Chapter 8

[113]A Winter in Florida and the West Indies. 12mo. New York, 1839.[114]Letters from the United States, Canada and Cuba. New York, 1856.[115]Sketches of St. Augustine, with a View of its History and Advantages as a Resort for Invalids. By R. K. Sewall. 8vo. New York, 1848, pp. 69.[116]The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, Florida, comprising some of the most Interesting Portions of the Early History of Florida. 8vo. New York, 1858.[117]Memoire sur la Floride du Milieu, Comptes-Rendus, T. XIV., p. 518; T. XV., p. 1045.[118]Comptes Rendus, XV., p. 1047.[119]Repertorium ueber die —— auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte erscheinenen Aufsätze, u. s. w. Berlin, 1852.[120]Bacalaos, the Spanish word for codfish.[121]See A. v. Humboldt’s Introduction to Dr. T. W. Ghillany’s Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, s. 2-5, in which work these two maps are given.[122]Many of the names on this map are also on the land called Terra de Cuba, north-west of the island Isabella, Cuba proper, on the globe of Johann Schoner, Nuremburg, 1520. A copy of a portion of the globe is given by Ghillany in the work just mentioned. For an inspection of the original maps of Ptolemy of 1508 and 1513, I am indebted to the kindness of Peter Force, of Washington.[123]Otros conocieron ser tierra firme; y de este parecer fue siempre Anton de Alaminos, Piloto, que fue con Juan Ponce. Barcia, Introduccion al Ensayo Chronologico.[124]Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. I., cap. iii., p. 91.[125]For a description of this and other maps of America during the sixteenth century, see Dr. Ghillany, ubi suprà, p. 58, Anmerk. 17.[126]See G. R. Fairbanks, History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, pp. 113, 130, for descriptions of the two latter. A “Geog. Description of Florida” is said to have appeared at London, in 1665. Possibly it is the account of Captain Davis’ attack upon St. Augustine.[127]Descriptio Indiæ Occidentalis, Lib. IV., cap. xiii. (Antwerpt, 1633.)[128]Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410, seq.[129]Report of F. L. Dancy, State Engineer and Geologist, in the Message of the Governor of Florida, with Accompanying Documents, for 1855, App., p. 9.[130]A Description of the Province of Carolina, p. 2, London, 1727.[131]Trans. Hist. and Lit. Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc., Vol. I., p. 113.[132]Hist. of the American Indians, p. 358.[133]Gilii’ Saggio di Storia Americana, Tomo III., p. 375.[134]Rex qui in hisce Montibus habitabat, Ao. 1562, dicabatur Apalatcy; ideoque ipsi montes eodem nomine vocantur, is written on the map of the country in Dapper’s Neue und Unbekaute Welt (Amsterdam, 1673,) probably on the authority of Ribaut.[135]The plums mentioned by these writers were probably the fruit of the Prunus Chicasaw. This was not an indigenous tree, but was cultivated by the Southern tribes. During his travels, the botanist Bartram never found it wild in the forests, “but always in old deserted Indian plantations.” (Travels, p. 38.)[136]See Appendix III.[137]Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Illes Antilles de l’Amerique, Liv. II., pp. 331-353. Rotterdam, 1658.[138]History of the Caribby Islands, London, 1666.[139]Geographia Exactissima, oder Beschreibung des 4 Theil der ganzen Welt mit Geographischen und Historischen Relationen, Franckfort am Mayn, 1679. This is a German translation of D’Abbeville’s geographical essays. I have not been able to learn when the last part, which contains Bristock’s narrative, was published in French.[140]America. London, 1671.[141]De Nieuwe en Onbekeende Weereld. Amsterdam, 1671.[142]Die Unbekante Neue Welt. Amsterdam, 1673.[143]The British Empire in America, Vol. I. London, 1708.[144]Geschichte von Amerika, B. H. Halle, 1753. The articles in these volumes were selected with much judgment, and translated by J. F. Geyfarts and J. F. Schrœter, Baumgarten merely writing the bibliographical introductions. It contains a curious map entitledGegend der Provinz Bemarin im Königreich Apalacha.[145]The Chikasah asserted for themselves the same origin, and even their Mexican relatives were said to visit them from time to time. (Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 195.)[146]Numerous references showing the prevalence of this error are adduced by D’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, Tom. II., p. 275, et seq. Among later authors who have been misled by such authorities are Humboldt, (“Reise nach dem Tropen, B. V., s. 181,”) and the eminent naturalist F. J. F. Meyen, (Ueber die Ur-Eingebornen von Peru, s. 6, in the Nov. Act. Acad. Cæsar. Leopold. Carolin. Nat. Cur. Vol. XVII., Sup. I.)