§ 116.Medicines or fetiches taken along.—Some of the ₵egiha used to take their respective medicines with them, saying, "Our medicines are wise; they can talk like men, and they tell us how many horses we are to receive from the people to whom we are going." For an account of the dance of discovering the enemy, as Dougherty terms it, see §271. It is danced by visitors.
§ 117.Mode of approaching a village.—When people go to make a friendly visit to another tribe, they stop when they are a short distance from the village or camp of their hosts, say at about 100 or 200 yards from it. There they sit on the ground and wait for some one to come and invite them to the village. Generally, each visitor departs with his special friend, or with the messenger sent from the village by that friend. On some occasions, all the visitors have been invited to one lodge, but these have been very unusual. The Omahas, Ponkas, Dakotas, Pawnees, and other tribes act thus when they visit.
§ 118.The Calumet Dance.—The generic term is "wáwan," in ₵egiha, answering to the [T]ᴐiwere "wayan´we" (the specific of which is "ákiwan," [T]ᴐiwere, akíyanwe), to dance the calumet dance for any particular person. But the word makes no reference to dancing or singing. It is equivalent to "waqúbe éki¢ě,"to make a sacred kinship. He who wishes to confer this degree is called "wáwanaká," the dancer of the calumet dance, which is also the title of those who assist him. He for whom the dance is made is the "áwani aká," who becomes the adopted son of the other man.
§ 119.The preliminary feast.—When a man contemplates adopting another man in this dance he invites all the other chiefs to a feast, and consults them. When the person has not been selected he says to them, "Wáwamankan´b¢a. Inwin´¢ixi´dai-gă"—I wish to dance the calumet dance for some one; look ye around for me(and see who would be the proper object). But if he has already selected the person, he says to the chiefs, "Áwamankan´b¢a. In¢in´wandan´bai-gă"—I wish to dance for him. See for me if he is the proper one.Sometimes they reply, "Let him alone! He is not the right one, as he is bad;" or, "Ni´acinga ¢inpíäjĭ hă. Jin´äjĭ. Ákiwan´jĭ-gă"—The man is bad. He is proud. Do not dance for him.But should the chiefs give their approval, the man sends a messenger to the one whom he intends to honor, having intrusted to him a buffalo bladder containing tobacco, which is sent as a present. When the messenger reaches the place, and delivers his message, the awani aka calls his kindred together to lay the propositionbefore them. Sometimes he says, "I am poor. Do not come." In that case the messenger returns home, and the dance does not take place. But if the awani aka approve, and his kindred give their consent, he sends the messenger back with a favorable reply. In some instances, when one man has asked another to dance the calumet dance for him, the other one has replied, "Why should I dance it for you? Why should I give such a privilege to a bad man?"
§ 120. At the appointed time, the dancing party, which consists of two leaders and many companions, repairs to the place of destination. Sometimes the leaders take from twenty to thirty men with them. They reach the lodge of the awani aka, and there the two niniba weawan, or calumet pipes, are placed on a forked support, which is driven into the soil in the back part of the lodge.
Fig. 20.—The Weawan, or Calumet pipe.
Fig. 20.—The Weawan, or Calumet pipe.
§ 121.Description of the pipes, etc.—The following is a description of the calumet pipes:
In the place of a pipe-bowl each weawanhas the head and neck of a "min´xa [p]áhin-ʇú," or green-necked duck. Next to this, on the upper side of the stem, are (yellowish) feathers of the great owl, extending about six inches. Next are long wing-feathers of the war eagle, split and stuck on longitudinally in three places, as on an arrow shaft. At the end of these is some horsehair, which has been reddened. It is wrapped around the stem, tied on with sinew, and then over that is fastened some of the fur of the white rabbit, with some ends dangling about six inches. The horsehair extends fully six inches below the fur of the rabbit. This horsehair is attached in two other places, and tied in a similar manner. The three tufts are equidistant, say, six inches apart. Near the last tuft is the head of a wajiñ´ga-[p]a, woodcock (?), the nose of which is white, and the head feathers are red. The bill is turned towards the mouth-piece.9
The head of the duck is secured to the stem by the "ha-jíde," which used to be made of deer or antelope skin, but since the coming ofthe white men a piece of red blanket or Indian cloth has been substituted. Next to this are suspended the two "wéʇa" or eggs, which are two hinqpé, or plumes of the eagle. But the Indians compare them to the egg or to the eaglet in the egg, to which the adopted child is also likened. The child is still immature; but by and by he will grow, and fly like the eagle. Next are attached a number of eagle feathers. These are secured by two cords, called the "mácani¢áze ¢an," made of deer or antelope skin.
On one pipe the eagle feathers are white, being those of a male eagle, and the pipe-stem is dark blue. On the other, they are spotted black and white, being those of a female eagle; and the pipe-stem is dark blue.
Fig. 21.—Rattles used in the Pipe dance.
Fig. 21.—Rattles used in the Pipe dance.
§ 122. There are two gourd rattles, one for each pipe. Each gourd is about five inches in diameter. A handle is thrust through the gourd, one end of which projects about an inch beyond the top of the gourd. Blue stripes about half an inch wide encircle each gourd; and two blue stripes crossing each other at right angles extend half way around, terminating when they meet the other stripe, which divides the gourd in two parts. Around the handle is tied deer skin, antelope skin, or a piece of buffalo skin. The ʇe-néxe, or buffalo bladder, which is sent at first by the messenger, is painted with three blue stripes, as on the gourd rattles. It is tied with a small, fine piece of the skin of a deer or antelope, arranged so as to be opened very easily and with the ends dangling a little.10
Fig. 22.—The Dakota style of tobacco-pouch used by the Omahas in the Pipe dance.
