Chapter 13

1. Staff leader [Init.] 2. Central Office 27 Sep 44 [Init.] 3. Administration 27 Sep 44 [Init.] Returned to the Chancellery

Subject: Treatment of Prisoners of War—Tasks of the guard units.

The regulations, valid until now, on the treatment of Prisoners of War, and the tasks of the guard units are no longer justified in view of the demands of the total war effort. Therefore, the Supreme Command (OKW) of the Armed Forces, on my suggestion, issued the regulation, a copy of which is enclosed.

The following is cited for its contents:

1. The understanding exists between the Chief of the Supreme Command of the Armed Forces (OKW) and myself, thatthe cooperation of the party in the commitment of prisoners of war is inevitable. Therefore, the officers, assigned to the prisoner of war system, have been instructed, tocooperate most closely with the bearers of sovereignty[Hoheitstraeger]; the commandants of the prisoner of war camps have to detail immediatelyliaison officers to the Kreisleiters.

Thus the opportunity will be afforded the Hoheitstraeger, to alleviate existing difficulties locally, to exercise influence on the behavior of the guard units and tobetter assimilate the commitment of the prisoners of war to the political and economic demands.

2. The increase of performance [Leistungssteigerung] of the prisoners of war depends decisively on how the guard and auxiliary units understand their task, and what position they take toward the prisoners of war. From this knowledge the necessity is derived,to orient them again and again politically and ideologically, to put the meaning of their mission constantly before their eyes. For that, in all base camps [Stalags] National Socialist leaders from headquarters [hauptamtliche NS-Fuehrungsoffiziere] are being assigned.

I request the Hoheitstraeger to support the commandants of the prisoners of war in the selection of capable officers. Above that, the Hoheitstraeger are to furnish the commandants of the prisoner of war camps with capable speakers for the orientation of the guard and auxiliary units. Collaborators of the offices for national questions [Volkstumfragen] are to be called upon especially for that.

Furthermore, a constant political orientation of the plant owner, who is invested now with special rights toward the prisoners of war and toward the guard units, must take place in cooperation with the German Labor Front (DAF).

/s/ M. Bormann.1 Enclosure!Distribution:ReichsleiterGauleiterVerbaendefuehrerKreisleiter,

Authenticated: [illegible] Cross index file: Prisoners of war—Treatment—Guard units File No. 8810.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 254-PS

Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories.II Pers c—1—Raab Berlin, June 29th 1944.

SECRET

To the Fuehrungsgruppe Pl,Special Unit—"Gotenland"Concerning: Burning of houses in the Wassilkow district.Reference: Your letter from May 24th 1944—P 26 a/44 geh—.

To the Fuehrungsgruppe Pl,Special Unit—"Gotenland"

Concerning: Burning of houses in the Wassilkow district.

Reference: Your letter from May 24th 1944—P 26 a/44 geh—.

Enclosed I am sending you a copy of the point of view of Nachwuchsfuehrer Paul Raab.

I don't see any reasons for taking measures of any kind against Raab.

By order:

Signed: JennesCertified SchraderAdm employee.

SECRET

Grambusch 7.6.44

Paul Raab, Nachwuchsfuehrer

Copy

To the Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories.Berlin W 35, Kurfuerstendamm 134Concerning: Letter from June 2nd 1944—II—Pers c 1—RaabDiary # 81/44 g

To the Reichsminister for the occupied Eastern territories.Berlin W 35, Kurfuerstendamm 134

Concerning: Letter from June 2nd 1944—II—Pers c 1—RaabDiary # 81/44 g

According to a charge by the supreme command of the armed forces I burned down a few houses in the territory of Wassilkow/Ukr. belonging to insubordinate people ordered for work-duty [Arbeitseinsatzpflichtigen]. This accusation is true.

I was committed as district commissioner in the information service in the territory of Wassilkow from May 5th 1942 up to December 28th 1944. Besides many work districts, I was made fully responsible by district commissioner Doehrer to completely fill the district quota of workers to be delivered to Germany. Although the task wasn't agreeable to me, I carried it out conscientiously, with skill, and where it was necessary with sternness. Up until the penetration of the Soviet Armies, this territory delivered more than 31,000 workers to Germany.

During the year of 1942 the conscription of workers was accomplished by way of propaganda. Only very rarely was force necessary. Only in August 1942, measures had to be taken against 2 families in the villages Glewenka and Salisny-Chutter, each of which were to supply one person for labor. Both were requested in June for the first time, but didn't obey although requested repeatedly. They had to be brought up by force, but succeeded twice to escape from the collecting camp, or when being on transport. Before the second arrest, the fathers of both of the men were taken into custody, to be kept as hostages and to be released only when their sons would show up. When, after the second escape, rearrest of both the fathers and boys was ordered, the police patrols ordered to do so, found the houses to be empty.

That time I decided to take measures to show the increasingly rebellious Ukrainian youth that our orders have to be followed. I ordered the burning down of the houses of the fugitives. The result was, that in the future people obeyed willingly, orders concerning labor obligations. However, the measure of burning houses has not become known, for the first time by my actions, but was suggested in a secret letter from the commissioner for the commitment of labor as a forced measure, in case other measures should fail. This hard punishment was accepted by the population with satisfaction, previous to the measures, because both families ridiculed all the other duty anxious families, which sent their children partly voluntarily to the labor commitment.