[147]Writers disagree somewhat as to the situation of this fountain. Hackluyt (Vol. V., p. 251) and Gomara (Hist. de las Indias Occidentales, Cap. XLV., pp. 31, 35) locate it on the island Boiuca or Agnaneo, 125 leagues north of Hispaniola. Some placed it on the island Bimini,—which, says Oviedo, is 40 leagues west of Bahama (Pt. I., lib. xix., cap. xv., quoted in Navarrete,)—a name sometimes applied to Florida itself, as on the Chart of Cristobal de Topia given in the third volume of Navarrete. Herrera, La Vega, Fontanedo, Barcia, Navarrete and most others agree in referring it to Florida. Fontanedo confuses it with the river Jordan and the Espiritu Santo or Mississippi. Gomara (ubi suprà, p. 31) gives a unique interpretation to this myth and one quite in accordance with the Spanish character, namely, that it arose from the rare beauty of the women of that locality, which was so superlative that old men, gazing upon it, would feel themselves restored to the vigor of youth. In this he is followed by Ogilby. (America, p. 344.)[148]See Appendix I. The later Indians of Florida seem to have preserved certain relics of a superstitious veneration of the aqueous element. Their priests had a certain holy water, sanctified by blowing upon it and incantation, thought to possess healing virtues (Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 141;) Coacooche said that when the spirit of his twin-sister came to him from the land of souls, she offered him a cup of pure water, “which she said came from the spring of the Great Spirit, and if I should drink of it, I should return and live with her for ever.” (Sprague, Hist. Florida War, p. 328.)[149]Parallel myths are found in various other nations. Sir John Maundeville speaks of the odoriferous fountain of youth near the river Indus, and Ellis mentions “the Hawaiian account of the voyage of Kamapiikai to the land where the inhabitants enjoy perpetual health, where thewai ora(life-giving fountain) removed every internal malady and external deformity or decrepitude from those who were plunged beneath its salutary waters.” (Polynesian Researches, Vol I., p. 103.)[150]Fontanedo, Memoire, pp. 17, 18, 19, 32, 39. Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. XLI., p. 31.[151]Intro. to the Ensay. Cron.; Fontanedo makes the same statement.[152]Despues de establecido los Españoles en las Islas de Santo Domingo, Cuba, y Puerto Rico, averiguaron que los naturales conservaban algunas ideas vagas de tierras situadas à la parte septentrional, donde entre otras cosas maravillosas referian la existencia de cierta fuente y rio, cuyas aguas remozaban à los viejos que en ella se bañaban; preocupacion tan añeja y arraigada en los Indios, que aun antes de la llegada de los españoles los habia conducido à establecer allì una colonia. Viages y Descubrimientos, Tomo III., p. 50.[153]L’Art de Verifier les Dates, Chronologie Historique de l’Amerique, Tome VIII., p. 185.[154]Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI., p. 249.[155]Barcia, Ensay. Cron., Año 1698, p. 317, Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll. Vol. IV., p. 537.[156]William Bartram, Travels, p. 227.[157]See Labat, Voyage aux Isles de l’Amerique, Tome I., p. 136, and Hughes, Nat. Hist. of Barbadoes, p. 5.[158]Jucaias a conjecturis junctas fuisse quondam reliquis magnis insulis nostri arbitrantur, et ita fuisee a suis majoribus creditum incolæ fatentur. Sed vi tempestate paulatim absorpta tellure alterne secessisse, pelago interjecto uti de messenensi freto est autorum opinio Siciliam ab Italia dirimente, quod una esset quondam contigua. De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. II., p. 468, Editio Hackluyti, Parisiis, 1587.[159]On this topic consult Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. II., s. 583; Jefferys, Hist. of the French Dominion in America, Pt. II., p. 181; Adelung, Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, Th. II., Ab. II., s. 681; Barton, New Views of the Tribes of America, p. lxxi.; Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas conocidas, Tomo I., p. 387.[160]See Appendix II.[161]Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 267.[162]Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc. Vol. II., p. 103 seq. Bossu found the tradition of De Soto’s invasion rife among the Alibamons (Creeks) of his day. (Nouv. Voyages aux Indes Occident. I’t. II., pp. 34, 35. Paris, 1768.)[163]Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.