Fig. 22.—The Dakota style of tobacco-pouch used by the Omahas in the Pipe dance.
§ 123. When the pipes are rested against the forked stick, the heads of the ducks are placed next the ground. A short distance from the pipes are two sticks connected with an ear of corn, which is sacred. It must be a perfect ear; the grains must not be rough or shriveled. If grains are wanting on one row or side, the ear is rejected. All the people eat the corn, so it is regarded as amother. (See §163.)
These sticks are reddened with wase-jide-nika, or Indian red. The longer stick, which is nearer the pipes, is stuck about four inches into the ground, and projects a few inches above the ear of corn. The other stick is fastened to the opposite side of the ear of corn; the top of it is on a line with the top of the ear, and the bottom extends a short distance below the bottom of the ear, but it does not reach to the ground. The ear of corn is held between the sticks by "ʇahá¢isan´,"which is wrapped around them all. This fastening is made of the plaited or braided hair taken from the head of a buffalo. An eagle plume (hinqpe) is fastened with sinew to the top of the smaller stick. The lower part of the ear of corn is white, and the upper part is painted green.
Fig. 23.—The positions of the pipes, the ear of corn, etc.
Fig. 23.—The positions of the pipes, the ear of corn, etc.
§ 124.Feasting and singing.—The next morning before sunrise some of the visitors sing as a signal for the people to arise and assemble. Before they sing the áwani amá say to them, "Come, O fathers, sing ye." They do not sing over an hour, perhaps not quite so long. When the men begin to sing the pipes are taken from their support, and are not returned till the singing is concluded. The singing is inside the lodge, as they sit around the fire. They sing again after breakfast, a third time in the afternoon, and once more at night. This generally continues for two days, during which time the visitors are feasted. Sometimes they continue the feasts for three days.
Gifts bestowed.—The day after the feasts, which is generally the thirdday, the principal visitor gives presents to his host, who collects all of the people of his village or tribe. He addresses the chiefs, saying, "My father has brought these things to me." Then he gives the presents to the chiefs. The pile of gifts is often about four feet high. One or more of the chiefs then speak to the young men who accompany them, "These things are given to you. Do with them as you please. Give them to whom you desire to present them." Presently one young man arises and says, "I will give a horse to my father," meaning the principal visitor. He is followed by another, and so on, till all have spoken who have a desire to make presents. Some of the young men give many horses to the visitors. When the principal chief sees that enough horses have been given in equal numbers to each visitor he says, "Come, cease ye." Then the chiefs imitate the young men in giving presents to the visitors, taking care to give none of them a larger share than the rest. This exchange of presents consumes the entire day. The principal visitor has the right to distribute the horses among his party.
Fig. 24.—Decoration of the child's face.
Fig. 24.—Decoration of the child's face.
§ 125.The dance.—The next day two of the servants of the principal visitor are selected to do the dancing. They must be men who are "ckan´ ¢ipí,"i. e., skillful in imitating the movements and acts of the war eagle, its flying, etc. When it is windy a screen is set up, but when it is calm there is none. Before the dance is begun the man for whom the ceremony is made leads his son or daughter to his visitors, saying, "¢é á¢awan´ te hă´,"Please dance for this one.But the parent does not bring the child by himself; one of the dancers always goes for the child, and must carry it on his back to the lodge where the dancers are staying. When one of the men came to the house of Mr. La Flèche for his daughter Susette, she was very small and so was afraid of the man, and refused to go with him. So her mother's mother carried her part of the way, and then the man took her to the lodge. After the father has addressed the visitors the child is caused to sit with the members of the dancing party. Its face is painted red, and over that is painted in blue, the hañga ʞi`anze, and a stripe down the nose.11An eagle plumeor hinqpe is placed in its hair. The child receives clothing from the principal visitor, if he has it; but if has none, another member of the party gives the clothing. Then the adopting father says to the child, "We give you a sacred thing. Do not have a bad heart. We make you sacred, we set you apart. We have received this custom from Wakanda. We give you a sign, and henceforth no one can say that you are poor."
The child so adopted is called "Hañ´ga ¢iñké" during the dance. Compare the "hŭñ´ka (huŋka)" of the Dakotas.
There is no regular order of sitting. The drummer and singers sit in the middle, and the child is with them. Near them are the two dancers, who wear no clothing but breech-cloths. Both have the hañga ʞi`anze painted in red on their faces. Each one holds a gourd rattle in his right hand. It contains hard seed, beads, or fine gravel. In their left hands are the calumet pipes. They dance for about an hour, imitating the actions of the war eagle, preserving at the same time a constant waving motion with the calumet, and agitating the gourds more or less vehemently, agreeably to the music.
The villagers look on, some standing, others sitting. At the close of the dance, the crier says to the people, "Come quickly with the presents which you have promised. They will go soon." Then the people bring the horses and other presents, which they bestow upon the visitors, who lose no time in departing for home. Then the child's face is cleansed of the paint, and the two calumets are given to the family to which the child belongs. The visitors generally depart before noon, say, about 10 o'clock. Sometimes they finish the ceremony in three days, in which case one day is spent in feasting, one in making presents, and part of the third day in the dance. Sometimes they spend three days in feasting, the fourth in making presents, and part of the fifth in dancing. But the usual order is two days in feasting, one in making presents, and part of the fourth in dancing.
