The North Atlantic Squadron Sent to Key West—Commodore Schley atHampton Roads—The Voyage of the Oregon—The Camp at Chickamauga—Where the Initial Work of Mobilizing the Troops Was Done—Life atCamp Thomas—Life on the Famous Battle Field—Rendezvous at FortTampa—The Great Artillery Camp.
Immediately following the action of Congress authorizing thePresident to call into service the army and navy of the UnitedStates, the North Atlantic squadron, under command of CaptainSampson, was mobilized at Key West. It consisted of the followingvessels: Battleships Iowa and Indiana, armored cruiser New York,the monitors Puritan, Terror and Amphitrite, the gunboatsNashville, Castine, Machias, Wilmington and Helena, the cruisersDetroit, Cincinnati and Marblehead, and the torpedo-boats Cushing,Ericsson, Dupont, Foote, Winslow, Porter and Mayflower.
These comprised a hard fighting aggregation under a cool and daring fighter. The two first-class battleships were not equaled in fighting power by anything in the Spanish navy, and the New York was one of the best fighting ships of her kind in the world.
Commodore Winfield Scott Schley and the fighters of his flying squadron were gathered at Hampton Roads, impatient for orders from Washington to face the foe. Far away in Pacific waters Commodore Dewey was cabled the command to hold himself in readiness to proceed to Manila, and the good ship Oregon, under command of Captain Clarke, was steaming her way around Cape Horn to join the fleet in Cuban waters.
In the army equal activity was shown.
Chickamauga Park, near Chattanooga, Tenn., was the point of concentration for the regular troops which were gathered for the war with Spain. It was the initial camp where the mobilization took place, and from which soldiers and supplies were dispatched to seacoast towns within easy striking distance of Cuba. When orders went out from army headquarters at Washington for the movement of the regulars to Chickamauga a thrill of soldierly pride swelled the breast of every man who wore Uncle Sam's blue uniform, and there was a hasty dash for the new camp. There is nothing an army man, officer or private, dislikes so much as inactivity. Fighting, especially against a foreign foe, suits him better than dawdling away his time in idleness, and word to "get to the front" is always welcome.
For nearly three weeks troops poured into Chickamauga on every train. They came from all parts of the country, and from every regiment and branch of the service. There were "dough-boys" and cavalry-men, engineers and artillerymen; some regiments were there in force, others were represented by detachments only. There were companies and parts of companies, squadrons and parts of squadrons, batteries and parts of batteries. It was a bringing together of Uncle Sam's soldier boys from all conceivable sections of the country. They came from posts in California and Texas, from Wyoming and Maine, from Colorado and Minnesota. In time of peace the regular army is badly scattered. It is seldom that an entire regiment is stationed at one post, the companies being distributed over a wide area of territory. A mobilization, therefore, like that at Chickamauga, tended to consolidate and put new life into commands which had been badly dismembered by the exigencies of the service. Old comrades were brought together and there was a sort of general reunion and glorification. Men who had been doing police duty near big cities met those who had been watching Indians on the plains, or chasing greaser bandits on the border line. They exchanged stories and prepared for the stern realities of war with a vigor which boded ill for the foe they were to face.
Uncle Sam's soldier is a great grumbler when in idleness. He finds fault with his officers, his food, his quarters, his clothing, his pay, and even with himself. Nothing pleases him. He records big, sonorous oaths about his idiocy in swearing away his liberty for a term of years. But let the alarm of war sound, show him active preparations for a scrimmage with the enemy, and the "regular" is happy. This was the condition which prevailed at Chickamauga. The men were full of enthusiasm and worked as hard as the proverbial beavers. Drills once distasteful and shirked whenever possible were gone through with alacrity and the "boy in blue" was a true soldier, every inch of him. There was war in sight.