[164]The Cherokees plastered their houses both roofs and walls inside and out with clay and dried grass, and to compensate for the lowness of the walls excavated the floor as much as three or four feet. From this it is probable they were the “Indi delle Vacche” of Cabeza de Vaca “tra queste case ve ne havea alcune che erano di terra, e tutte l’altre sono di stuore.” (Di Alvaro Nunnes Relatione in Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., fol. 327, B.) A similar construction was noticed by Biedma in Acapachiqui where the houses “etaient creusées sous terre et rassemblaient à des cavernes,” (Relation, pp. 60, 61,) by the Portuguese Gentlemen in Capachiqui, (Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 498.) and by La Vega among the Cofachiqui, (Conq. de la Florida, Lib. III., cap. XV., p. 131.) Hence the Cherokees are identical with the latter and not with the Achalaques, as Schoolcraft erroneously advances. (Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 595.) I suppose it was from this peculiar style of building that the Iroquois called themOwaudah, a people who live in caves. (Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 163.)[165]Adair, Hist. of the N. Am. Inds., pp. 413, 420, 421; Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 367, 388; Le Page Dupratz, Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., pp. 351-2.[166]Hist. N. Am. Inds., pp. 422-3.[167]François Coreal, Voyages, Tome I., p. 31; Catesby, Account of Florida and the Bahama Islands, p. viii.[168]Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 116.[169]Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Florida, pp. 71, 83.[170]Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.[171]George White, Hist. Colls. of Georgia, p. 423. It has also been described to me by a gentleman resident in the vicinity.[172]See the Christian Advocate and Journal for 1832, and the almost unintelligible abstract of the article in Josiah Priest’s American Antiquities, pp. 169, 170, (third edition, Albany, 1833.) Though the account is undoubtedly exaggerated, it would merit further investigation.[173]See Appendix II.[174]I give these according to the orthography of Baumgarten, who may differ slightly from other writers.[175]Oratio Dominica Polyglotta, Amstelædami, 1715. He does not state where he obtained them.[176]Hewitt, History of South Carolina, Vol. I. p 156.[177]El Cacique principal de Apalache, Superior de muchos Caciques, Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 323.[178]Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 14.[179]Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, Vol. V. p. 259.[180]Schermerhorn, Report on the Western Indians in Mass. Hist. Colls. Vol. II. (2 ser.,) p. 26; Alcedo, Hist. and Geog. Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 82.[181]Views of Louisiana, p. 150.[182]Trovarono terre grandi piene di genti molto ben disposte, savie, politiche, e ben’ ordinate. Bartolome de las Casas, Istoria della Distruttione dell’ Indie Occidentali, p. 108. Venetia, 1626.[183]Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 71.[184]Memoire, p. 13.[185]At what time or by whom Tampa Bay was first so called I have not been able to learn. Its usual name in early narratives is Baia de Espiritu Santo, which was given by De Soto; sometimes from separate discoveries it was called Bahia Honda (Deep Bay,) El Lago de San Bernardo, Baie de St. Louis, and by the Indiana Culata (Barcia, Ensayo Cron. p. 342, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. I., Cap. VI.) Herrera in his map of the Audiencia de la Española marks it “B. de tampa,” and after him Gerard a Schaagen in the Nov. et Accurat. Americæ Descriptio.[186]Williams, Hist. of Florida, pp. 36, 212. Ellicott’s Journal, p. 247. Robert’s Hist. of Florida, p. 17.[187]Guaicum officinale; theel paloorel palo santoof the Spaniards.[188]Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1566.[189]See Prior’s Journal in Williams’ Florida, p. 299. The name Miami applied to a tribe in Ohio, and still retained by two rivers in that State, properly Omaumeg, is said to be a pure Algic word, meaning, People who live on the peninsula. (Amer. Hist. Mag. Vol. III., p. 90.) We are, however, not yet prepared to accept this explanation as applicable to the word as it appears in Florida.[190]Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 49, and compare the Hist. Notable, p. 134.[191]For these facts see Fontanedo’s Memoire,passim, and Barcia, Años 1566, 1567.[192]Bernard Romans, pp. 291-2.[193]Desde los Martires al Cañaveral, Herrera, Dec. IV., Lib., IV., cap. VII.[194]Barcia (En. Cron. p. 118) says Ais commences twenty leagues up the St. Johns river; but distances given by the Spanish historians were often mere guesses, quite untrustworthy.[195]Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 133-4.[196]Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, pp. 74-5.[197]Biedma, Relation, p. 53; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, V., p. 492; La Vega, Lib. II., cap. x., p. 38.[198]Irving’s Conquest of Fla., p. 84, note.[199]Barcia, Año 1567; Fontanedo, pp. 20, 35.[200]Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 190-1, 108-9, 140 sq.[201]Jusqu’à Mayajuaca, dans la contrée de Ais, versle lieu planté de roseaux. Fontanedo, Memoire, p. 35. Cañaveral is a Spanish word signifying the same as the expression I have italicised.