§ 126.Adoption and privileges of the child.—This child is ever after treated as the first-born, taking the place of the real first-born, who calls him "jin¢éha,"elder brother. The wáwanaká shares his property with this adopted son, giving him presents, and never refusing him anything that he may ask of him. In like manner, the real father of the child makes presents to the real son of the wawanaka, just as if he were the child's father. This ceremony is never trifled with, though it is now obsolescent. No marriage can take place between members of these families for four years. At least, La Flèche and Two Crows never heard of any persons marrying who were related by this sort of kinship. After the first generation has passed away, the next may say, "That man's father, A, made me (C) his son. I will dance for D, the child of B, my adopted brother and son of A." Or B may say to C, "My father, A, danced for you. Do you dance for me in the person of my son, D." So the kinship used to be kept up, generation after generation,if they liked one another; but if they did not agree, it was allowed to disappear. (See Kinship, §78.)
A child is danced for but once by the same party. Should they come again, there are no ceremonies observed but the giving of horses and goods. The children thus honored are from five to six years of age, none over ten years of age can be thus adopted.
Frank La Flèche said, "Cañge-skă danced this dance for my father, who therefore, called him 'father'; and I, too, call Cañge-skă my father. So all the Wejincte people (being my father's gens by adoption), called Cañge-skă, 'father' for four years. Then the kinship ceased. During that period it would have been unlawful for any of my family to intermarry with the gens of Cañge-skă."
The Ponkas are not fully acquainted with the calumet dance. They use but one pipe; but the Omahas always have two pipes.
§ 127. Industrial occupations among the ₵egiha may be treated of in three grand divisions: I. Those relating to the Sustenance of Life; II. Those concerning the Protection of Life; III. Those which have to do with the Regulation of Life. The first and second of these divisions are not fully differentiated.
To the first division may be assigned those industries pertaining to Food, Clothing, and Shelter. Food is obtained by hunting, trapping, fishing, and cultivation of the ground. In order to obtain it one is obliged to resort to weapons, traps, farming implements, &c.; and to prepare it for a meal, there are several processes required, as well as implements or utensils used in those processes. This gives rise to another kind of industry, the manufacture of those weapons, traps, implements, and utensils.
Among the industries pertaining to the Protection of Life are War Customs (especially defensive warfare) and the Practice of Medicine. (See ChaptersIXandX.)
The following are connected with the Regulation of Life: The Government and the Law. (See ChaptersXIandXII.)
The following relate to the Sustenance of Life.
§ 128.Kinds of hunting.—There are two kinds of hunting known among the ₵egiha. One is called "abae," answering to the [T]ᴐiwere "kinañʞra," and the "wotihni" of the Dakotas. This refers to the hunting of the larger animals by a few men, or even by one person, the family of each hunter having been left at home or in the tribal camp. The other kind is the "ʇe une," when all the people go in a body, with their families, moving from place to place as they seek for herds of buffaloes. This latter is often called "gaq¢an´" by the Omahas and Ponkas, and "ʞiqran´" by the [T]ᴐiwere tribes.
§ 129.Hunting seasons.—The summer hunt was not undertaken till the corn and pumpkins had been planted, the weeds cut, and the beans gathered. The time for the return was when the wind blew open the "jáqcazi," the sunflowers and the flowers of other species of the "ja," which was about the first of September. It was only during the summerhunt that the tribe camped in the tribal circle on the open prairie. The fall or winter hunt gave a name to the season when it began "t`angaq¢an," thehunting fall, orlater fall, as distinguished from "t`an" theharvestorearlier fall. This later fall corresponded with the latter part of October. Then some of the men took their families with them, and went in pursuit of deer, or occupied themselves with trapping beaver and otter. But most of the people went on the fall hunt when they sought the "mé-ha," literally, "spring hides," that is, those which had thick hair. They did not camp in the tribal circle, as it was too cold to pitch their tents on the open prairie; but each head of a family had his tent pitched in a sheltered spot; and for this purpose the hunters did not always go in one large party, but scattered in several directions, camping wherever they could find heavy timber or brush that could protect their lodges during heavy winds. They returned home in the spring about the month of April.
§ 130.Preliminary feast held before the departure for the summer hunt.—The principal chief or head man of the Hañga gens prepared a feast, to which he invited all the chiefs and brave men. An Iñke-sabě man was sent as ieki¢ě (crier, herald) or wag¢a (messenger) around the village, and he called to each guest to bring his bowl and spoon. When the guests had assembled at the lodge of the Hañga chief the two principal chiefs sat at the back of the lodge, opposite the entrance, and on each side of them were ranged the subordinate chiefs around the circle, according to their rank. After them were seated the braves, as far as the entrance, on the left side of which sat the giver of the feast, while on the right side were the wag¢a (Wakan-man¢inand [T]ehan-man¢in, the keepers of the sacred tents of the Hañga), who were expected to attend to the fire and the kettles. The sacred pipes were lighted, according to the prescribed rules, and passed around the circle. (See §§18and111.)
