have been no signs of demoralisation, and little real disorder; and, though clearly worsted, the Russian infantry maintained a desperate resistance. Behind Semenovskoï the Ismailovski and Lithuanian Guards, which had not yet been seriously engaged, were drawn up in squares; and, their heavy fire checked the advance of the Frenchcavalry. Murat brought up some batteries which opened fire against them, while in the intervals of the cannonade Latour-Maubourg’s corps charged their shattered battalions. The Guards suffered fearfully, but closed their ranks and held firm, repelling three charges of the Saxon Cuirassiers, who were almost annihilated. The two regiments must, however, have been destroyed also but that Borozdin II came to their rescue with a Cuirassier brigade, checking the French horsemen by countercharges and enabling the Guards to follow in the retreat, leaving their position outlined in squares of dead and dying.
In the rear of Semenovskoï the ground was covered with struggling hordes of infantry and cavalry. Out of the confusion at length emerged some sort of order, the Russians taking up position along the Tzarévo plateau, covered by the fire of batteries from the reserve, while Davout and Ney reformed in front of Semenovskoï. Davout had been hit four times, but declined to leave the field, though obliged to withdraw for a short time, during which Ney and Murat exercised the command. The King of Naples behaved with all his usual reckless bravery; and Baron Lejeune speaks with admiration of the splendid figure presented by Ney, as he stood directing the battle from the parapet of a redan. And on the other side Barclay, now practically in sole command of the Russian army, was setting an example no less heroic, apparently wishing to meet his death on the field of Borodino. As the stress of battle grew, the Russian generals for the most part concealed the insignia which made them conspicuous; not so the slandered War-Minister, who faced the storm wearing full-dress uniform and all his decorations. It is impossible not to appreciate the heroic impulse that prompted him, like Nelson and many another fiery spirit, to expose himself to death decorated with the badges won on the field of honour. His staff were almost all killed or wounded, and he had twohorses shot under him, but escaped with the slightest injury.
MARSHAL NEY
MARSHAL NEYCommander of the 3rd French Army Corps. The hero of the RetreatAfter the picture by Langlois at Versailles
As he saw Bagration’s line driven in, Kutuzov had ordered the 4th Corps also to draw in to the centre. By noon the Russian position was peculiar. Dokhturov on the right and Tuchkov on the left still faced the French in nearly their old positions, while the rest of the army stretched in a convex between them. To drive back Dokhturov and Tuchkov was Napoleon’s next object, and he was about to order forward part of his Guard when, apparently a little after noon, he received intelligence that his left was being attacked.
Early in the day Platov, reconnoitring towards the right, had ascertained that there were comparatively few French troops north of the Kolotza, and had proposed to the commander-in-chief a cavalry attack on their flank and rear. Kutuzov assented, and for the purpose detailed Uvarov’s cavalry corps,[6]some 3500 sabres strong. Clausewitz, who was then on Uvarov’s staff, criticises the movement severely. Certainly 3500 regular, and 4000 irregular, horsemen could not of themselves effect much; but it is a little difficult to concur in his opinion that the detachment of Uvarov’s corps was a rash weakening of the line. It is easier to agree with him when he says that the movement was made too early in the day. Uvarov, however, was very slow and did not cross the Kolotza until past eleven. About 11.30 he approached the Voïna (a little stream which enters the Kolotza at Borodino), at Besubovo, about a mile and a half from the former village. On the Russian side of the stream stood Guyon’s cavalry brigade and a regiment of the Italian Guard, which withdrew over a mill dam before the fire of Uvarov’s artillery to join the rest of the Guard and Delzons’ division, which occupied Borodino. Platov now came up, and his wild horsemen dashed through a ford and among the Italian infantry, followed,without orders, by the Cossacks of the Guard, who lost heavily in charging the squares. Uvarov, however, would not risk his regulars, halted, sent for orders and finally withdrew. Clausewitz’s comment is that he was not the man to lead such an attack. Löwenstern fumes at his slowness and hesitation. More, undoubtedly, might have been achieved with a bolder commander. Even so his feeble diversion brought Eugène back across the Kolotza with Broussier’s division, and delayed the advance against the Great Redoubt. He finally withdrew about 3 p.m., but before this Eugène had returned across the Kolotza.