The year 1943 brought about a new regulation concerning the commitment of labor, by way of regular yearly conscription. Previous to the coming of the conscription, I trained the staff for this task. I had the collecting camp in the territory of Wassilkow fixed to the best of possibilities with clean, light bedrooms, clean sanitary installations, good food, and entertainment. First of all, everything was done away with, which could have caused the Ukrainian to feel that he is being departed by force. A well meaning propaganda was put to work on all workers, right after their arrival into the camp and didn't allow a low feeling to arise. I had reserved for myself the right of exemption on the basis of labor, political, and social reasons; it was handled as big heartedly as the task permitted. Mostly after the start of the first conscription period, the districts of Wassilkow received a local commander in the person of Count Griese. This officer, who caused already great quarrels in the district of Lodwiza and Gadjatsch on account of his arrogant behaviour, also created difficulties in Wassilkow between the armed forces and the civil administration, up to then unknown. First of all he took care of the labor commitment and not only criticized measures taken by me, but received also at any time every complaining Ukrainian, and promised them help against the office of the district commissioner. Up to then I didn't have to take serious measures, because the population was fairly willing. Only a few fugitives had to pay families, and until the money came in, I had secured more or less of their property according to the security of the case. The punished paid their penalties without exception and had their property returned to them. But before they got around to do so, one part complained to the local commander, who didn't by any chance reproach these people, but on the contrary, took care of all the interests of those people, in front of me, and sometimes ordered me with a commanding voice, to nullify my measures. I didn't let it scare me, but carried out the task, for which I was responsible, according to my judgment. But the job was unbearably hard now, since it became known to the population, that the local commander accepts complaints against the district commissioner. After the initial successes, a passive resistance of the population started, which finally forced me to start again on making arrests, confiscations, and transfers to labor camps. After a while a transport of people, obliged to work, overran the police in the railroad station in Wassilkow and escaped. I saw again the necessity for strict measures. A few ring leaders, which of course escaped before they were found in Plissezkoje and in Mitnitza. After repeated attempts to get a hold of them, their houses were burned down. Thereupon, military police were sent to the villages by the local commander and extensive interrogations concerning this affair were made by him. Besides that he hired young Ukrainians as voluntary helpers, which were fugitives from the transient camp. Therefore, every work was made impossible for me, in this sector.

It is not possible for me to give the exact dates of the mentioned happenings above, because after I was last committed in the district of Gaissin, I got into a Soviet ambush in March 1944 near Stanislau. I could only hide my weapons and had to burn my whole baggage including my diary.

In conclusion, I want to point out the following:

1. I had the responsibility within the territory of Wassilkow for the conscripting of the local workers for the Reich. The choice of means, which were used to execute my task, was to be left to me.

2. I worked with the utmost patience and only reverted to stricter punishments, when the success accomplished was in no comparison to the time used.

3. Strict measures, like the burning down of houses, were only used in a few cases. By this means, it was accomplished—at least in 1942—that the recruiting of workers didn't tie down too many police forces, who because of other functions, couldn't be used for that purpose all the time.

4. I was entitled to use such measures by the secret labor-directive for labor commitment staff in the district of Kiew. They, therefor, don't display by any means, any individual actions.

5. The delivery of 31,000 workers to the Reich is definitely important to the war effort. Stern measures are definitely justified in order to prevent a failure of this action.

6. My measures were thought to be just by the biggest part of the population. They only caused displeasure with the Germans, who had only small tasks to perform in the Ukraine, and therefore had too much time for philosophy.

7. My actions against fugitive people obliged to work [Arbeitseinsatz-pflichtige], were always reported to district commissioner Doehrer, in office in Wassilkow, and to the general-commissioner [General kommissar] in Kiew. Both of them know the circumstances and agreed with my measures, because of their success.

Heil Hitler!Signed: Paul Raab.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 265-PS

SECRET

Shitomir, 30 June 1943

The Commissioner General

Oral report on the situation in the general district Shitomir, by Commissioner General Leyser, delivered at an official conference, with Reichs Minister Rosenberg, in Winniza on 17 June 1943.

Mr. Reichs Minister

The employees of the civil administration in the General District of Shitomir have, aside from their administrative work, been charged with the following special tasks:

Agricultural production and collectionRecruiting of workers for Germany and management of forests and timber.

Agricultural production and collection

Recruiting of workers for Germany and management of forests and timber.

The above-mentioned tasks became virtually a problem due to the fact that the general district of Shitomir is particularly "blessed" with bands. Regarding theagriculture, it should be primarily interesting to note that, in the year of 1942,altogether 289 establishments were declaredas agricultural cooperatives. In 1943 altogether501 establishments were, respectively will be, proclaimed agricultural cooperatives. The allotment of farm-land amounted in 1942 to 18%, in 1943, so far, to 10.4% and an additional 10% are expected in the fall.