The object of the council was explained by one of the head chiefs saying, "Come! consider the question. Let us remove. In how many days shall we remove?" The question was then discussed by others, and having agreed among themselves what course to pursue, one said, "Úqě ctĭ g¢ítani ʞĭ, watan´ zi-hi ctĭ g¢ítani ʞĭ, dúba jan´ ʞí, anwan´hantaí"—When they have prepared their caches and have worked(i. e., examined)their cornstalks, let us remove after an interval of four days. When the chiefs perceived what was the sense of the council they decided on the route. When the food was sufficiently cooked the wag¢a removed the kettles from the fire. Then one of the head chiefs called a young man by name, saying, "Úhancétě we´¢itañ´-gă,"Handle that kettle for us. Then the young man holding a spoon in his right hand dipped it into one of the kettles, took out a piece of a choice part of the meat. His left hand being elevated, with extended palm, he presented the meat in the spoon to each of the four winds, beginning at the entrance of the lodge, and he finished the ceremony by casting the meat into the fire.
Then the food was served out to the guests, the best portions of it being placed before the chiefs. Each person who received a portion thanked the host, using the appropriate kinship term, as, "Hau! jin¢éha!"Thanks! elder brother!—"Hau! kagé!"Thanks! younger brother!—"Hau! negíha!"Thanks! mother's brother!The old men present thanked the host, chiefs, and young men. Food is precious to them, so they talked a long time about it. The young men left some of the food in the kettles for the criers and old men, who then ate out of the kettles instead of bowls. The feast ended, smoking succeeded, after which the guests rose in succession, thanked the host, and passed out of the lodge in an orderly manner, beginning with those on the left of the entrance and fireplace. These passed in single file before the head chiefs, and round the rest of the circle of the guests, till they reached the entrance when they passed out. Then those on the right of the fireplace made a complete circuit of the lodge, passed before the head chiefs and went out of the lodge. In each case the guest followed the course of the sun as he appears to revolve around the earth. The criers sang through the village in praise of the host, whom they thanked for his hospitality. They also thanked the chiefs and young men who were present at the feast; and they proclaimed to the people the decision of the council.
§ 131.Preparations for the departure.—The women buried incacheswhatever they wished to leave. Food, etc., was placed in a blanket, which was gathered up at the corners and tied with a thong; then the bundle was allowed to fall to the bottom of thecache. Many of such bundles were put into a singlecache. Then the women went over the corn-fields to see that all the work had been finished. They prepared their pack-saddles and litters, and mended moccasins and other clothing. The young men spent part of the time in dancing in honor of the "watcígaxe ʇi uné¢ě aká," the men at whose lodges the dancing societies met.
§ 132.The departure.—The day for their departure having arrived, the women loaded their horses and dogs, and took as great weights on their own backs as they could conveniently transport. Such lodges as were left unoccupied by aged or infirm people were secured by closing the entrances with large quantities of brushwood. Those men who were the owners of many horses were able to mount their families on horseback, but the most of the people were obliged to go afoot. Before starting the place for passing the night was determined and an Iñke-sabě man was sent through the village as crier saying, "Majan´ gá¢ua[p]i ¢aʇí te,ai,a¢a+!"—They say, indeed, that you shall pitch the tents in that land which is out of sight!He described the location of the place as he made this proclamation, so that the abaé-ma (hunters or scouts) might know where they were expected to rejoin the people. This precaution was taken each succeeding night, or else on the morrow before the departure of the hunters.
§ 133.The Hu¢uga or Tribal Circle.—(See §§9-12). They generally selected some place near a stream, and they tried to find a level spot large enough to allow the formation of a single hu¢uga, but when so large a level could not be had, the Omahas pitched their lodges in two concentric circles, and the Ponkas in three circles of that arrangement. The exact order of the encampment of the gentes in these concentric circles has not been preserved. As soon as the tents were erected each woman put up her wámancíha, of which there were two or three for each tent. They were used for drying the ʇanuʞa or fresh meat, and each was made by sticking into the ground two forked sticks that were about four feet high, about six or eight feet apart, and placing a pole across them. The pieces of meat were hung across the transverse pole of each wamanciha.
After the setting up of the tent of one of the keepers of the wa¢íxabe or sacred bags, a stick was thrust in the ground outside the tent, and the wa¢ixabe was hung on it, provided there was no rain. But should a rain ensue after the bag was hung outside, or if it was raining at the time the tent was pitched, the stick was set up without delay within the tent, and the bag was hung on it.
§ 134.The Wa¢anor directors of the hunt.—The chiefs always appointed four men to act as directors of the hunt. He who wished to be the principal director had to provide a pipe and a standard called the "wacábe." The former had a bowl of red pipe-stone, but was not one of the sacred pipes. The latter consisted of an oak or hickory stick about eight feet long, and reddened, to which was fastened a row of eagle feathers, some of which were white and others spotted. Their use will be explained hereafter. A "nikide" (see §151) was fastened to the top of the stick. The chiefs said to the directors, "It is good to do such and such things." The directors considered whether it would be right or not, and finally decided what course should be pursued. Then, if any accident occurred, or quarrels between men or women, dog fights, high winds, rain, etc., ensued, the director who had advised going in that direction was blamed, and his advice was disregarded from that time, so he had to resign, and let some one else take his place. During the last summer hunt of the Omahas the directors were Ictá¢abi, Nugá, and Duba-man¢in, of the Iñke-sabě gens, and a fourth man, whose name has been forgotten. Icta¢abi succeeded his father as the principal director.12
§ 135. When the people stopped and camped for only a single night,the act was called "uʇi;" but when they stopped at a place for two or more days, the act was known as "epaze." This latter happened when the horses were tired or the weather was bad. "Uʇí dúba sátăndan´ctěan´ ʞĭ, épazai"—When they had camped but one night at each place for four or five nights, they stopped to rest for two or more days.