On one point at least there was an accord of opinion in rank and file—the camp was well named. "Camp George H. Thomas" they called it, in memory of old "Pap," the hero of Chickamauga, and men and officers alike took a very visible pride in being residents of the tented city. The establishment of the community at Camp Thomas was much like the establishment of a colony in an unsettled land, in so far as domestic conveniences were concerned. Everything had to be taken there, and each regiment, which was a small canvas town in itself, had to depend entirely upon its own resources. Dotted here and there throughout the entire expanse of the fifteen-mile reservation, these cities of tents were seen, and the brave men who lived in them depended upon themselves and each other for what little entertainment they got. A description of the quarters of one officer will serve for all. An "A," or wall tent, 10 by 12 feet, and some of them a size smaller, was his house. On one side a folding camp cot, with a thin yet comfortable mattress and an abundance of heavy, woolen army blankets. A table about twenty inches square, with legs that fold up into the smallest possible space, stood near the door at the foot of the cot. A folding chair or two for his visitors, a large valise or a very small trunk, a bit of looking glass hanging from a tent pole, a tubular lantern, or, if the tenant of the tent was not so fortunate as to possess such a modern light, then a candle attached to a stick in the ground beside his bed. Tie strings attached to the rear wall of the tent afforded a hanging place for "his other shirt" and a pair of extra shoes. His leggings and boots were on his feet, and his belt, pistol and saber stood in a corner. A pad of writing paper, pocket inkstand, a razor strop, unless he had foresworn shaving, a briar or corn-cob pipe, and a bag of tobacco completed the furnishings of his house. Commanding officers, at regimental headquarters, had an extra roof, or "tent fly," as an awning in front of their quarters, but otherwise lived as other officers did.
The enlisted men, quartered in the conical wall tents now adopted by the army, bunked with heads to the wall and feet toward the center, from nine to twelve in a tent Their bedding and blankets were good and they were as comfortable as soldiers could hope to be in the field. Some of the regiments from the remote Northwest had the Sibley conical tent, which has no wall, but which has a small sheet iron stove. These were more than appreciated during the cold, rainy weather that prevailed at Camp Thomas.
The mess tents and cookhouses are about alike in all the arms of the service. The "cuddy-bunk" oven, made of sheet, iron, bakes well and looks like two iron pans fastened together, one upon the top of the other. Men detailed as cooks and waiters, or "kitchen police," as they are denominated in the posts, attended to the preparation and serving of the meals, and the soldiers lived well, indeed. Field rations were used when in transit from point to point, but when in camp the company or troop mess purchased fresh meats, vegetables, eggs, fruits, etc., and lived high.
Twenty-eight batteries of artillery, almost the entire complement of this branch of the United States army, were in camp at Port Tampa, Fla., awaiting orders to make a descent upon the Spanish forces in Cuba. This great gathering of artillery was the feature of the camp. Infantry and cavalry troops were held there also, and their number increased every day, but it was in the artillery that the civilian spectators took the most interest. This may be said without disparagement of the "dough boys" and "hostlers," notwithstanding the fact that there were some of Uncle Sam's most famous fighters in both lines of service stationed at Tampa, among them being the Ninth cavalry, and the Fourth, Fifth, Ninth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth infantry. No cavalry regiment has a finer record than the Ninth, the "buffalo" troopers, who gave the Sioux and Apaches more fighting than they wanted, but Southern people have no use for negro soldiers, and their laudations went to the white artillerymen.
No such aggregation of light and heavy artillery has been gathered before at any one city in the United States, even in war time.
Life in camp at Tampa was much the same as at Chickamauga, except that the weather was much hotter. To offset this, however, the boys had fine sea bathing, good opportunities for sailing parties, and the best of fresh fish with which to leaven their rations of salt horse and hardtack. It is astonishing how quickly a man learns to forage and cook after joining the regular army. Three months of service will transform the greenest of counter-jumpers into an expert in the art of enticing chickens from their coops and turning them into savory stews. One of the troopers of the Ninth cavalry was called "Chickens," from his predilections in this line. There were orders against foraging, of course; there always are in friendly territory, but they never amount to much. The officers knew they were disobeyed, but they winked the other eye and said nothing. It is hinted that in this course may be often found an explanation of the lavishness with which the officers' mess is served. One night Major—was smoking a nightcap cigar just outside his tent, when he caught sight of "Chickens" stealing past in the shade of the trees. "Chickens" of course was halted and asked why he was prowling around at that time of night. Before the culprit could frame an excuse the Major noticed a suspicious bulging of the front of the trooper's blouse, and an uneasy, twisting motion within. It was plain to him that "Chickens" had been foraging, and was getting back into quarters with his plunder.
"Been foraging, hey?" said the Major. "Don't you know it's against orders?"
"Chickens" stammered out a denial, when the Major, making a sudden grab at the front of his blouse, tore it open, and out fell two plump pullets.
"Stealing hens, hey?" said the Major. "You'll go to the clink for this."
"Ah didn't dun steal 'em, Majah," said "Chickens," with brazen effrontery. "Ah 'clar to goodness Ah didn't know dem pullets was dar. Mus' have crawled into mah blous t' keep wahm, Majah."
The reply tickled the veteran so much that he let "Chickens" pass, and the next morning there was one officer at the post who had stewed pullet for breakfast.