All this time a tremendous and unprecedented cannonade was being kept up. Between Borodino and Utitza some 900 guns were in action. The Great Redoubt was being furiously bombarded by Eugène’s artillery, while Ney’s batteries brought a converging fire to bear upon it from the southward. To storm it Eugène detailed Gérard’s division, hitherto but lightly engaged, while Morand and Broussier supported; and Napoleon ordered Montbrun, with his Cuirassier divisions, to charge the Russian line on Gérard’s right. Montbrun was killed as he led forward his men, and General Caulaincourt, brother of the Duke of Vicenza, came hastily from the Emperor to take up the command. “Don’t stop to lament!” he said to the dead general’s aides. “Follow and avenge him!” The mass of mail-clad horsemen broke through the Russian line south of the redoubt, wheeled to the left and came thundering upon its rear, just as Eugène’s infantry reached it in front. For the four regiments of Likhachev’s division which held it there was no escape—at least as regards the major part. Some of them who were outside the work succeeded in saving themselves; but those within were trapped and, after maintaining a desperate resistance against the charges in front and rear, were almost all cut to pieces. Likhachev, who was very ill, flung himself among the assailants, and had almostfound the death which he sought when some French soldiers, attracted by his insignia, took him prisoner, severely wounded. Caulaincourt was struck down as he led the triumphant charge of his Cuirassiers—one more victim of the fatal “Battle of the Generals.”
The capture of the redoubt opened a huge gap in the Russian line, through which Eugène’s and Grouchy’s cavalry poured to complete the victory. Against them Barclay hurled all the horsemen whom he had under his hand—the 2nd and 3rd Cavalry Corps and the Cuirassiers of the Guard—leading more than one charge in person, while Ostermann-Tolstoï’s corps, supported by the yet unengaged portions of the 5th Corps, was ordered to make a counter-attack towards Semenovskoï. Ostermann-Tolstoï, as he had shown at Ostrovno, was not the man for an emergency; Löwenstern says that he appeared to have entirely lost his head. He moved forward so slowly that Ney, Davout and Murat were able to make preparations to receive him. The French infantry were almost fought out; the cavalry had literally “foamed themselves away” in endeavouring to shatter the resistance of the stubborn Russian infantry; the fire of the Russian artillery was as steady and effective as ever. The Marshals sent again and again for some part of the Guard to support their weary men, but Napoleon refused to risk it. The Russian writers express astonishment at his caution. All that he would do was to send forward the reserve of heavy artillery, under Comte Sorbier. Sorbier swore at Lejeune, who brought the order to advance. “I ought to have had it an hour ago!” was his comment.
The Marshals had got together 80 guns wherewith to oppose the Russian advance; and when Sorbier came up the 4th Corps was overwhelmed with a crushing cannonade, against which it could not make way. Its losses were terrible. General Bakhmetiev had his leg carried away; Ostermann-Tolstoï himself and severalof his staff were wounded. The supporting cavalry charged with splendid audacity, and some of them actually re-entered the Semenovskoï redans. All was in vain. Sorbier’s battery had turned the scale against the Russians, and by about 4 o’clock they were in full retreat. The infantry and cavalry on both sides were fairly fought out, and the struggle was maintained only by the artillery, except on the extreme left of the Russian line, where Tuchkov’s force, now commanded by Baggohufwudt, was practically isolated. The Polish Corps, supported by the Westphalians on the left, succeeded about 5 p.m. in carrying the Utitza knoll, and Baggohufwudt, still barring the road, drew back into line with the centre and left. There was a last flicker of hostility near Semenovskoï, where the Finnish Guards repulsed an advance of some French battalions, and then the battle died away in a dwindling cannonade, until a thick fog shrouded in a merciful veil the awful scene of slaughter. The Russian line, reformed by Barclay, stretched from beyond Gorki along the edge of the Tzarévo plateau to the old Moscow road. Four Chasseur regiments, under Colonel Potemkin, were on the right with Platov’s Cossacks. The remains of Dokhturov’s corps, supported by Uvarov, held Gorki. Next came Ostermann-Tolstoï’s corps; and thence Raievski and Borozdin, with Prince Eugen’s and Shakovski’s (late Tuchkov IV’s) divisions, continued the line to Baggohufwudt’s position. The cavalry was in rear, and the 5th Corps in reserve behind the centre. The French lay opposite, Delzons and Lecchi north of the Kolotza and, to the south of the river, the 4th, 3rd, 1st, 8th and 5th Corps in succession from Borodino through Semenovskoï to a point about 1200 yards east of Utitza.