§ 136.Appointment of the scouts.—It was generally two or three weeks after the departure from the village that they reached the country where the buffalo abounded. Meanwhile, the people were frequently in need of food, so it was customary for some of the men to leave the camp each morning to seek game of any kind for the sustenance of the tribe till the buffalo herds were surrounded. This service, too, was sometimes called "abae," and, also, "wadan´be ¢é,"to go to seeorscout; and the men were "ábaé-ma" or "wadan´be-ma." Before their departure they were summoned to the Wacabe tent by Tcáhĭc, the aged Iñke-sabě crier, who stood by that tent, and called for each man in a loud voice. The man himself was not named, but the name called was that of his small son. Thus, when Two Crows was summoned, Tcahĭc said, "Gain-bajĭ hau+!" as the latter was then the young son of Two Crows, and the father knew that he was summoned. When the fathers had assembled at the Wacabe tent, each one was thus addressed by the principal director: "You shall go as a scout. No matter what thing you see, you shall report it just as it is. If you do not tell the truth may you be struck by lightning! May snakes bite you! May men slay you! May your feet hurt you! May your horse throw you!" When the sons are large enough they go themselves as scouts when called by name.
These scouts or hunters were expected to bring to the camp what game they killed, and to reconnoiter the surrounding country for buffalo and enemies. They used to traverse a vast extent of country, and to shoot at all animals except the buffalo. Whenever those who went the farthest came in sight of the buffalo, or discovered signs of their proximity, they dared not shoot at the animals, but they were bound to return at once to the tribe to report the fact. When they got in sight of the camp, or of the tribe in motion, they made signs with their blankets or robes. (See First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sign Language, p. 532.)
§ 137.Return of the scouts when the tents are pitched.—If the tents were pitched when the scouts came in sight, the latter went at once to the Wacabe tent, where the ʇe-san-ha is kept. As soon as each director heard or learnt of the coming of the scouts, he proceeded to the Wacabe tent. When all four had arrived the scouts made a report. They never told any news on such occasion till they reached the sacred tent; and when they reported, they did not say, "We saw buffalo." They had to say, if they discovered a herd, "Úciáʞi¢é-degan, ʇé-i eb¢égan"—I may have deceived myself, but I think that they were buffaloes.The wordsare pronounced very deliberately. "How many were there?" said the directors. The reply might be, "I think about forty."
They were afraid of telling a falsehood to the directors and the keeper of the sacred tent. Big Elk said that when they reported they used to give a good robe to the pole in the other sacred tent, but this is denied by La Flèche and Two Crows.
After hearing the report the directors sent the crier for the chiefs, who assembled at the Wacabe tent. He also proclaimed that all the young men should go thither; so they went, and stood outside. The Hañga man (the keeper of the sacred tent?) told the young men, "In such a direction there are so many buffaloes." Then the men left the women in the camp, mounted their horses, and hastened towards the herd.
§ 138.Return of the scouts when the people are moving.—If the people were moving along when the scouts came in sight, the four directors proceeded in advance to meet the scouts, and the Iñke-sabě crier accompanied them. He marched behind the directors till they met the scouts, when he advanced to the front, and received the report from one of the scouts, who spoke in a whisper. Then the crier whispered the news to the principal director, who stood on his left, and he whispered it to the next director, and so on. After the crier told the first director, the former stepped backward several paces to the rear of the four directors, and lay down with his head pointing in the direction whence the scouts came. After all of the directors heard the news, they smoked once, and then sent the crier to proclaim the news. The scouts proceeded to their families after delivering their report to the directors. The crier proclaimed thus: "₵ázige te, ai a¢a+!" That is, "They say indeed that you shall halt!" The tents were pitched immediately, as the people knew that a herd of buffaloes had been found. Then the men hastened toward the herd, each one being mounted.
§ 139. Some of the men used to address their horses thus: "Ho, my child! do your best. I shall do my best." This was not said by all. Some gave medicine to their horses to make them swift. (See the [P]a¢in-wasabe dance, ChapterX.)
§ 140.Council and appointment of policemen.—As soon as they could see the herd they stopped. Then the crier called certain young men by name, saying, "Let us consecrate some ʇa or sides of buffalo meat. You will take a ʇa for me." (See §151.) A council was held by the chiefs and directors, and having decided to surround the herd, policemen were appointed. These wanace were selected from the wahehajĭ or brave men. They had no work to do till they were near the herd. Then they had to watch the people to keep them from scaring off the herd by moving before the proper time. All who disobeyed them were severely punished. Cáda¢íce, an aged Omaha, who is now lame and palsied in one limb, was once strong and highly esteemed by his people; but he violated the rules of the hunt, and all the policemen flogged himso unmercifully that he never fully recovered from the effects of his punishment. The offense was committed when the people had been unsuccessful in finding a herd, and were almost starved. Suddenly some buffaloes were discovered. Though it was against the law for any small number of men to go against the herd, independently of the rest, two or three, including Cada¢ice, disobeyed, and, rushing forward, scared off the herd, so that none were caught. On another hunt, when the men were behind a bank, seven of them wished to ascend the hill sooner than Two Crows directed. They started up against his wishes; but he rushed after them and lashed them right and left with his whip, compelling them to desist.