[202]Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 90.[203]Ibid.[204]Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 8.[205]Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 492, Fontanedo, p. 15.[206]Les Floridiens ne sement, ne plantent, ne prennent rien ni à la chasse, ni à la pêche, qui ne soit à la disposition de leurs chefs, qui distribuent, et donnent, comme il leur plait, etc. François Coreal, Voiages, Tome I., p. 44. The chiefs on the Bahamas possessed similar absolute power. (Peter Martyr, De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. I., p. 467.)[207]Basanier, Hist. Not., p. 132.[208]Basanier, pp. 9, 141.[209]Fontanedo, pp. 10, 11.[210]Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 7.[211]Travels, p. 456.[212]E. G. Squier, Aborig. Mon. of N. Y., App. pp. 135-7; Serpent Symbol, pp. 90, 94, 95.[213]Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 205.[214]They came to meet Narvaez playing on such flutes, “tañendo unas Flautas de Caña,” Cabeza de Vaca, Naufragios, cap. V.[215]Bernard Romans, p. 62.[216]Francisco Ximenez, Origen de los Indios de Guatemala, p. 179.[217]De Morgues, Brevis Historia, Tab. XXI.[218]Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, etc., p. 46.[219]Brevia Historia, Tab. XXX., and compare the Histoire Memorable, p. 261.[220]Naufragios, cap. III.[221]God’s Protecting Providence, p. 62. This style of building was common among the Caribs, and may have been derived from them.[222]Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 8, 101.[223]See Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 143, note 152, and authorities there quoted.[224]Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXV.; Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 87.[225]Klemm, Culturgeschichte der Menscheit, B. II, s. 179.[226]Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 43 sqq.[227]On the Trinity in aboriginal American religions, see Count Stolberg in the Wiener Yahrbücher der Literatur, B. XVI., s. 278.[228]God’s Protecting Providence, p. 12.[229]God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 38, 39.[230]Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 22. He embraces all tribes “from Hudson Bay to the Mississippi,” and adds that they had no lascivious or Priapean images or rites, in which he is equally at fault.[231]Man hat weder bei den Sudamericanern noch bei den Nördlichen eigentliche G ö t z e n b i l d e r oder I d o l e bemerkt. Culturgeschichte der Menschheit, B. II., s. 172. This is confined of course to the “Yägervolker.”[232]Barcia, Ensayo Cron. Año 1566, p. 94; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, Vol. V. p. 491, mentions this as existing among the tribes near Tampa Bay.[233]Moris apud illos est primogenitum masculum Regi victimum offerre, etc. Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXIV.[234]La Reprinse de la Floride, p. 264.[235]Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 263, and compare Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Inds. pp. 238-9.[236]Brevis Historia, Tab. XL. Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 10, 11.[237]Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 129.[238]Tucururu or Tacatacuru was on the Atlantic coast south of St. Augustine, between it and Santa Lucea. (Barcia, En. Cron., p. 121.)[239]Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas de las naciones conocidas, Tom. I. p. 387. Madrid, 1800-1805.[240]Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, B. III., s. 285.[241]Gallatin, Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 178.[242]Basanier, Hist. Not. pp. 67, 69, 72; Coppie d’une Lettre venant de la Floride, p. 244.[243]Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 106.[244]Hewitt, Hist. of S. Car., Vol. I., p. 222. He gives 1714 as the date of this occurrence. But see Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., p. 353.[245]On the Yemassees consult Hewitt, ubi suprà; Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1686; the tracts in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., pp. 106, 246, 353, 355; Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 15; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent traveller, p. 57.[246]On the migrations of this tribe consult the Colls. of the Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. I., pp. 145-6; Vol. II., pp. 61, 71; John Filson; The Disc., Settlement, and Pres. State of Kentucké, App. 3, p. 84; Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., pp. 84, 95; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 59; Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 70 et seq.; Moll’s Map of the Northern Parts of America, and Sprague’s Hist. of the Florida War.[247]Travels, pp. 388-9, and see p. 486.