One of the most famous regiments of infantry at Tampa was the Thirteenth. It has the well-earned reputation of being a good fighting body. Some of the most distinguished officers of the army have been on its rolls in time past, among them Sherman and Sheridan. The history of the Thirteenth goes back to May 14, 1861, when President Lincoln directed its organization. The first colonel was William T. Sherman, who re-entered the army after a number of years engaged in banking and the practice of law. C. C. Augur was one of the majors, and Philip H. Sheridan was a captain. Sheridan joined the regiment in November, 1861, but was soon appointed chief commissary and quartermaster to the Army of Southwest Missouri, which practically severed his connection with the regiment.
In 1862 the first battalion of the regiment entered on active service in the Mississippi valley. It engaged in the Yazoo expedition under Sherman, who was by that time a major-general of volunteers, and took part later in Grant's operations around Vicksburg. The battalion won for its colors the proud inscription, "First Honor at Vicksburg," and lost 43.3 per cent of its force in the attack on the Confederates. Among the dead was its then commander, who died on the parapet. Sherman's nine-year-old son, Willie, who was with his father at Vicksburg, was playfully christened a "sergeant" of the Thirteenth battalion, and his death of fever in October, 1863, called forth a sorrowful letter from General Sherman to the commander of the Thirteenth. "Please convey to the battalion my heartfelt thanks," he wrote, "and assure each and all that if in after years they call on me or mine, and mention that they were of the Thirteenth regulars when Willie was a sergeant, they will have a key to the affections of my family that will open all it has; that we will share with them our last blanket, our last crust!"
After the war the regiment was transferred to the West. It was employed in Kansas, Montana, Dakota, Utah, Wyoming and elsewhere until 1874, for a large part of the time serving almost continuously against hostile Indians. In 1874 it was moved to New Orleans, and was engaged on duty in the Department of the South for six years. During the labor riots of 1877 all but two companies were on duty at Pittsburg, Scranton, Wilkesbarre and other points in Pennsylvania. Then back to the West it went again, and, with some slight vacations, remained on the frontier until October, 1894, when it was transferred to various posts in New York State.
Grave Responsibilities Bravely Met—The Ultimatum to Spain—TheSpanish Minister of Foreign Affairs Sends Minister Woodford HisTransports—Our Consuls in Cuba Leave the Island—Fate ofAmericans Left Behind—Spanish Spies at Work—Playing a DesperateGame.
None but those who were close to the men at the head of our Government just prior to the commencement of the war with Spain can realize with what solicitude they watched the development of the preliminary proceedings.
With full appreciation of their grave responsibilities, knowing the power inherent in their positions to effect results, and yet cognizant as the days went by of their inability to prevent the fulfillment of fate, they endeavored to guide events so far as they could in a course which will hold them and the people blameless in the sight of the world for whatever might follow. That they withstood the strain so well bears testimony to their mental poise and strength of character.
The President's demeanor underwent a noticeable change. The affable, cheery mood which formerly characterized him, gave way to a sternness of manner which befits a humane but just judge called upon to execute a righteous sentence. A curious illustration of Mr. McKinley's temperament was shown in the difference in his bearing after the passage of the resolutions which made war inevitable. So long as there was the slightest chance for peace the pressure of uncertainty bore heavily upon him, and his face assumed a wan and haggard look. That look did not entirely disappear, but it was no longer marked by anxiety. From the moment the decision was reached which imposed upon him the leadership of a nation at war, he seemed to have experienced a sense of relief, for he saw his pathway straight before him, no matter how rough it might be.
Immediately after signing the resolutions declaring for intervention by our Government, the President sent an ultimatum to Spain, quoting the act of Congress, and notifying her that her army and navy must be withdrawn from Cuba by noon of April 23.
The Spanish Minister, Polo y Bernabe, at once applied for his passports, and left the country. The Spanish Government, without waiting for Minister Woodford to deliver the ultimatum of the United States Government, sent him his transports, thus taking the initiative and practically declaring war against this government. The official notification to General Woodford, from the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, was as follows:
Dear Sir:
In compliance with a painful duty, I have the honor to inform you that there has been sanctioned by the President of the Republic a resolution of both chambers of the United States which denies the legitimate sovereignty of Spain, and threatens immediate armed intervention in Cuba, which is equivalent to a declaration of war.
The Government of Her Majesty has ordered her Minister at Washington to retire without loss of time from the territory of North America with all of the personality of the Legation. By this act the diplomatic relations which formerly existed between the two countries, and all official communications between their respective representatives cease. I am obliged to inform you, so that on your part you can make such arrangements as you believe convenient.