During the council the chiefs said, "Let us consecrate some buffalo tongues, and also two or four hearts." Then, calling on two of the young men, they said, "Young men, you will get the hearts and tongues for us, and place them together at the sacred tent."
§ 141.Order of approaching and surrounding a herd.—The attacking party was always led by two men carrying the sacred objects belonging to the principal director; one man carried the pipe, and the other bore the wacabe standard. They marched abreast, and behind them came the two young men who had been chosen to collect the hearts and tongues. The latter wore no clothing but their breech-cloths, and they carried only their bows and knives. Behind them came the hunters, not going abreast or in any fixed order, but somewhat scattered. When the two leaders reached the proper distance from the herd they separated, one going to the right and the other to the left, each one proceeding in a course nearly the shape of a semi-circle, and followed by half of the men. They began to form their lines for surrounding the herd, and the leaders ran on till they had met in the rear of the herd, and then passed one another, going a short distance around on the opposite side. Then the attack began. The bearers of the pipe and standard were called "`An´sagi-ma,"the swift ones.
§ 142.Collection of the hearts and tongues.—After they separated in front of the herd the two young men behind them did not follow them, but kept straight ahead towards the front of the herd, where they stopped. They were obliged to be constantly on the alert in order to avoid the onset of any buffalo that might rush towards them. As soon as they saw that an animal was down they rushed towards it and proceeded to cut out the heart and tongue. Then they passed to the next one that was slain, and so on. Each one cut out eight or ten tongues, but he was obliged to cut a hole in the throat before taking out the tongue, which was drawn through that hole. This was the last time that the tongues could touch any tool or metal, except when they were boiling in the kettles at the sacred tent. As fast as the men removed the hearts and tongues they cut holes in them, through which was thrust one end of a bow. When all were strung on the bows they were secured by tying pieces of green hide to the ends of each bow. The bowand its burden was placed on the back of the owner while the green hide or bow-string went across the chest. Then the young men ran quickly in advance of the hunters and gave the hearts and tongues to the keeper of the Wacabe tent.
§ 143.The feast on the hearts and tongues.—In the evening, when all the policemen and other hunters had returned to the camp, the two keepers of the Hañga sacred tents boiled the hearts and tongues. As soon as they were done an Iñke-sabě man was sent as crier to invite the chiefs, who proceeded to the Wacabe tent. On some of these occasions all of the chiefs and Hañga men did not attend, so, when there were many tongues, and few chiefs were present, some of the brave young men were invited to assist in consuming the sacred food. None of the Wacabe Hañga could eat the sacred tongues, though any of the other Hañga who were present might do so. None of the meat was then cut with a knife. Each guest was obliged to eat his portion there, as he could not take it to his own lodge. He must put one corner of his robe (the wainhahage or lower part) on the ground, and having placed the piece of meat on that, he had to raise the improvised dish to his mouth and bite off a mouthful at a time. Even when the blanket was a new one that would be soiled the wearer could not avoid using it thus. This ceremony was observed four times during the summer hunt. After the surrounding of the fourth herd there were no further prohibitions of the use of a knife or bowl during that season.
When the people divide and go in two parties during the summer hunting season, only those who have the sacred tents observe the ceremonies which have just been described. The others did not consecrate any hearts and tongues.
While the guests were eating certain sacred songs were sung. According to La Flèche and Two Crows, the singers were two of the Wacabe Hañga and the ₵atada man who acted as quʞa; but Frank La Flèche says that the singers were the Hañga guests who ate the tongues.
The Iñke-sabě crier sat by the door, looking wistfully towards the food, and hoping almost against hope for some to be left for him.
These songs were very many, and lasted till daylight, according to An´ba-hébe, the tribal historian. From him the writer gained an incomplete description of them. First were the corn songs: 1. "I clear the land." 2. "I put in corn." 3. "The corn comes up." 4. "Ukít`ět`an,It has blades." 5. "Q¢á é¢anbe,The ears appear." 6. "Wahába najíha t`an,The ears have hair,i. e., silk." 7. "Égi¢e an´¢ispan,At length we try the ears, squeezing them with the fingers, to see if they are ripe." 8. "Égi¢e jút`anʞĭ,At length it is ripe." 9. "Égi¢e wahába an´¢ija,At length we pull off the ears from the stalks." 10. "Égi¢e wahába an´¢iga,At length we husk the ears." 11. "Égi¢e wahába an´¢icpi,At length we shell the corn." 12. "Égi¢e wahába an´¢ate,At length we eat the corn."
Then followed the buffalo songs in similar order, of which werethe following: "Síg¢e wadan´be,The tracks are seen." "[T]é wadan´be ag¢í,They have come back from seeing the buffalo." "[P]ahé ʇá[p]`ě a¢ai´,They have gone to the hill that is near by." * * * "[T]e winaú hă,I have wounded a buffalo." "Húqpaqpa man¢in´,He walks coughing repeatedly." This last refers to a habit of wounded buffaloes, they cough repeatedly as the blood pours forth.