The consensus of opinion of eyewitnesses on the Russian side is that the spirit of the Russians was unbroken, and that there was little confusion in the ranks. Löwenstern says that he offered to attack the GreatRedoubt at break of day, and that Barclay approved. Kutuzov, however, when he learned the extent of the slaughter in his army, decided to retreat. It is quite certain that he must have retired in a day or two, since he had no reserves, while Napoleon had 11,000 fresh troops (Laborde and Pino) approaching the field. Barclay, however, was bitterly angry; and when he received the order to retreat broke into a fierce invective against Bennigsen, to whose influence he attributed Kutuzov’s resolution.
Under cover of darkness the Russian army quietly withdrew, and on the 8th took up a position in front of Mozhaïsk. The retreat was effectually covered by the Cossacks, who displayed great audacity, and in the night of the 7th-8th repeatedly disturbed the French bivouacs. The French cavalry, shattered and exhausted, could do little or nothing, and the Russians remained all through the 8th at Mozhaïsk, employing the time in reorganising, and in evacuating towards Moscow as many as possible of their wounded. Nevertheless many were left to inevitable death on the field, and thousands more abandoned at Mozhaïsk to the mercy of the French, who, themselves in a sorely distressed condition, simply cast them out to die of misery in the fields.
Regarding the major tactics of the battle of Borodino there is little to say. Napoleon had deliberately chosen to make a frontal attack upon the Russian army in place of turning it; and in the practical absence of his personal supervision the battle almost fought itself. The idea of taking advantage of the extension of the Russian right by overwhelming the left was an excellent one. It was foiled by the determination of Bagration’s resistance, which permitted Baggohufwudt’s corps to be moved across to his support. On the part of the Russians the occupation in force of the position north of the new road proved a blunder, which the remarkable solidity of the Russian resistance enabled the generals to repair in time.
As regards what is often considered Napoleon’s fatal error in not throwing in the Guard it is very doubtful whether it was an error at all. It must be remembered that Ney’s and Davout’s troops were almost, if not quite, fought out, that the Russians were still solid and undemoralised, and holding a position quite as strong as that from which they had been evicted; and that Kutuzov still had some almost untouched reserves. The Guard would have had no easy victory, and Napoleon was probably right when he refused to expose it to severe and perhaps fatal losses. He knew that the Russians were neither routed nor in disorder; and if they stood to fight again nearer Moscow he might yet have sore need of his Guard. He was 1200 miles from the frontier of his dominions, and in case of disaster all must depend upon it.
Of the minor tactics little need be said. On both sides they were crude and wasteful. There was a deficiency of infantry on the French side, and the cavalry was freely employed to supplement it, with the result that it was half destroyed. The infantry formations were dense and clumsy, it was a case of heavy mass pushing against heavy mass, with cavalry mingled in the melée, and all under the fire of a thousand or more pieces of artillery. It is no wonder that the losses were unprecedented on both sides.
Napoleon gave his loss at 10,000. French writers admit the suspicious round number of 28,000—6547 killed and 21,453 wounded—but Martinien’s lists show 49 generals and 1934 officers killed and wounded, and even allowing for the fact that many of the effectives were now low, and the proportion of officers to rank and file therefore higher than usual, this can scarcely imply less than 43,000 casualties. Even the troops which had never been sent forward had suffered somewhat from the cannonade.
borodino
BATTLE OF BORODINO (September 7th, 1812)
The losses of the First Russian Army from the 4th tothe 7th of September are stated by Bogdanovich at 9252 killed and 19,226 wounded. Those of the Second Army may perhaps, since it contained only 54 battalions and 52 squadrons as against Barclay’s 122 battalions and 112 squadrons, be estimated at 12,000. Adding the losses of the militia, a total is obtained of possibly 41,000 or 42,000. Sir Robert Wilson estimates it at 1500 officers and 36,000 men. Buturlin gives 15,000 killed and 30,000 wounded.
Prisoners there were few—perhaps 1000 or 1200 French and 2000 Russians. The estimates of guns captured are somewhat vague. Kutuzov’s official figure of French guns taken and carried off by the Russians is 8. There may, of course, have been others disabled. The Russians seem to have lost about 18 in all.
On the field Borodino can scarcely be described as anything but a drawn battle. Napoleon had gained a little ground, but the Russian army was unbroken and apparently quite willing to renew the contest next day. Strategically the French appeared to have obtained a slight success, since they were able to continue their advance to Moscow. On the other hand, the battle, which ruined the cavalry and seriously shattered the infantry, brought ultimate ruin distinctly nearer. Perhaps its most noteworthy result was the extent to which the morale of the Napoleonic army was broken.