As a consequence of the strong activity of bands,only about 40%of the acreage of the general district remain, at present, for the regular production and collection; approximately 60% are under the control of the bands. These actually supply the population, in part, with seed and have the fields cultivated by their order and naturally have the intention to take possession of the crop in the fall.

In consequence of the activity of the bands we have access to only 36% of the cattle, 41% of the pigs and 28% of the sheep out of the total stock. As we have to supply particularly the front with meat, we are therefore forced to a certain waste of our cattle stocks. Due to the strong drainage on the substance, there can be no more regular breeding. And too, only 42% of the milk total and 51% of the eggs could be salvaged. The spring cultivation has been performed thoroughly. It was amazing, nonetheless, that in spite of the strong drainage of labor forces into the Reich the tilling was executed with a rapidity which could not have been taken for granted. To judge by the present condition and the weather, an average crop can be expected. However, the securing and salvage of the crop gives much reason to worry. It must be avoided under all circumstances, that the bands get hold of considerable parts of the crop, respectively destroy the farm products which have been brought to collecting points. Sufficient protection for the various collecting points is not provided, the previous experiences do not promise favorable results.

The leaders of agriculture deserve particular praise for their self-sacrificing and dangerous work. In many cases they are only able to fulfill their duties by risking their lives daily. They made numerous sacrifices in blood, in particular lately. Nonetheless, they refuse to be prevented from fulfilling their duty. The present situation is best illuminated by the fact that at this time the agricultural leaders can only work at full, or approximately full, capacity in 5 out of 18 local areas. In all the other areas, we have been forced to withdraw the leaders of the strong points, and rally them at the local or district farmers. From there, they are in most cases only able to perform their work under strong protection of the police or army.

The symptoms created by the recruiting of workers are, no doubt, well known to the Reichs Minister through reports and his own observations. Therefore, I shall not report them. It is certain that a recruitment of labor, in the sense of the word, can hardly be spoken of.In most cases, it is nowadays a matter of actual conscription by force.The population has been stirred up to a large extent and views the transports to the Reich as a measure which does in no way differ from the former exile to Siberia, during the Czarist and Bolshevist systems.

In the foreground stands, at the moment, the mobilization of the young classes of 1923 and 1925. To accomplish this, the active propaganda on our part was used to an extent previously unknown. Therefore, it can be stated that the action had been particularly well prepared and consolidated. In spite of that it did not lead to the desired success. It has to be added that, in the course of the action, the desired contingents had been raised by the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor. I could not confine myself therefore to the classes of 1923 and 1925 alone, but also called up the class of 1922. Beyond that, even other sections of the population which originally should have been spared had to be included. With this our propaganda became for the greater part illusory. But as the Chief Plenipotentiary for the mobilization of labor explained to us the gravity of the situation, we had no other device. I consequently have authorized the commissioners of the areas to apply the severest measures in order to achieve the imposed quota. The deterioration of morale in conjunction with this does not necessitate any further proof. It is nevertheless essential, to win the war on this front too! The problem of labor mobilization cannot be handled with gloves.

Up-to-date, almost 170,000 male and female workers have been sent to the Reich from the general district Shitomir. It can be taken for granted that, during the month of June, this number is going to rise to approximately 200,000.

Management of forests and timber is also one of the principal worries. The general district of Shitomir is very rich in woods. As an average, the wooded area amounts to 26% of the total acreage. In the north, large sections of the country are covered 100% with woods. But this great abundance in woods is also the cause of the many bands. About 1,400,000 hectare of wood, that is 80% of the total, are controlled by bands. Like in the agricultural sector, only a relatively small part of the wood remains for use. Our yearly production potential in timber amounts to 1,300,000 cubic meter. Presumably 1,000,000 cubic meter can be cut. The yearly potential in firewood amounts to 900,000 cubic meter. We hope to achieve this. I may point out that the supply of wood for mines, RR ties, construction and heating purposes is especially important. The activity of the bands permits us at present to cut, on a larger scale, only in the more southern scantily wooded regions. Consequently, the old stock of wood there is being consumed rapidly. The final result, if no change in the condition occurs, will be the careless cutting down of woods, which is going to result in extensive waste land. The fact that we are cutting down wood on a larger scale only in the south, brought strong impetus to the timber industry in the region of Winniza. The time can be foreseen when this period of prosperity will end, and the timber industry in the south will succumb. Whether then a removal of the timber industry into the northern part will be possible depends on the circumstances which at present cannot completely be foreseen.