[113]A Winter in Florida and the West Indies. 12mo. New York, 1839.

[114]Letters from the United States, Canada and Cuba. New York, 1856.

[115]Sketches of St. Augustine, with a View of its History and Advantages as a Resort for Invalids. By R. K. Sewall. 8vo. New York, 1848, pp. 69.

[116]The History and Antiquities of the City of St. Augustine, Florida, comprising some of the most Interesting Portions of the Early History of Florida. 8vo. New York, 1858.

[117]Memoire sur la Floride du Milieu, Comptes-Rendus, T. XIV., p. 518; T. XV., p. 1045.

[118]Comptes Rendus, XV., p. 1047.

[119]Repertorium ueber die —— auf dem Gebiete der Geschichte erscheinenen Aufsätze, u. s. w. Berlin, 1852.

[120]Bacalaos, the Spanish word for codfish.

[121]See A. v. Humboldt’s Introduction to Dr. T. W. Ghillany’s Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim, s. 2-5, in which work these two maps are given.

[122]Many of the names on this map are also on the land called Terra de Cuba, north-west of the island Isabella, Cuba proper, on the globe of Johann Schoner, Nuremburg, 1520. A copy of a portion of the globe is given by Ghillany in the work just mentioned. For an inspection of the original maps of Ptolemy of 1508 and 1513, I am indebted to the kindness of Peter Force, of Washington.

[123]Otros conocieron ser tierra firme; y de este parecer fue siempre Anton de Alaminos, Piloto, que fue con Juan Ponce. Barcia, Introduccion al Ensayo Chronologico.

[124]Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. I., cap. iii., p. 91.

[125]For a description of this and other maps of America during the sixteenth century, see Dr. Ghillany, ubi suprà, p. 58, Anmerk. 17.

[126]See G. R. Fairbanks, History and Antiquities of St. Augustine, pp. 113, 130, for descriptions of the two latter. A “Geog. Description of Florida” is said to have appeared at London, in 1665. Possibly it is the account of Captain Davis’ attack upon St. Augustine.

[127]Descriptio Indiæ Occidentalis, Lib. IV., cap. xiii. (Antwerpt, 1633.)

[128]Southern Review, Vol. VI., p. 410, seq.

[129]Report of F. L. Dancy, State Engineer and Geologist, in the Message of the Governor of Florida, with Accompanying Documents, for 1855, App., p. 9.

[130]A Description of the Province of Carolina, p. 2, London, 1727.

[131]Trans. Hist. and Lit. Com. of the Am. Phil. Soc., Vol. I., p. 113.

[132]Hist. of the American Indians, p. 358.

[133]Gilii’ Saggio di Storia Americana, Tomo III., p. 375.

[134]Rex qui in hisce Montibus habitabat, Ao. 1562, dicabatur Apalatcy; ideoque ipsi montes eodem nomine vocantur, is written on the map of the country in Dapper’s Neue und Unbekaute Welt (Amsterdam, 1673,) probably on the authority of Ribaut.

[135]The plums mentioned by these writers were probably the fruit of the Prunus Chicasaw. This was not an indigenous tree, but was cultivated by the Southern tribes. During his travels, the botanist Bartram never found it wild in the forests, “but always in old deserted Indian plantations.” (Travels, p. 38.)

[136]See Appendix III.

[137]Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Illes Antilles de l’Amerique, Liv. II., pp. 331-353. Rotterdam, 1658.

[138]History of the Caribby Islands, London, 1666.

[139]Geographia Exactissima, oder Beschreibung des 4 Theil der ganzen Welt mit Geographischen und Historischen Relationen, Franckfort am Mayn, 1679. This is a German translation of D’Abbeville’s geographical essays. I have not been able to learn when the last part, which contains Bristock’s narrative, was published in French.

[140]America. London, 1671.

[141]De Nieuwe en Onbekeende Weereld. Amsterdam, 1671.

[142]Die Unbekante Neue Welt. Amsterdam, 1673.

[143]The British Empire in America, Vol. I. London, 1708.

[144]Geschichte von Amerika, B. H. Halle, 1753. The articles in these volumes were selected with much judgment, and translated by J. F. Geyfarts and J. F. Schrœter, Baumgarten merely writing the bibliographical introductions. It contains a curious map entitledGegend der Provinz Bemarin im Königreich Apalacha.

[145]The Chikasah asserted for themselves the same origin, and even their Mexican relatives were said to visit them from time to time. (Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 195.)

[146]Numerous references showing the prevalence of this error are adduced by D’Orbigny, L’Homme Americain, Tom. II., p. 275, et seq. Among later authors who have been misled by such authorities are Humboldt, (“Reise nach dem Tropen, B. V., s. 181,”) and the eminent naturalist F. J. F. Meyen, (Ueber die Ur-Eingebornen von Peru, s. 6, in the Nov. Act. Acad. Cæsar. Leopold. Carolin. Nat. Cur. Vol. XVII., Sup. I.)

[147]Writers disagree somewhat as to the situation of this fountain. Hackluyt (Vol. V., p. 251) and Gomara (Hist. de las Indias Occidentales, Cap. XLV., pp. 31, 35) locate it on the island Boiuca or Agnaneo, 125 leagues north of Hispaniola. Some placed it on the island Bimini,—which, says Oviedo, is 40 leagues west of Bahama (Pt. I., lib. xix., cap. xv., quoted in Navarrete,)—a name sometimes applied to Florida itself, as on the Chart of Cristobal de Topia given in the third volume of Navarrete. Herrera, La Vega, Fontanedo, Barcia, Navarrete and most others agree in referring it to Florida. Fontanedo confuses it with the river Jordan and the Espiritu Santo or Mississippi. Gomara (ubi suprà, p. 31) gives a unique interpretation to this myth and one quite in accordance with the Spanish character, namely, that it arose from the rare beauty of the women of that locality, which was so superlative that old men, gazing upon it, would feel themselves restored to the vigor of youth. In this he is followed by Ogilby. (America, p. 344.)