I beg that at a suitable time Your Excellency will acknowledge receipt of this and take this opportunity to reiterate the assurance of my most distinguished consideration.
General Woodford then turned over the Legation to the care of the British Government, and ordered all American Consuls in Spain to cease their offices and leave the country at once. He then made his own preparations to leave and started for Paris without delay.
Anticipating the action taken by Congress, a peculiar form of notice had been agreed upon between Consul-General Lee and the Consuls some weeks previously. The telegram notifying them to leave the island was to be in these words: "Appropriation for relief of American citizens is exhausted." This form was devised for a reason which had its bearing upon the unhappy fate of the Americans left on the island. Spaniards of the vindictive class never got over the action of the United States in undertaking the support of its citizens in Cuba. That action was in striking contrast "with the course of the Spanish Government. The Spaniards lost no opportunity to show their resentment toward the Americans. When local measures of relief were planned, the Americans were taunted, and told to look to the United States for help and protection. The charity extended by the United States brought upon the beneficiaries persecution at the hands of the Spaniards. General Lee, realizing the strength of this unworthy sentiment, thought that a message in the language quoted would be so grateful to Spanish eyes that it would be put through to the Consuls without delay. He was right about that. The government attempted to make provision for the removal of the Americans on the island at the same time that the Consuls were notified to withdraw. Results showed that only a comparatively small number availed themselves of the opportunities to go. A ship made its way along the south coast of Cuba and removed from Santiago, Manzanillo and Cienfuegos between 200 and 300 refugees, conveying them to Jamaica. This was hardly one-half. From the northern coast the number taken off the island was much smaller. At Havana there were on the rolls of the Consulate over 600 Americans, of whom perhaps 200 elected to take passage on the ships sent by the United States. At Matanzas, Consul Brice had about 400 Americans. Consul Barker, at Sagua, had about the same number, while Consul Hance, at Cardenas, had about 100. Very few of these wanted to leave their interests and relatives. All of them were utterly destitute. They did not know what they could do if they landed in the United States without friends. Many of them were Cubans, who had lived in the United States only long enough to obtain American citizenship. All their ties were in Cuba. They believed that the warships would come quickly with provisions. And so they chose to stay. When the Consuls left they put food enough in the possession of these Americans to last them from ten days to two weeks. The fate of these unfortunates can only be imagined. From the prejudice which existed toward the American reconcentrados the Consuls know that they would be the last to receive any consideration when the blockade began to bear heavily.
Just prior to the breaking out of actual hostilities between this country and Spain the military attache of the Spanish legation at Washington was compelled to leave this country, because it was known he had been seeking to learn certain facts relative to the strength of our forts and their defensive equipment. This man was Lieutenant Sobral, and in plain and uncompromising English, he was a spy, or member of the Spanish secret service, which implies the same thing.
Before he left this country he had been ejected from several forts along the South Atlantic coast, where he had been found endeavoring to gain access to those mysteries which no man, unless he wears the blue of the United States army, can righteously know aught of, even in times of peace. This was the first intimation this country had that Spain would introduce here the same system of espionage she employs at home. Following Sobrap's expulsion from the country came the knowledge that Spanish spies were working in Washington, watching every move made there; that they swarmed in Key West and in New York city, where they maintained a strict surveillance over the members of the Cuban Junta.
Many of these spies were American citizens, or at least nominally so, for their work was done under the direction of a well-known detective agency, acting, of course, with the Spanish representatives here. These men were principally engaged in preventing the shipment of stores and arms to Cuba. At one time it was impossible to enter or leave the building where the Junta had its headquarters without observing one or more men hanging about the place, apparently with nothing to do and making a vain effort to do it as gracefully as possible. These were thrilling times in the annals of the Junta, when Rubens, Palma and Captain O'Brien were regularly followed to and from their homes to their headquarters. These were good times, too, for the American detective agency. But all this was mere clumsy work, more of an annoyance than anything else, and scarcely any hindrance to the shipping of arms and stores when the Junta was fortunate enough to have the arms and stores to ship.
But after the declaration of war, the spy question assumed an aspect as serious as it was unlocked for. Spain worked silently, secretly and through one of the best-handled branches of her government and with all the Latins' natural love of intrigue. She no longer paid much heed to Palma or Rubens, or to Captain O'Brien. She was playing a bigger game. American detectives no longer represented her interests here—an impossibility under existing conditions, of course. Under Polo was established a most complete department of espionage, which he controlled from the refuge Canada offered him.
The gathering together of information and those facts which usually concern the operation of secret service of civilized countries seemed to be a side issue with this particular department. The scope of its operations was along different lines from those usually followed by the mere spy.