Regarding the activity of the bands I would like to refer to the numerous reports laid before the Reichs Minister. There can be said hardly anything else on this subject except that the situation is becoming more unfavorable day by day. The situation can be judged best by the fact that at present only one of the larger roads in the general district, the one leading from Shitomir to Winniza, can be used without convoy. Because the activity of the bands is now also growing daily in the south, it is not sure that we shall not be obliged to introduce, sooner or later, the convoy system here too. All other roads of the country are at present passable in convoy only when rifles or machine pistols are held ready to shoot. The sacrifices brought to date in battle with bandits are very great. In about one year's time, the losses through fighting with them in the general district of Shitomir on the German and allied side, including the natives in German service, amount up to nowto 2,568 persons. The number of missing could not be ascertained exactly, because among them are also people who have joined the bands voluntarily or have been recruited forcibly. Their number amounts to an estimated 2,000 persons. Experience shows that these missing persons all die miserably, so the total number of deaths in battle with the bands in the course of the year can be given as about 4,500. Opposing this is the following two demands: (1) Constant transfer of army units into those areas threatened respectively occupied by the bands; (2) Unity of command. The demand to transfer units of the armed forces into the areas controlled by the bands, is supported by special instructions of the OKW [High Command of the Armed Forces] in order to fight the bands. It is regrettable that too frequently the opinion from the respective branches of the armed forces is that this demand cannot be executed on account of technical reasons concerning training. That this objection is always and everywhere true, does not seem credible to me. Frequent violations against the unity of command have been committed. The need for prestige, the quest for power, vanity, etc. have not become extinct as yet. I have to say with regret that so far I found the least understanding for the necessity of our common struggle in the armed forces. At any rate, I have the impression that under the pressure of conditions they arrived at the conclusion, that one cannot take the responsibility anymore to lead an existence alone, but that the collection of all forces alone could only bring us victory.

The struggle which has to be carried on, is hard and full of sacrifices. But it will and must be carried through. Vast psychic forces have been awakened in the members of the civil administration anew daily. The successes, which they were able to achieve so far are impressive particularly with regard to the resistance. May I therefore be permitted at the conclusion of this report to thank all my co-workers for their excellent work. They know that they are practically on the front. I can promise your excellency, that we all shall do our duty now, and in the future, as our Fuehrer has ordered—.

Signed: LEYSER

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 285-PS

The Reichs Commissar for the SudetenlandStamped: Rosenberg Chancellory

The Reichs Commissar for the Sudetenland

Stamped: Rosenberg Chancellory

In Nr 4459 3 Nov 38 Shown to RL 3/11

Reichenberg 31 Oct 1938

Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg

Berlin W 35 Margaretenstrasse 17

[Handwritten note]: Copy to HimmlerDear party member Rosenberg!

[Handwritten note]: Copy to Himmler

Dear party member Rosenberg!

Unfortunately it was not possible for me to thank you for your friendly letter of the 15th of this month, because your news was forwarded to Asch. The technical transportation difficulties under which we had to suffer in the first days of the liberation of the Sudetenland have caused the late deliveries.

I thank you very much for your invitation to visit you in Berlin at the next occasion. Thanking you, I accept your invitation. The important tasks before the elections and the supervision of the reconstruction work keep me very busy. As soon as possible I will give you the date of my arrival in Berlin.

For securing the Marxist, Jewish and confessional literature for your educational and instructional work, my co-worker Dr. Suchy is instructed. He will report to your competent deputy.

Heil Hitler!Signed: KONRAD HENLEIN

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 286-PS

15 October 19384149/R1b

To Konrad Henlein Commissioner [Reichskommissar] for the Sudeten-German territory,Asch, Egerland.Dear Party Comrade Henlein,

To Konrad Henlein Commissioner [Reichskommissar] for the Sudeten-German territory,

Asch, Egerland.

Dear Party Comrade Henlein,

Since the incorporation of Sudeten Germany into the Greater German Reich has finally been executed, I would like to heartily congratulate you on this success in your work.

It is my wish that, in my capacity as Deputy of the Fuehrer for the supervision of the entire education and schooling of the NSDAP, both mentally and ideologically, I shall be able to establish contact between your department and mine as soon as possible. I assume that you will be in Berlin in the not too distant future and would appreciate your information about the date of your visit in order to ask you for the pleasure to be my guest; then we could discuss personally some elementary questions.

However, the following matter has to be taken care of primarily:

It can be assumed that, as a consequence of the retrocession, a larger amount of marxist, Jewish and also of religious literature is due to be confiscated. Such material offers invaluable resources to the library and the scientific research work of the "Hohe Schule" which is in the process of coming into being. Therefore, I am interested particularly in the decisive participation of my department in the screening of material, with the purpose to take over the material particularly of use to my work.

I ask of you to appoint one of your co-workers with whom my representative can get in touch immediately about this particular question.

Heil Hitler.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 290-PS

II Pers. c—Journal No. 322To Leadership Staff PoliticsUnter den Linden 63

II Pers. c—Journal No. 322

To Leadership Staff Politics

Unter den Linden 63

Berlin 12 Nov 1943Secret[pencilled note illegible]

SECRET

Chief of Leadership staff politicsJournal No. P1755/43 g Rel. 15. II 1943Inclosure

Subject: Encroachment by District Commissioner Government Councillor Fritz Mueller in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.Reference: Your letter of 22 July 1943—I 1006/43 g.

Subject: Encroachment by District Commissioner Government Councillor Fritz Mueller in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.

Reference: Your letter of 22 July 1943—I 1006/43 g.

In connection with my letter of 27 Sep. 1943—II Pers, Journal No. 322—I am sending you enclosed a copy of the teletype of RKU of 29 Oct. 1943—I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh, for your information.

According to the explanations of RKU, the conduct of government Councillor Mueller is no cause for disciplinary action against him, I therefore consider the case as closed.

Your files are herewith returned.