La Flèche and Two Crows say that they never attended these feasts, so they cannot give the words of the songs. Frank La Flèche says, "None besides the Hañgas and chiefs can give you correctly all of the songs of the corn and buffalo, as it is looked upon as sacrilege to sing these songs. The young people are strictly forbidden to sing them. None of the young Omahas have taken any pains to learn them, although we have often been to listen to the singing of them while the Hañgas and the chiefs were performing the ceremonies of the pole. You may, but I very much doubt it, get it all from one of the Hañgas or chiefs by liberally compensating him for his patience (of which I fear he wouldn't have enough) in going through with it, as it takes three or four nights without stopping, lasting from sundown till sunrise; and even then they find, sometimes, that they have omitted some.13I myself would like to know it all, but I have never once heard it sung by any of the young men with whom I am accustomed to go, although they frequently have had the presumption to sing all other religious songs, such as the In´-kug¢i a¢in´, Wacícka a¢in´, Wasé a¢in´, etc., for amusement."
§ 144.Skill in archery.—So great is the skill of the Indians in archery, that they frequently sent their arrows completely through the bodies of the animals at which they shot, the arrowheads appearing in such cases on the opposite side. Dougherty heard that in some instances the arrows were sent with such force that they not only passed entirely through the bodies of the buffaloes, but even went flying through the air or fell to the ground beyond the animals.
§ 145.Sets of arrows.—As each man had his own set of arrows distinguished from those of other men by peculiar marks, he had no difficulty in recovering them after the slaughter of the herd, and by means of them he could tell which animals were killed by him. Hence quarrels respecting the right of property in game seldom occurred, and the carcass was awarded to the more fortunate person whose arrow pierced the most vital part.
§ 146. Frank La Flèche killed his first buffalo when he was but seventeen years of age. On such occasions the slayer cut open the body and ate the liver with the gall over it.
§ 147.Carving and division of a buffalo.—When plenty of buffalo hadbeen killed, the slayer of one took but one man to aid him in cutting it up, and each man took half of the body as his share. All agree in saying that the hide was kept by the slayer, and some say that the choice pieces were also his. Sometimes the slayer gave pieces of the meat to those of his kindred who had no horses. All recognize the right of the slayer to give the pieces as he saw best. He was generally assisted in the cutting up by four or five men, and the body was divided into six portions, as follows: The ʇe-mañ´ge or chest, one share; the ʇe-nan´qa or hump, one share; the ʇe-ju´ or front portions of the body, two shares, with each of which was put a foreleg; the ʇe-jéga or thighs, the hinder portions of the body, two shares; with one was put the ʇe-níxa or paunch, with the other, the ʇe-cíbe or entrails. The men who assisted were not necessarily of the same gens or tribe. Sometimes the slayer took only the hide for his part and gave all the rest away. According to Frank La Flèche, "the first man who reached a slain buffalo had for his share, if the animal was fat, one of the ʇe-ju and the ʇe-nixa; but if it was lean, he took one of the ʇe-jega and the ʇe-nixa. The second man that reached there received the other ʇe-ju, and the third had the ʇe-mañge. The fourth one's share consisted of the ʇan´he or ʇe-cibe and the other ʇe-jega. But if the slayer of the animal wished any of these parts he could keep them. The ʇe-dí or liver was good for nothing."
Should only one buffalo be killed by a large party, say, thirty or more, the slayer always cut up the body in many pieces of equal size and divided among all the hunters. Sometimes two or three men came and helped the slayer to carve the body. Then he gave each a share. If a chief who had not been invited to sit down came and assisted in the carving, he too would get a share; but he had no right to demand a part, much less the whole body, for himself, as some writers assert. When a chief approached a carcass the slayer, if he chose, could tell him to sit down. Then the slayer, after cutting up the body, might give a piece to the chief, saying, "Take that and carry it on your back." Then the chief would thank the donor. If the chief could not tell in public of the kindness of his benefactor, the slayer would not give him a piece of the meat. When a man killed a buffalo, elk, deer, beaver, or otter, he might carry it to a chief, and say, "Wi´[p]ahan,I give it to you."
§ 148. The women never aided in the carving. Sometimes, when a man had no boy to take care of his extra horse, he let his wife ride it, and allowed her to take out the entrails, etc., after he had slit the belly. But if the slayer offered any objection the woman could not do that. As a rule the men took out "úgaqe¢a tě," or all the intestines, including the paunch, ʇe-cibe, etc., and put them aside for the women to uncoil and straighten.
§ 149.Kinds of buffaloes eaten.—During the winter hunt young buffalo bulls were eaten, as they were fat, but the full-grown bulls were never eaten, as their flesh was too hard. So in summer the young bulls were not eaten for the same reason. Buffalo cows were always ingood condition for eating, and so were the "ʇe-minquga" or hermaphrodite buffaloes. The latter had very long horns.
While the Ponkas and Dakotas, when pressed by hunger, might eat the kidneys raw, the Omahas always boiled them before eating.
§ 150.Disposition of the various parts of the buffalo.—With the exceptions of the feet and head, all the edible parts of the animal were carried to the camp and preserved. The brains (wé¢iq¢i) were taken from the skull for the purpose of dressing (¢iq¢í) the skin or converting it into leather. These skins, which were obtained during this season, were called "ʇa´ha," and were used in the construction of the skin lodges, as well as for their individual clothing during the warm weather. When but few animals were killed even the feet were taken to the camp, and when they were boiled till they came apart they were eaten.