Polo's intention appeared to be to carry the war into America in a new and startling manner—startling, because his movements could not be seen or foretold until the blow was struck. He made use of the corps under his control to place the bomb of the anarchist and apply the torch of the incendiary under our arsenals and to those buildings where the government stored its supplies for the army and navy.
For a time he was successful in his cowardly scheming and his emissaries celebrated his success with many tons of good American gunpowder, and at the cost of some good American lives. Bombs were found in the coal reserved for use aboard our men-of-war. They were even taken from the coal bunkers of our ships and they were found in certain of the government buildings at Washington. Indeed, the situation became so serious that finally strangers were not allowed to visit a man-of-war or enter a fort.
It must be remembered that there are in America thousands of Spaniards who, unless they commit some overt act of violence, can enjoy all the privileges accorded to a citizen. This, together with our mixed population, in many quarters made up largely of the peoples of Southern Europe, all more or less of one type, all speaking languages which, to untrained ears at least, are almost identical one with the other, gave the Spanish spy in America a protection and freedom from suspicion and surveillance he would hardly meet with in any other country, and which, by the inverse, offered no opportunity for the American spy in Spain, had we chosen to make use of the same methods.
These Spaniards were playing a desperate game, however. It was literally at the peril of their necks, for should a man be apprehended, there would be no possibility of escaping the ignominious death that usually awaits on such services. Sobral was allowed to go, though there was no question but that his conduct was so incriminating that he was liable to arrest, trial, and, if convicted, death, had this country cared to hold him. His fate abroad would be easy to foretell. His guilt was almost as great as that which brought Major Andre to his death in the times of the Revolution.
Capture of the LaFayette—The Government Orders Her Release—Towing Prizes Into Key West—The Spanish Set a Trap—The Vicksburgand the Morrill Take the Bait—The Spanish Gunners Poor Marksmen—Another Narrow Escape.
Shortly after the proclamation of the blockade of Cuban ports acapture was made which threatened international complications. TheFrench mail steamer LaFayette was held up almost under the guns ofMorro Castle.
The Annapolis hailed her in the harbor offing and receiving no answer but a show of the French tricolor plumped a six-pounder across her bows and brought her up standing.
Of the 161 cabin passengers on the steamer eighty were women and children. They locked themselves in the staterooms when the warning shot was fired and the Annapolis and Wilmington approached, and gave themselves up to prayers and tears.
Most of the passengers were Spaniards or Cubans, and there were a few Mexicans. Nearly all were bound for Havana.
The steamer was filled to the hatches with medicines, provisions, wines and cotton goods consigned to merchants in Havana and Vera Cruz, Mexico. It is estimated that the value of the ship's cargo was nearly $500,000. Her net tonnage is 4,000 tons. She hails from Santander, France, and cleared from Corunna, Spain, April 23, two days after the President issued the blockade proclamation, although Captain Lechapelane declared he was not notified.
As soon as official notice of her capture reached Washington telegrams were sent ordering immediate release.
The explanation for this action on the part of the administration is given in the statement which follows and which was issued from the White House:
"The LaFayette was released in pursuance of orders which were issued by the Navy Department previous to her seizure, but which had not been received by the commanding officers of the vessels that made the capture. The facts are that on April 29 the French Embassy made an informal inquiry as to whether the LaFayette, which left Saint Nazaire, France, for Vera Cruz, by way of Havana, before war was declared or information of the blockade was received, would be allowed to land at Havana certain passengers, her mail bags and the dispatch bag of the Consulate-General of France and take some French passengers on board. An assurance was given that, if this privilege should be granted, the steamer would be forbidden by the French Consul to land goods.
"The matter was duly considered and it was decided that, without regard to the strict law of blockade and as an act of courtesy, the request of the French Government should be acceded to. Orders were accordingly sent on the 2d of May. When information was received of the capture of the steamer and of her having been brought to Key West, these orders were communicated to the captors, with instructions to release the steamer and see that the orders were duly delivered, so that they might be carried into effect. No demand was made, either by or on behalf of the French Government, directly or indirectly, for the steamer's release. The Wilmington will escort the LaFayette to Havana to-night."
On May 8th the British tramp steamer Strathdee, Captain Currie, attempted to run the blockade, but was overhauled by the gunboat Machias. The Captain of the Strathdee claimed that the vessel was loaded with sugar and that he had on board a number of Spanish refugees from Sagua la Grande. He also said that the steamer was bound for Matanzas, where it was desired to disembark some of the refugees. The commander of the Machias was skeptical of the story, however, and warned the Captain of the Strathdee that if he attempted to take the vessel into Matanzas she would be fired on, whereupon the Strathdee put about and steamed away in the direction of New York.