By order

1. RKU wants to transfer district Commissioner Mueller for reasons which he will bring later.

Await report.

Signed: Jonnes[Rubber stamp]Ministry for occupied eastern territories

2. Suspend until 10 Jan.

Official Kreis Employees

Copy

SECRET

RKU Rowno 13-929 29 Oct. 1943—1700—Ministry of Eastern affairs Berlin

Subject: Alleged encroachment of district commissioner government councillor Mueller in Kremiancz in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.Reference: Decree of 27 Sep 1943-II Pers. c Journal No. 322—

Subject: Alleged encroachment of district commissioner government councillor Mueller in Kremiancz in connection with the national campaign for the utilization of labor.

Reference: Decree of 27 Sep 1943-II Pers. c Journal No. 322—

For various reasons which I will report later, it is contemplated to replace government councillor Mueller as district commissioner in Kremianez in the near future.

The case on hand is by no means fit to be used for official actions against District Commissioner Mueller. First of all, in my opinion Mueller is not to be considered guilty in this case. It cannot be established, either by the letter from the village Biloserka, which letter caused this investigation, nor by the conduct of district commissioner Mueller, himself, that he was present at the happenings in Biloserka. He therefore cannot be held personally responsible. But even if Mueller had been present at the burning of houses in connection with the national conscription in Biloserka, this should by no means lend to the relief of Mueller from office. It is mentioned specifically in a directive of the Commissioner General in Lusk of 21 Sep 1942, referring to the extreme urgency of the national conscription.

"Estates of those who refuse to work are to be burned, their relatives are to be arrested as hostages and to be brought to forced labor camps." It is obvious that this decree was merely directive in nature and was not a binding order of the individual commissioner to decide according to his own discretion, when the interest of the conscription, such severe measures were to be applied.

I request therefore to consider the case closed.

Reich Commissioner Rowno I 7252 Journal No. 637/43 geh.My order signed: Paltzoto P i 755/439 [in pencil]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 294-PS

Copy

TOP SECRET

Handwritten:II 1 1161/44/ g

Memorandum

In the East, Germany is carrying on a threefold war: a war for the destruction of Bolshevism, a war for the destruction of the greater Russian Empire, and finally a war for the acquisition of colonial territory for colonizing purposes and economic exploitation.

This threefold mission of the Eastern campaign has brought about the enormous resistance of the Eastern peoples. Were the war being conducted only for the smashing of Bolshevism, then it would have been decided long ago in our favor, for, as all experiences of this war have confirmed, Bolshevism is hated to the utmost by the Eastern peoples, above all by the great mass of peasants. Also the dissolution of the greater Russian Empire into its national components would not have provoked the resistance which we meet now. As the numerous prisoner interrogations and other experiences show the shrewd Russians have a complete understanding that this war will end in territorial losses for them and the non-Russian peoples will break out from the confinement within which Russia has forced them. The reduction of the power of resistance of the Red Army is the major portion of the third goal of our campaign. With the inherent instinct of the Eastern peoples the primitive man soon found out also that for Germany the slogan: "Liberation from Bolshevism" was only a pretext to enslave the Eastern peoples according to her own methods. In order that there exist no doubt at all on the German war aim, however, German publicity refers openly to this intention in increasing measure. The conquered territory is claimed publicly not only for Germany as a colonization area, but even for Germany's embittered enemies, the Dutch, Norwegians, and others. The economic exploitation is proclaimed verbally and in print, and carried out with almost elimination of the demands of the indigenous population, even with the greatest lack of consideration.

The populace has more of an understanding of the measures and duties necessitated by war than the conquered peoples of the West. But the laborer and peasant, who were educated to the highest degree of self-consciousness by Bolshevism, soon perceived that Germany did not regard them as partners of equal rights, but considered them only as the objective of her political and economic aims. That disillusioned them unspeakably, all the more since they had placed colossal hopes on Germany.

The main department for politics of the Reich Ministry for the Occupied Eastern territories claims that it has been quite aware of this situation from the beginning. It was soon apparent that the war could not be decided in a short time by arms alone, because of the vast areas and the enemy's inexhaustible reserves of manpower and material, but that as in all great wars of recent times a spiritual disintegration would have to come and the war would have to be changed at the final conclusion to a civil war, all the more since the German Wehrmacht does not intend to occupy completely the territory of the Soviet Union. The Russian collapse of 1917 and the German break-down of 1918 were actually not brought about by weapons alone, but primarily by political disintegration. What Lenin achieved in Russia, the 14 points of Wilson and the undermining effect of Marxism accomplished in Germany. In the Soviet Union we found on our arrival a population weary of Bolshevism, which waited longingly for new slogans, holding out the prospect of a better future to them. It was Germany's duty to find such slogans, but they remained unuttered. The population greeted us with joy as liberators, and placed themselves at our disposal willingly and freely with body and life. Wherever Ukrainians, Russians, White Ruthenians and members of the Baltic peoples were enlisted in the German Wehrmacht or in the police they have proved themselves and fought excellently almost without exception. The Main Department for Politics tried every means of keeping this vast capital that had fallen into our lap, and of utilizing it for our purposes. To this purpose it was necessary that National Socialism separate itself from Bolshevism with a sharp line of distinction and open to the populace prospects of a new better life. All measures which the Main Department for Politics suggested were directed toward this one goal of preserving this capital. They have been many times attacked as the expression of a weak sentimental humanitarian attitude, of a form of German sentimentalism, and they were in reality only the expression of completely coarse material politics. For nothing else was contemplated than to preserve the mass millions of the Eastern area in the adjustment to us which was encountered with, in order to draw from it the greatest possible use for Germany both militaristically, politically and economically. Should this political policy succeed, the greatest reactions on the enemy troops were to be expected. For years the masses of the S.U. (Soviet Union) were stirred up against the surrounding world by the most efficient propaganda machine that has ever existed. Until 1939 National Socialism had been the target of the most spiteful attacks. Day after day it was hammered into the laborers and peasants that the active masses in Germany were a sacrifice to the most terrible exploitation. With extreme tension workers and peasants looked forward to the German administration. To be sure they had not completely trusted the Bolshevist propaganda, but in spite of that they met the new masters with a certain feeling of doubt.