[148]See Appendix I. The later Indians of Florida seem to have preserved certain relics of a superstitious veneration of the aqueous element. Their priests had a certain holy water, sanctified by blowing upon it and incantation, thought to possess healing virtues (Nar. of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 141;) Coacooche said that when the spirit of his twin-sister came to him from the land of souls, she offered him a cup of pure water, “which she said came from the spring of the Great Spirit, and if I should drink of it, I should return and live with her for ever.” (Sprague, Hist. Florida War, p. 328.)

[149]Parallel myths are found in various other nations. Sir John Maundeville speaks of the odoriferous fountain of youth near the river Indus, and Ellis mentions “the Hawaiian account of the voyage of Kamapiikai to the land where the inhabitants enjoy perpetual health, where thewai ora(life-giving fountain) removed every internal malady and external deformity or decrepitude from those who were plunged beneath its salutary waters.” (Polynesian Researches, Vol I., p. 103.)

[150]Fontanedo, Memoire, pp. 17, 18, 19, 32, 39. Gomara, Hist. de las Indias, cap. XLI., p. 31.

[151]Intro. to the Ensay. Cron.; Fontanedo makes the same statement.

[152]Despues de establecido los Españoles en las Islas de Santo Domingo, Cuba, y Puerto Rico, averiguaron que los naturales conservaban algunas ideas vagas de tierras situadas à la parte septentrional, donde entre otras cosas maravillosas referian la existencia de cierta fuente y rio, cuyas aguas remozaban à los viejos que en ella se bañaban; preocupacion tan añeja y arraigada en los Indios, que aun antes de la llegada de los españoles los habia conducido à establecer allì una colonia. Viages y Descubrimientos, Tomo III., p. 50.

[153]L’Art de Verifier les Dates, Chronologie Historique de l’Amerique, Tome VIII., p. 185.

[154]Herrera, Dec. I., Lib. IX., cap. XI., p. 249.

[155]Barcia, Ensay. Cron., Año 1698, p. 317, Careri, Voyage round the World, in Churchill’s Coll. Vol. IV., p. 537.

[156]William Bartram, Travels, p. 227.

[157]See Labat, Voyage aux Isles de l’Amerique, Tome I., p. 136, and Hughes, Nat. Hist. of Barbadoes, p. 5.

[158]Jucaias a conjecturis junctas fuisse quondam reliquis magnis insulis nostri arbitrantur, et ita fuisee a suis majoribus creditum incolæ fatentur. Sed vi tempestate paulatim absorpta tellure alterne secessisse, pelago interjecto uti de messenensi freto est autorum opinio Siciliam ab Italia dirimente, quod una esset quondam contigua. De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. II., p. 468, Editio Hackluyti, Parisiis, 1587.

[159]On this topic consult Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. II., s. 583; Jefferys, Hist. of the French Dominion in America, Pt. II., p. 181; Adelung, Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, Th. II., Ab. II., s. 681; Barton, New Views of the Tribes of America, p. lxxi.; Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas conocidas, Tomo I., p. 387.

[160]See Appendix II.

[161]Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 267.

[162]Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc. Vol. II., p. 103 seq. Bossu found the tradition of De Soto’s invasion rife among the Alibamons (Creeks) of his day. (Nouv. Voyages aux Indes Occident. I’t. II., pp. 34, 35. Paris, 1768.)

[163]Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.

[164]The Cherokees plastered their houses both roofs and walls inside and out with clay and dried grass, and to compensate for the lowness of the walls excavated the floor as much as three or four feet. From this it is probable they were the “Indi delle Vacche” of Cabeza de Vaca “tra queste case ve ne havea alcune che erano di terra, e tutte l’altre sono di stuore.” (Di Alvaro Nunnes Relatione in Ramusio, Viaggi, Tom. III., fol. 327, B.) A similar construction was noticed by Biedma in Acapachiqui where the houses “etaient creusées sous terre et rassemblaient à des cavernes,” (Relation, pp. 60, 61,) by the Portuguese Gentlemen in Capachiqui, (Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 498.) and by La Vega among the Cofachiqui, (Conq. de la Florida, Lib. III., cap. XV., p. 131.) Hence the Cherokees are identical with the latter and not with the Achalaques, as Schoolcraft erroneously advances. (Thirty Years with the Indian Tribes, p. 595.) I suppose it was from this peculiar style of building that the Iroquois called themOwaudah, a people who live in caves. (Schoolcraft, Notes on the Iroquois, p. 163.)