Three prizes were brought in May 9th. They were the brigantine Lorenzo, taken by the Montgomery near Havana, on Friday, while bound for Rio de la Plata with a cargo of dried beef.
The Espana, a little fishing sloop, was taken by the Morrill about three miles off Mariel just after a sharp engagement. The Newport was close at hand at the time, and a prize crew made up from both ships brought the capture in.
The third vessel taken was the schooner Padre de Dios, MasterMateo Herrera, laden with fish. It was taken by the Newport offMariel, and was brought in by a petty officer and a prize crew.All three accepted one blank shot apiece as sufficient.
One captive was seen taking another to port on the morning of May 9th. Both are prizes of the gunboat Newport, and were captured between Mariel and Havana.
It was about sunrise, just after an inexplicable shot had been fired from a Havana battery, that a dispatch boat off Morro Castle sighted the Newport with a big Norwegian tramp steamer, the Bratsberg, following obediently. Suddenly the Newport's stack blew clouds of black smoke, and, looking for the cause, a pretty two-masted schooner was seen, her sails wing and wing, flying from the northwest for Havana.
A blank shot sounded over the waters. The schooner stood no chance, but she kept her course until a solid six-pounder from the Newport skimmed across to her, and dropped ahead of the bowsprit. Then she dropped her jib and came about quickly, sailing toward the warship, as one has seen a dog run to his master at the snap of a lash. She was the Fernandito, avaricious of the bounty Captain-General Blanco offered for fish delivered to hungry Havana. A line was put aboard her, and the Bratsberg was compelled to take the other end and go to Key West.
The Spanish set a trap one day during the blockade. The wily Spaniards arranged a trap to send a couple of our ships to the bottom. A small schooner was sent out from Havana harbor to draw some of the Americans into the ambuscade. The ruse worked like a charm. The Vicksburg and the Morrill, in the heat of the chase and in their contempt for Spanish gunnery, walked straight into the trap that had been set for them. Had the Spaniards possessed their souls in patience but five minutes longer, not even their bad gun practice would have saved our ships, and two more of our vessels would lie at the bottom within two lengths of the wreck of the ill-starred Maine.
Friday evening the Vicksburg and the Morrill, cruising to the west of Morro Castle, were fired on by the big guns of the Cojimar batteries. Two shots were fired at the Vicksburg and one at the Morrill. Both fell short, and both vessels, without returning the fire, steamed out of range. It would have been folly to have done otherwise. But this time the Spaniards had better luck. The schooner they had sent out before daylight ran off to the eastward, hugging the shore, with the wind on her starboard quarter. About three miles east of the entrance to the harbor she came over on the port tack. A light haze fringed the horizon and she was not discovered until three miles off shore, when the Mayflower made her out and signaled the Morrill and Vicksburg.
Captain Smith, of the Morrill, and Commander Lilly, of the Vicksburg, immediately slapped on all steam and started in pursuit. The schooner instantly put about and ran for Morro Castle before the wind. By doing so she would, according to the well-conceived Spanish plot, lead the two American warships directly under the guns of the Santa Clara batteries. These works are a short mile west of Morro, and are a part of the defenses of the harbor. There are two batteries, one at the shore, which has been recently thrown up, of sand and mortar, with wide embrasures for eight-inch guns, and the other on the crest of the rocky eminence which juts out into the water of the gulf at the point.
The upper battery mounts modern 10-inch and 12-inch Krupp guns behind a six-foot stone parapet, in front of which are twenty feet of earthwork and a belting of railroad iron. This battery is considered the most formidable of Havana's defenses except Morro Castle. It is masked and has not been absolutely located by the American warships. It is probably due to the fact that the Spanish did not desire to expose its position that the Vicksburg and Morrill are now afloat.
The Morrill and Vicksburg were about six miles from the schooner when the chase began. They steamed after her at full speed, the Morrill leading until within a mile and a half of the Santa Clara batteries. Commander Smith, of the Vicksburg, was the first to realize the danger into which the reckless pursuit had led them. He concluded it was time to haul off and sent a shot across the bow of the schooner.
The Spanish skipper instantly brought his vessel about, but while she was still rolling in the trough of the sea, with her sails flapping, an 8-inch shrapnel shell came hurtling through the air from the water battery, a mile and a half away. It passed over the Morrill between the pilothouse and the smokestack and exploded less than fifty feet on the port quarter. The small shot rattled against her side. It was a close call.