As we all know, the peoples of the S.U. (Soviet Union) have gone through the hardest times. Consequently, they are of a simplicity inconceivable to us, even in the political sphere. A form of government which was not intent only on plundering and exploitation and which put aside the Bolshevist methods would have kindled the greatest enthusiasm and put at our disposal a mass of millions. And the enthusiasm in the occupied Eastern territories would have had its reaction on the force of resistance of the Red Army. It would have been easily attainable to have the Red Army man say to himself: "I fight for a system that is throughout worse than that which awaits me in the case of a defeat. I will be better off in every respect among the Germans than I have been until now". If the Red Army man had become convinced of his general well-being, the war would have been at an end very soon.

Knowing this the Main Department for Politics believed it to be its primary duty to assist our combat troops with all their power by a propaganda campaign aimed at crippling the power of resistance of the Red Army and to shorten the war in this way. For the attainment of this goal there are, among the measures proposed, two of the utmost importance: The Agrarian Law and Religious Freedom, which is essentially distinct from that of the Bolshevists.

Considering the exceptionally great significance which approaches the agrarian question in the Soviet Union, the Main Department for Politics was demanding even before the beginning of the Eastern campaign, that the Kolchos be dissolved and an individual agrarian economy be introduced again. This proposal was turned down by the Four Year Plan with the remark that organic changes were not to be considered during the war. Not until August of 1st year was an increase of the farmland successfully put through.

Before the realization could be carried out, however, the Four Year Plan had recognized that the impetuous pressure of the whole peasant population for the dissolution of the collective would have to be reckoned with in some way in the interest of production itself. The proposal of the Main Department for Politics for the dissolution of the collective found its defeat in the new agrarian decree. A few months had been sufficient to make clear, not only to all Wehrmacht units down to the youngest lieutenant in the line farthest forward, but also to the units in the home country and the civil administration in the occupied Eastern territories, the need of reform in the Kolchos constitution. The only exceptions in this knowledge were the two Reich Commissars, whose disagreement unfortunately caused a delay of several weeks. The new Agrarian Decree came out shortly before the spring planting and was greatly played up in the territories by the Press and Propaganda Dept. of Main Department I. Its direct success was a hitherto inconceivable piece of work of the populace in the spring planting, which was able to be carried out in spite of unfavorable preliminary conditions. In spite of this no lasting effect on the enemy has appeared so far. Naturally, the enemy propaganda countered our Agrarian Decree with every means. Their main argument was that in this it was only a matter of a promise which had as its purpose a momentary tactical success, that moreover Germany intended to make use of the land later for her own purposes. This argument found support in the very slow execution of the Agrarian Decree, which is to be attributed in part to objective reasons (lack of surveyors, land registration, surveying instruments and so forth).

It has been foreseen that in 1942 in the Ukraine 20% of the general economy was to be changed to agriculture cooperatives. The increasing of the farmland, which forms the main criterion of the general economy and is carried through everywhere immediately, has still not been achieved to the extent of 10% of the general economy, although it was decreed, as has been mentioned, in August 1941. The transformation to agricultural cooperatives has generally begun only a short time ago, and according to the directives of the farmer's leader Koerner is not to reach more than 10% by the end of August of this year. In this state of affairs it is understandable that great sections of the Ukrainian peasantry are under the control of enemy propaganda and have lost belief in the earnestness of our intentions.

The religious freedom was likewise to call forth a great propaganda effect. After months long negotiations, it was eventually decided not to announce the freedom of religion ceremoniously, but to let it come into existence as quietly as possible. The propaganda effect consequently slipped from the picture.