[165]Adair, Hist. of the N. Am. Inds., pp. 413, 420, 421; Wm. Bartram, Travels, pp. 367, 388; Le Page Dupratz, Hist. of Louisiana, Vol. II., pp. 351-2.

[166]Hist. N. Am. Inds., pp. 422-3.

[167]François Coreal, Voyages, Tome I., p. 31; Catesby, Account of Florida and the Bahama Islands, p. viii.

[168]Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 116.

[169]Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Florida, pp. 71, 83.

[170]Mems. Hist. sur la Louisiane, Tome II., p. 301.

[171]George White, Hist. Colls. of Georgia, p. 423. It has also been described to me by a gentleman resident in the vicinity.

[172]See the Christian Advocate and Journal for 1832, and the almost unintelligible abstract of the article in Josiah Priest’s American Antiquities, pp. 169, 170, (third edition, Albany, 1833.) Though the account is undoubtedly exaggerated, it would merit further investigation.

[173]See Appendix II.

[174]I give these according to the orthography of Baumgarten, who may differ slightly from other writers.

[175]Oratio Dominica Polyglotta, Amstelædami, 1715. He does not state where he obtained them.

[176]Hewitt, History of South Carolina, Vol. I. p 156.

[177]El Cacique principal de Apalache, Superior de muchos Caciques, Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 323.

[178]Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 14.

[179]Schoolcraft’s Ind. Tribes, Vol. V. p. 259.

[180]Schermerhorn, Report on the Western Indians in Mass. Hist. Colls. Vol. II. (2 ser.,) p. 26; Alcedo, Hist. and Geog. Dict. of America, Vol. I., p. 82.

[181]Views of Louisiana, p. 150.

[182]Trovarono terre grandi piene di genti molto ben disposte, savie, politiche, e ben’ ordinate. Bartolome de las Casas, Istoria della Distruttione dell’ Indie Occidentali, p. 108. Venetia, 1626.

[183]Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 71.

[184]Memoire, p. 13.

[185]At what time or by whom Tampa Bay was first so called I have not been able to learn. Its usual name in early narratives is Baia de Espiritu Santo, which was given by De Soto; sometimes from separate discoveries it was called Bahia Honda (Deep Bay,) El Lago de San Bernardo, Baie de St. Louis, and by the Indiana Culata (Barcia, Ensayo Cron. p. 342, Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana, Lib. I., Cap. VI.) Herrera in his map of the Audiencia de la Española marks it “B. de tampa,” and after him Gerard a Schaagen in the Nov. et Accurat. Americæ Descriptio.

[186]Williams, Hist. of Florida, pp. 36, 212. Ellicott’s Journal, p. 247. Robert’s Hist. of Florida, p. 17.

[187]Guaicum officinale; theel paloorel palo santoof the Spaniards.

[188]Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1566.

[189]See Prior’s Journal in Williams’ Florida, p. 299. The name Miami applied to a tribe in Ohio, and still retained by two rivers in that State, properly Omaumeg, is said to be a pure Algic word, meaning, People who live on the peninsula. (Amer. Hist. Mag. Vol. III., p. 90.) We are, however, not yet prepared to accept this explanation as applicable to the word as it appears in Florida.

[190]Barcia, Ensay. Cron., p. 49, and compare the Hist. Notable, p. 134.

[191]For these facts see Fontanedo’s Memoire,passim, and Barcia, Años 1566, 1567.

[192]Bernard Romans, pp. 291-2.

[193]Desde los Martires al Cañaveral, Herrera, Dec. IV., Lib., IV., cap. VII.

[194]Barcia (En. Cron. p. 118) says Ais commences twenty leagues up the St. Johns river; but distances given by the Spanish historians were often mere guesses, quite untrustworthy.

[195]Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 133-4.

[196]Vignoles, Obs. on the Floridas, pp. 74-5.

[197]Biedma, Relation, p. 53; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, V., p. 492; La Vega, Lib. II., cap. x., p. 38.

[198]Irving’s Conquest of Fla., p. 84, note.

[199]Barcia, Año 1567; Fontanedo, pp. 20, 35.

[200]Basanier, Hist. Notable, pp. 190-1, 108-9, 140 sq.

[201]Jusqu’à Mayajuaca, dans la contrée de Ais, versle lieu planté de roseaux. Fontanedo, Memoire, p. 35. Cañaveral is a Spanish word signifying the same as the expression I have italicised.

[202]Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 90.

[203]Ibid.

[204]Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 8.

[205]Hackluyt, Vol. V., p. 492, Fontanedo, p. 15.