According to Dougherty "three women sufficed for carrying all the pieces of a buffalo, except the skin, to the camp if it was at any moderate distance, and it was their duty to prepare the meat, etc., for keeping." But Frank La Flèche says that the women seldom went out to bring in the packs of meat. Men and boys usually carried them. A woman who had any male kindred used to ask some of the younger ones to take her husband's horses and go for the meat.
All the meat could be cut into thin slices, placed on low scaffolds, and dried in the sun or over a slow fire. Some, who did not know how to cut good slices, used to cut the ʇe-mañge into strips about two inches wide, called "wá[s]nege." But those who knew how would cut them in three, long slices (wága) for drying. "The bones of the thighs, to which a small quantity of meat was left adhering, were placed before the fire till the meat was sufficiently roasted, when they were broken. The meat and the marrow were considered a most delicious repast. These, with the tongue and hump, were considered the best parts of the animals. The meat, in its dried state, was closely compressed into quadrangular packages, each of the proper size to attach conveniently to one side of the pack-saddle of a horse. The dried intestines were interwoven together into the form of mats and tied up in packages of similar form and size." Then the women put these supplies incaches, and the tribe continued onward in the pursuit of other herds. (For a fuller account of the uses of the different parts of the buffalo meat see ChapterVIII, §164.)
§ 151.Ceremonies of thanksgiving prior to the return home. Anointing the sacred pole.—It will be noticed that on the way to the hunt, and until the time for the greasing or anointing of the sacred pole, the Wacabe tent is the more important one. But after that a change occurred. The keeper of the other sacred tent, in which is the sacred pole, became the master of ceremonies, and the keeper of the Wacabe tent acted as his assistant. When the people had killed a great many buffaloes they were willing to return to their home. But before they could start they must take part in a religious ceremony, of which a partial descriptionfollows. The keeper of the pole sent a crier to summon the chiefs, who assembled and decided to perform the sacred rites. For this purpose a "ʇa" was boiled at the sacred tents. About a hundred young men were collected there. They who had not yet distinguished themselves in battle went stripped to the waist, and sat in a circle around the tents. Here and there were some of the braves who wore robes, and some had on good shirts. They departed when they had eaten the food. As they followed the line of the tents several women went after them. Two of these women were they who carried the sacred tents, and with them were three or five others. As the braves proceeded they snatched from each "ʇi-ú¢igije" or "ʇí-u¢ipu" (high or low tent) a tent-pole or else a forked stick (ísag¢e) such as were used for hanging the kettles. No one offered any resistance, as they knew the purpose for which the sticks were taken. These tent-poles and isag¢e were handed to the women, who carried them to the keepers of the sacred tents. When they arrived there they used the sticks for making a long tent; and they placed the sacred pole directly in front of the tent, as in the figure. Then the crier (Tcahĭc) stood at the long tent and proclaimed as follows, by command of the keeper of the sacred pole, calling on each small child by name: "O grandchild, wherever you are standing, even though you bring but one thing, you will put it yonder on the ground for me at a short distance." Over two hundred children of parents that were prosperous were thus invited to make presents to the sacred tents. No children of poor people were expected to make any presents, but young men, boys, girls, and even infants, were expected to bring "ʇa" or their equivalents, if they could afford them. Then came the young men whom the crier had named when they first saw the buffaloes. (See §140.) Each one brought a "ʇe-ju" or side of a buffalo. Sometimes they brought back as many as thirty, forty, or fifty. Then came the fathers with their children who had been called by name, each person bringing four presents in the name of his child. These consisted, in modern times, of a "ʇa," a gun, a fine robe, and a kettle. Each piece of "ʇa" used at this ceremony was about a yard long and half a yard wide. When a gun could not be had, "nikide," which were very precious, being used for necklaces, were offered instead. Sometimes a horse was the fourth gift. The wahehajĭ took "ʇa," and also horses or goods, as their offerings. The keeper of the pole, who could not eat the "ʇa," then called on the keeper of the Wacabe tent to act for him; and the latter then proceeded to arrange the pieces of the "ʇa" before the pole. Selecting the two pieces that were the fattest, he placed them before the pole, as the "nudan´hañga" or lords. Then he arranged the others in a row with the two, parallel with the long tent. When but few buffaloes had been killed, there was only one row of the "ʇa" before the pole; but when there had been a very successful hunt, the pieces were spread in one and a half, two, or even two and a half rows, each full row being the length of the long tent. Then the keeper of the pole sent a man of his gens tothe Iñke-sabě gens for the two sacred pipes. These were taken by the Hañga man to the long tent for future use. In the mean time, the principal pieces of the ʇa were cut by the keeper of the Wacabe tent in pieces as wide as one hand, and as long as from the elbow to the tips of the fingers (fully eighteen inches). These pieces of fat were mixed with red clay, and then the compound was rubbed over the sacred pole. Some say that throughout this ceremony sacred songs were sung: "An´ba i¢áug¢ěqti waan´ g¢ini,"They sat singing throughout the day. (See §143for what Frank La Flèche says on this point.) When the anointing was completed the remaining ʇa were collected, and divided among the Hañga people who could not eat the tongues. Sometimes the chiefs received one apiece; and the keeper of the pole asked for one, two, three, and sometimes four, which he gave to the kindred of his wife, as he could not eat that part of the buffalo.