When the Main Department for Politics noticed the hesitation of decision in the church question, it searched for a substitute in another means of propaganda, in the question of returning property rights of the individual. In this the whole world could be clearly shown that National Socialism contrasts distinctly with the Bolshevist expropriation measures and a new property law would be ushered in. The first display of this slogan for propaganda use would have been the immediate raising of the expropriation measures in the Baltic states, which Bolshevism had not yet controlled for a year, and consequently it would have been possible to resume the former property situation without further ado. To the unbounded astonishment of the populace, however, the German administration marched forward to play the role of receiver of the goods stolen by the Bolshevists. The necessity for the restoration of private ownership for the psychological treatment of the populace was referred to by all the General Commissioners in the Baltic states; this population, as everybody knows, ought to be won for German patriotism. Even after the Four Year Plan gave up its old ideas in recognition that a further protraction of the restoration of private ownership would damage even the German economic interests. The fundamental profession of the reinstallation of the pre-Bolshevist property law did not follow, though it was against every political judgment and based only on the unfounded opposition of the Reichs Commissar.

Again a real weapon for the disintegration of the enemy front had been twisted out of our hand, a weapon whose effect may not be undervalued. For the unrecompensed expropriation of private property by the Bolshevists had aroused at the time not only the terror of Russian bourgeois circles including the more prosperous peasants, but also of the entire civilized world. The world, including the laborers and peasants in the Soviet Union who were disillusioned by Bolshevism, awaited now a clear policy in this question on the part of Germany. This silence on the part of Germany obviously made itself of use to the enemy propaganda, which could reliably persuade the Soviet masses that Germany plans no restoration of individual ownership.

The Main Department for Politics furthermore has always emphasized that the Eastern peoples must be told something concrete about their future. The Department refers to the fact that in case we should not oppose the propaganda of Stalin, the peoples would have to succumb to this propaganda, that is to say, they would believe in their own enslavement by Germany. The Main Department for Politics has accordingly often directed the attention of Wehrmacht units to the expediency of having the Slavic Eastern peoples receive calming assurances regarding their future from the authoritative German quarters. As the best means, the establishment of a sort of counter-regime to Stalin with a captured Red general was indicated; or, if the word government should be avoided, then just a rebellious general somewhat after the model of de Gaulle, who should become the point of crystallization for all the Red soldiers who are dissatisfied with Stalin. The correctness of this conception has been confirmed in the time following its inception by countless statements of prisoners of war, who have all stated independently that the silence of Germany regarding the future of Russia allows the worst to be feared. Many would like to desert, but they did not know to whom they should go. Under the banner of a recognized counter-revolutionary leader they would gladly and bravely fight against the Bolshevist regime.

All the suggestions concerning this were rejected in their essentials. Permission for front-line duty was effected only for groups of Turkish and Caucasian peoples and finally after several refusals also for the Estonians. Because of the difficulty of recruiting troops, the unit generally came to the point of impressing civilians and prisoners of war into their ranks, in the first line of rear-echelon services. But even in the foremost line they found employment and fought well. Only in the last few weeks under the pressure of danger from the partisans was the formation of native units allowed and that only for combat with the bandits. But even this measure will remain ineffective as far as propaganda is concerned if a combat unit is not activated and a personality with a resounding name is not put at its head.

The Main Department for Politics was compelled, for the sake of attaining the above-outlined goal, to rescind or at least greatly change measures from German quarters which would strengthen the enemy's power of resistance.

Of primary importance, the treatment of prisoners of war should be named. It is no longer a secret from friend or foe that hundreds of thousands of them literally have died of hunger or cold in our camps. Allegedly there were not enough food supplies on hand for them. It is especially peculiar that the food supplies are deficient only for prisoners of war from the Soviet Unions, while complaints about the treatment of other prisoners of war, Polish, Serbian, French and English, have not become loud. It is obvious that nothing is so suitable for strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army as the knowledge that in German captivity a slow miserable death is to be met. To be sure the Main Department for Politics has succeeded here by unceasing efforts in bringing about a material improvement of the fate of the prisoners of war. However this improvement is not to be ascribed to political acumen, but to the sudden realization that our labor market must be supplied with laborers at once. We now experienced the grotesque picture of having to recruit millions of laborers from the occupied Eastern territories, after prisoners of war have died of hunger like flies, in order to fill the gaps that have formed within Germany. Now the food question no longer existed. In the prevailing limitless abuse of the Slavic humanity, "recruiting" methods were used which probably have their origin only in the blackest periods of the slave trade. A regular manhunt was inaugurated. Without consideration of health or age the people were shipped to Germany, where it turned out immediately that far more than 100,000 had to be sent back because of serious illnesses and other incapabilities for work. This system in no way considered that these methods would of necessity have their effect on the power of resistance of the Red Army, since these methods were used only in the Soviet Union of course, and in no way remotely resembling this form in enemy countries like Holland or Norway. Actually we have made it quite easy for Soviet propaganda to augment the hate for Germany and the National Socialist system. The Soviet soldier fights more and more bravely in spite of the efforts of our politicians to find another name for this bravery. Valuable German blood must flow more and more, in order to break the resistance of the Red Army. Obviously the Main Department for Politics has struggled unceasingly to place the methods of acquiring workers and their treatment within Germany on a rational foundation. Originally it was thought in all earnestness to demand the utmost efforts at a minimum cost of the biological knowledge has led to an improvement. Now 400,000 female household workers from the Ukraine are to come to Germany, and already the German press announces publicly that these people have no right to free time and may not visit theaters, movies, restaurants, etc. and may leave the house at the most three hours a week apart from exception concerning duty.