Two more shots followed in quick succession, both shrapnel. One burst close under the starboard quarter, filling the engine room with the smoke of the explosion of the shell, and the other, like the first, passed over and exploded just beyond.
The Spanish gunners had the range and their time fuses were accurately set. The crews of both ships were at their guns. Lieutenant Craig, who was in charge of the bow 4-inch rapid-fire gun of the Morrill, asked for and obtained permission to return the fire. At the first shot the Vicksburg, which was in the wake of the Morrill, slightly in-shore, sheered off and passed to windward under the Morrill's stern.
In the meantime, Captain Smith also put his helm to port, and was none too soon, for as the Morrill stood off a solid 8-inch shot grazed her starboard quarter and kicked up tons of water as it struck a wave 100 yards beyond. Captain Smith said afterward that this was undoubtedly an 8-inch armor piercing projectile, and that it would have passed through the Morrill's boilers had he not changed his course in the nick of time.
All the guns of the water battery were now at work. One of them cut the Jacob's ladder of the Vicksburg adrift, and another carried away a portion of the rigging. As the Morrill and the Vicksburg steamed away their aft guns were used, but only a few shots were fired. The Morrill's 6-inch gun was elevated for 4,000 yards and struck the earth-works repeatedly. The Vicksburg fired but three shots from her 6-pounder.
The Spaniards continued to fire shot and shell for twenty minutes, but the shots were ineffective. Some of them were so wild that they roused the American "Jackies" to jeers. The Spaniards only ceased firing when the Morrill and Vicksburg were completely out of range.
If all the Spanish gunners had been suffering from strabismus their practice could not have been worse. But the officers of both the Morrill and Vicksburg frankly admit their own recklessness and the narrow escape of their vessels from destruction. They are firmly convinced that the pursuit of the schooner was a neatly planned trick, which almost proved successful.
If any one of the shots had struck the thin skin of either vessel it would have offered no more resistance than a piece of paper to a rifle ball.
The accurate range of the first few shots is accounted for by the fact that the Spanish officers had ample time to make observations. The bearings of the two vessels were probably taken with a range-finder at the Santa Clara battery, and, as this battery is probably connected by wire with Morro, they were able to take bearings from both points, and by laborious calculations they fixed the positions of the vessels pretty accurately. With such opportunity for observation it would have been no great trick for an American gunner to drop a shell down the smokestack of a vessel.
As soon as the ships sheered off after the first fire, the Spanish gunners lost the range and their practice became ludicrous. If they had waited five minutes longer before opening fire, Captain Smith says it would have been well-nigh impossible to have missed the target.
Prior to the invasion of Cuba by our army large stores of arms and ammunition were sent to the insurgents. One of the most notable of these expeditions was made by the tug Leyden, which carried 50,000 rounds of rifle cartridges and two chests of dynamite. She left Key West with Colonel Acosta and some twenty-five other Cubans on board, who were to join General Gomez in Santa Clara Province. The tug reached the Cuban coast and after landing her passengers in safety steamed to a point seventeen miles west of Havana, where she was met by General Perico Delgado with about 100 Cubans on the beach. The Leyden's crew began landing the ammunition, when a small body of Spanish cavalry appeared some little distance back from the shore, and, dismounting, began firing upon the Leyden. Several bullets had penetrated the tug's smoke-stack, when the boat drew off the shore some three miles, where it met the gunboat Wilmington.
Returning under the protection of the gunboat, the Leyden again began landing its cargo. The Spaniards soon returned, and, ignoring a lively fusillade from Degaldo's insurgents, resumed their attack on the Leyden. The Wilmington, which had taken up a position further off shore, sent a three-pound shell into the midst of the cavalry, wounding several of them and putting them to flight. The Leyden then finished the work of landing the ammunition, and returned to Key West.
The Spanish Minister in Washington Demands His Passports—Minister Woodford Leaves Madrid—Formal Declaration of War—OurGovernment Declares Its Intentions—The War Feeling in Spain—Effect of the Declaration in Cuba—Opinion of the Vice-Presidentof the Cuban Republic.
Spain was given until Saturday, April 23, at noon, to answer the demand of our government expressed in, the joint Cuban resolutions, passed by both Houses of Congress, and signed by the President. In default of an answer by that time, the President declared his intention to carry out the purpose of the ultimatum. A copy of this ultimatum was delivered to Senor Polo, the Spanish Minister at Washington. Senor Polo instantly demanded his passports, declared all diplomatic relations between himself as Minister and the United States no longer possible, and within a few hours was on his way to Canada.