[206]Les Floridiens ne sement, ne plantent, ne prennent rien ni à la chasse, ni à la pêche, qui ne soit à la disposition de leurs chefs, qui distribuent, et donnent, comme il leur plait, etc. François Coreal, Voiages, Tome I., p. 44. The chiefs on the Bahamas possessed similar absolute power. (Peter Martyr, De Novo Orbe, Dec. VII., cap. I., p. 467.)

[207]Basanier, Hist. Not., p. 132.

[208]Basanier, pp. 9, 141.

[209]Fontanedo, pp. 10, 11.

[210]Basanier, Hist. Not. p. 7.

[211]Travels, p. 456.

[212]E. G. Squier, Aborig. Mon. of N. Y., App. pp. 135-7; Serpent Symbol, pp. 90, 94, 95.

[213]Adair, Hist. N. Am. Inds., p. 205.

[214]They came to meet Narvaez playing on such flutes, “tañendo unas Flautas de Caña,” Cabeza de Vaca, Naufragios, cap. V.

[215]Bernard Romans, p. 62.

[216]Francisco Ximenez, Origen de los Indios de Guatemala, p. 179.

[217]De Morgues, Brevis Historia, Tab. XXI.

[218]Lettre écrite par l’Adelantade Soto, etc., p. 46.

[219]Brevia Historia, Tab. XXX., and compare the Histoire Memorable, p. 261.

[220]Naufragios, cap. III.

[221]God’s Protecting Providence, p. 62. This style of building was common among the Caribs, and may have been derived from them.

[222]Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 8, 101.

[223]See Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 143, note 152, and authorities there quoted.

[224]Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXV.; Baumgarten, Geschichte von Amerika, B. I., s. 87.

[225]Klemm, Culturgeschichte der Menscheit, B. II, s. 179.

[226]Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 43 sqq.

[227]On the Trinity in aboriginal American religions, see Count Stolberg in the Wiener Yahrbücher der Literatur, B. XVI., s. 278.

[228]God’s Protecting Providence, p. 12.

[229]God’s Protecting Providence, pp. 38, 39.

[230]Hist. of the North Am. Indians, p. 22. He embraces all tribes “from Hudson Bay to the Mississippi,” and adds that they had no lascivious or Priapean images or rites, in which he is equally at fault.

[231]Man hat weder bei den Sudamericanern noch bei den Nördlichen eigentliche G ö t z e n b i l d e r oder I d o l e bemerkt. Culturgeschichte der Menschheit, B. II., s. 172. This is confined of course to the “Yägervolker.”

[232]Barcia, Ensayo Cron. Año 1566, p. 94; the Port. Gent. in Hackluyt, Vol. V. p. 491, mentions this as existing among the tribes near Tampa Bay.

[233]Moris apud illos est primogenitum masculum Regi victimum offerre, etc. Brevis Historia, Tab. XXXIV.

[234]La Reprinse de la Floride, p. 264.

[235]Wm. Bartram, Travels, p. 263, and compare Adair, Hist. of the North Am. Inds. pp. 238-9.

[236]Brevis Historia, Tab. XL. Basanier, Hist. Not., pp. 10, 11.

[237]Mackay, Progress of the Intellect, Vol. II., p. 129.

[238]Tucururu or Tacatacuru was on the Atlantic coast south of St. Augustine, between it and Santa Lucea. (Barcia, En. Cron., p. 121.)

[239]Hervas, Catalogo de las Lenguas de las naciones conocidas, Tom. I. p. 387. Madrid, 1800-1805.

[240]Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde, B. III., s. 285.

[241]Gallatin, Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 178.

[242]Basanier, Hist. Not. pp. 67, 69, 72; Coppie d’une Lettre venant de la Floride, p. 244.

[243]Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., p. 106.

[244]Hewitt, Hist. of S. Car., Vol. I., p. 222. He gives 1714 as the date of this occurrence. But see Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., p. 353.

[245]On the Yemassees consult Hewitt, ubi suprà; Barcia, En. Cron. Año 1686; the tracts in Carroll’s Hist. Colls. of S. Car., Vol. II., pp. 106, 246, 353, 355; Roberts, Hist. of Florida, p. 15; Notices of E. Florida, by a recent traveller, p. 57.

[246]On the migrations of this tribe consult the Colls. of the Georgia Hist. Soc. Vol. I., pp. 145-6; Vol. II., pp. 61, 71; John Filson; The Disc., Settlement, and Pres. State of Kentucké, App. 3, p. 84; Gallatin in Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., Vol. II., pp. 84, 95; Notices of E. Fla., by a recent traveller, p. 59; Narrative of Oceola Nikkanoche, p. 70 et seq.; Moll’s Map of the Northern Parts of America, and Sprague’s Hist. of the Florida War.

[247]Travels, pp. 388-9, and see p. 486.

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