In addition there is the treatment of the Ukrainians in the Reichs Commissariat itself. With a presumption unequalled we put aside all political knowledge and to the glad surprise of all the colored world treat the peoples of the occupied Eastern territories as whites of Class 2, who apparently have only the task of serving as slaves for Germany and Europe. Only the most limited education is suitable for them, no solicitude can be given them. Their sustenance interests us only insofar as they are still capable of labor, and in every respect they are given to understand that we regard them as of the most minute value.

In these circumstances the following can be determined:

1. The resistance power of the Red Army and the strength of the partisan movement has mounted in the same degree as the population realized our true enlistment for them. The feats of arms of our noble army have been neutralized exactly as in 1918 by an inadequate political policy. Our political policy has forced both Bolshevists and Russian nationals into a common front against us. The Russian fights today with exceptional bravery and self-sacrifice for nothing more or less than recognition of his human dignity.

2. Our political policy of utilizing the Ukraine as a counter-weight against mighty Russia, against Poland and the Balkans, and as a bridge to the Caucasus, has suffered complete ship-wreck. The 40 million Ukrainians who joyfully greeted us as liberators, are today indifferent to us and already begin to swing into the enemy camp. Should we not succeed in checking this situation in the last moment, then we run the danger from day to day of having a partisan movement in the Ukraine, which not only eliminates the Ukraine as a furnisher of food, but also ties up the reinforcements of the German army, endangers its existence and accordingly involves the danger of a German defeat.

If this danger which threatens the German people is to be prevented in the last moment, then the following is necessary.

1. For the Ukraine an absolutely positive political policy must be carried out in every respect. The Ukraine must not be merely an objective of exploitation to us, but the populace must sincerely feel that Germany is its friend and liberator. The German economic agencies must be responsible for assuring the populace a minimum on which they can exist. A compulsory conscription of labor in the occupied Eastern territories must be restrained immediately. The treatment of Ukrainians and other Eastern peoples within the Reich must be fair and human. In publicity, both oral and written, everything must be avoided that is in any way cognizant of the fact that we regard this territory as an objective of exploitation. The Russian people must be told something concrete about their future, particularly because Germany does not have the intention nor the power to occupy the whole Russian area.

2. The policy of the officials of the Reichs Commissar for the Ukraine is in general the exponent for the above described policy, which has not recognized the role of the Ukraine in world politics, and has succeeded in throwing away the friendship of 40 million people; and which is guilty in this way of strengthening the power of resistance of the Red Army and prolonging the war with all its consequences. These officials see their only mission as the economic exploitation of the country. The longer the war lasts, however, the more political forces must be interposed. Therefore it would be opportune to place at the head of the Reich Commissariat a personality who also possesses sufficient political ability.

If we do not accomplish this change of course at once, then one can say with certainty that the power of resistance of the Red Army and of the whole Russian people will mount still more, and Germany must continue to sacrifice her best blood. Yes, it must be openly stated that the possibility of a German defeat approaches in a tangible proximity, all the more so if the partisan movement for which Stalin is striving with every means, should spread over a greater part of the Ukraine. One should protest that in the South Ukraine such a danger does not exist because of the lack of swamps and forests. The bandit leader Machino needs to be remembered, he who for about 2 years terrorized the Ukraine and knew how to avoid all persecutions. One should also not place his hopes on the economic collapse of the Soviet Union. Certainly the losses in fertile land, raw materials and industrial projects are very significant. On the other hand the Soviet Union still has the Ural territory, fabulously rich in raw materials of all kinds, which for fourteen years has been industrially developed with all power, as well as rich Siberia. Finally we know that the Soviets have systematically carried on an economic policy of hoarding reserves, and we cannot completely tie up the English-American reserves.

However, if we accomplish the proposed change in policy, then it can be believed certain that the decomposition of the Red Army will also succeed. For the power of resistance of the Red Army man is broken the moment that he becomes convinced that Germany brings him a better life than he has led under the Soviets, and that Germany has a small bit of consideration for his national qualities, in other words does not intend to rob him of his soul.

The problem is too serious to be allowed to remain undecided. Here it is a question of the future of the German race, under circumstances concerning even its existence or non-existence. The permanent thesis of the Main Department for Politics has proved itself true, that a quick victory cannot be attained entirely by the aid of arms, but only in conjunction with the application of a great political offensive. That the administration of the occupied Eastern territories is composed almost entirely of personnel not acquainted with Russia is probably one of the reasons why this thesis has not been carried out. The gentlemen slowly grope their way into the problem, for which the majority still require interpreters. Nevertheless it is today already confirmed that wide circles of the lower administrative chiefs in the Ukraine are plainly frightened of the policy commanded by the higher echelon. However, they are not in a position to have their way. So much the more reason one should trust the interpretation of the Main Department for Politics based on the best technical and social knowledge; the Department is even today convinced of a speedy victorious conclusion of the war, insofar as its political directives are followed.

Berlin, 25 October 1942Signed: BRAEUTIGAM

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 315-PS

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Berlin W 8, Wilhelmstr. 72, 12 March 1943Reich Ministry for Food and AgricultureCurrent No... IV/1a - 907

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