At Madrid, before our Minister could comply with his instructions, he was notified by the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs that diplomatic relations were at an end. He at once asked for his passports, and the same day left for Paris.
President McKinley rightly regarded the conduct of Spain in breaking off diplomatic intercourse and refusing even to receive his demand, as an equivalent to an absolute refusal. There remained no reason to await action till Saturday noon, as no possible reply could be expected to a demand the very presentation of which had been positively rejected. In short, Spain instantly showed that it regarded the act of Congress and President as practically a declaration of war, and there remained no resort except to arms.
On Monday, April 25, the President sent to Congress a message asking for a joint resolution declaring that a state of war existed between Spain and the United States, and a bill was at once introduced into the House declaring that war did exist, and had existed, since and including April 21, which passed in less than two minutes. The Senate promptly concurred and the bill became a law.
While the United States was not a party to the Declaration of Paris, the government made known its intention to maintain its four cardinal principles: (1) Privateering abolished. (2) Neutral flags to exempt an enemy's goods from capture, except contraband of war. (3) Neutral goods under an enemy's flag not to be seized (4) Blockade to be binding must be effective. Spain, on her part, issued a decree recognizing the fact that a state of war existed, breaking off all treaties with the United States, and promising to observe the rules just given, except that she maintained her right to grant letters of marque to privateers. But this exception was modified by Spain's declaring her intention to send out only auxiliary cruisers taken from the mercantile marine and kept under naval control. One consideration which may have influenced this decision was the self-evident fact that the European Powers would certainly interfere, in the event that Spain attempted to carry on privateering under the old methods.
In Spain the war feeling was high. The Queen Regent, in her speech to the Cortes, declared "the unalterable resolution of my government to defend our rights, whatsoever sacrifices may be imposed upon us in accomplishing this task." She said further:
"Thus identifying myself with the nation, I not only fulfil the oath I swore in accepting the regency, but I follow the dictates of a mother's heart, trusting to the Spanish people to gather behind my son's throne and to defend it until he is old enough to defend it himself, as well as trusting to the Spanish people to defend the honor and territory of the nation."
The President and Congress undoubtedly acted on the lines of good policy in making a formal declaration of war. As Mr. McKinley said in his message to Congress, the trend of events compelled him to take measures of a hostile kind. A blockade had been established and Spanish vessels had been captured. While every civilized power on earth immediately learned the facts, there still remained the necessity of going through the formal act of notifying them of this government's intentions. In this instance, as in others in the nation's history, the actual hostilities were begun before it seemed necessary for the government to make a formal declaration. According to the authorities on international law, "a declaration may be necessary, but is not essential." In this case, when it became so evident that a general conflict was imminent, the administration did fairly by the commercial nations of the world in formally stating its position, and giving them all warning as to the consequences which might follow in the case of vessels attempting to enter Cuban waters.
The resolutions were admirably brief and concise, merely declaring the existence of a state of war, and authorizing the President to do whatever he thought best with the army and the navy.
By this act, while the situation was in itself no way changed, the nation assumed a definite diplomatic status as a power at war, and was free to proceed to any such acts as came within the laws of civilized nations in time of war.
When the news of the action of the administration reached the insurgents in Cuba it caused great rejoicing among them, for they felt that the hour of their deliverance was at last at hand. In speaking of it, Dr. Capote, Vice-President of the Cuban Republic, said:
I desire to thank the great American people and their government for the resolution they have made to free us from the tyrannical rule of Spain. The people of Cuba believe in the good faith of the people of America. They believe in their honesty of purpose to free Cuba and are confident of their ability to do so; but it must be borne in mind that the loadstar of the Cuban is not merely freedom from the dominion of Spain, but independence from outside control, however beneficent that control might be, and absolute non-interference by others in the management of our own affairs. "Cuba free and independent" is the watchword of Cuban liberty.
The Cuban commanders await some decisive step on the part of your generals. If you can open up and maintain communication with the Cuban armies, and give us a plentiful supply of arms and ammunition, we will free Cuba without the loss of an American soldier. Our position on the field is precarious. For lack of supplies, we cannot concentrate our troops. Our camps shift from place to place, according to food conditions. We are hampered and embarrassed for lack of ammunition. We cannot arm the men we are able to put in the field. Open up communication, give us arms and supplies, and we ask no more.
As to the eventual settlement of the island, when the war is ended and when the last Spanish soldier has left Cuba, the work of the provisional government will be ended. The people of Cuba, whatever the class or sympathy, will then say how we shall be governed. There will be no reprisals, no confiscation, no distinctions.