Chapter 20

[127]Fergusson and Burgess,Cave Temples, Plates 11, 15, 24, and 28.[128]Kalybes at Shaqqah and at Umm al-Zaitûn, de Vogüé,La Syrie centrale, p. 44, and Plate 6. Two domes at Binbirklisse, Ramsay and Bell,Thousand and One Churches, pp. 80 and 241.[129]As to the date of these palaces, I accept the suggestions of Dr. Herzfeld until good reasons for modifying them have been shown. Ardashir I founded the city of Firûzâbâd inA.D.226; the palace is probably of his time. Sarvistân belongs possibly to the time of Bahrâm V Gûr, 420-438; Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn may have been built by Khusrau II Parwêz towards the end of the sixth century. Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, pp. 128-31.[130]The Sarvistân dome rests on walls some 1·50 metres thick, and is about 5 metres in diameter, according to Dieulafoy’s plan (vol. iv, Plate 3). Flandin and Coste (Voyage en Perse, Plate 28) extend its diameter to the outer walls, which would give it a span of about 7·50 metres, but the section which they give on Plate 29 shows that Dieulafoy’s plan is in this respect correct, and indeed no other construction is possible.[131]Balâdhuri (Futûḥ, p. 288) says that Ibrahîm ibn Salamah, one of the chiefs of Khurâsân, built the dome of the old Persian palace of Khawarnaq, in the khalifate of Abu Abbâs, and adds that previously there was no dome there. Possibly the domes seen by Ibn Baṭûṭah were due to this Mohammadan restoration.[132]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 146, Fig. 43.[133]Dieulafoy, op. cit., vol. ii, Plate 14 and vol. iv, Plate 15. Possibly there are earlier examples of the ṭâqchah than those at Persepolis. Room 11 in the big house in the Merkes at Babylon would seem from the plan to have possessed a ṭâqchah. Koldewey,Das wieder erstehende Babylon, Fig. 236.[134]A tube can be seen in Dieulafoy’s Plate 9, vol. iv. It runs between the inner barrel vault on the right side of the big lîwân and the domed chamber to the right of the central hall of audience. See, too, the tubes in Flandin and Coste’s sections, Plates40and41bis.[135]Dieulafoy, vol. iv, Figs. 25 and 26, and Plate 14, an arched niche in the inside of the dome. According to Flandin and Coste’s sections, all the door, window, and niche arches were so treated.[136]Idem, vol. iv, Fig. 29.[137]Koldewey, inMitt. der D. O.-G., No. 12, p. 6.[138]Dieulafoy, vol. iv, Fig. 30.[139]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 17.[140]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 140.[141]Flandin and Coste restore the façade differently and give it the true oriental form of the lîwân façade; see below,p. 137.[142]De Sarzec-Heuzey,Découvertes en Chaldée, p. 397.[143]Ramsay and Bell,The Thousand and One Churches, Fig. 355.[144]Dieulafoy, vol. iv, p. 77.[145]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 1. In the flanking chamber to the left of the entrance lîwân the vaults of the niches oversail the wall and the same seems to be the case in the vault of the lîwân itself. Flandin and Coste draw all the door, window, and niche arches oversailing the jambs. From Dieulafoy’s picture of the dome, it would seem that the arches of the side niches there certainly oversailed the jambs. Plate 5.[146]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 2.[147]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 5.[148]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 7.[149]There are probably many more than those which we know. De Morgan has given a plan of Haush Quru, a ruin by which I passed on my return from Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn. That I did not linger there was due partly to the circumstances described above, and partly to the fact that a village has grown up round and among the ruins, which renders their examination exceedingly tiresome. I was obliged to waste a large portion of my stay in a visit of ceremony to Kerîm Khân’s brother, who resides at Haush Quru. In plan the palace is very similar to the central block of Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn. It is noticeable that the same rectangular area occupies the centre of the state apartments; de Morgan represents it as covered with cement—was it opened or domed?Mission sc. en Perse, Plates 50 and 51. He mentions other Sasanian ruins and gives a sketch plan of Shirwân, p. 362, another of Dereh Shah, p. 367, and a fragmentary plan of Hazâr Dâr, together with some remarkably interesting details of decoration. Hazâr Dâr is probably so much ruined that without excavation the distribution of the palace could not be made out; at any rate it cannot be determined from the plan given on Plate 62. For other Sasanian remains see Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 237.[150]So too at Susa; Dieulafoy,L’Acropole de Suse, p. 239.[151]Idem, Fig. 126, and p. 240.[152]I had not realized the purpose for which these oblong rooms were intended until Dr. Reuther told me that he had seen similar kitchens in modern Arab houses. He has made a careful study of Mesopotamian domestic architecture of the present day and published an excellent book on the subject,Das Wohnhaus in Bagdad und anderen Städten des Irak.[153]I suspect that the cross-shaped disposition of chambers was used in oriental palaces older than the Mohammadan era. It is found in the fifth-century church of Qal’at Sim’ân (de Vogüé,La Syrie centrale, vol. i, p. 141), for which I do not know a Western prototype.[154]Herzfeld,Erster vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von Sâmarrâ, Plate 9.[155]Herzfeld,Sâmarrâ, Fig. 23; Bell,Amurath to Amurath. Fig. 148.[156]‘Un palais musulman auIXesiècle,’Mémoires présentés à l’Acad. des Ins. et Belles-Lettres, vol. xii, pt. ii.[157]Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 40.[158]Dr. Herzfeld believes the type to be based upon the Roman camp, a point to which I shall refer later, p. 120.[159]Sarzec-Heuzey,Découvertes en Chaldée, Plan A, and p. 405. It must, however, be remembered that in the plan, as we have it, the dates of the various parts of the building are hopelessly confused; Koldewey,Das wieder erstehende Babylon, p. 286.[160]Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa, p. 14.[161]L’Acropole de Suse, Fig. 264.[162]Hatra, pt. i, Fig. 32.[163]Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 225.[164]Assyrian Discoveries, pp. 146 and 429. Photograph opposite p. 308.[165]Bk. i, ch. 131.[166]Bk. xv, ch. 3, 13-16.[167]Hatra, pt. ii, p. 143.[168]Ibid., pt. ii, p. 109.[169]L’Art antique, vol. iv, p. 79.[170]In the mosque of Ibn Ṭulûn at Cairo. The origin of the minaret is a vexed question which has been treated at length by Thiersch,Der Pharos, and continues to be the subject of controversy. Personally I subscribe to the view of Dr. Andrae and M. Dieulafoy.[171]Koldewey,Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa, p. 66.[172]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, pp. 448-9.[173]Koldewey,Die Tempel von Bab. und Bor., Plate 2; the palace has not yet been published, but the plan is given here. See, too,Das wieder erstehende Babylon.[174]Puchstein,Boghaskoi, Plates 33, 42, 44, 46, and 47. The differences are so profound that I am led to the belief that the architects of southern Hittite palaces must have been governed by cultural influences other than those which obtained at Boghâz Keui. For example, the latitudinal disposition of the chambers which characterizes the southern khilâni is absent at Boghâz Keui. Can it be that southern Hittite architecture is in truth Syrian architecture under Hittite domination?[175]Andrae,Der Anu-Adad Tempel, Plate 4, is an example of the symmetrical temple. On p. 83 Andrae discusses the influences under which it arose, a subject of the highest interest and importance, for which the recent excavation of the temple of Assur has given chronological data.Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 44, p. 40. The plan of the Assur temple is given inDie Festungswerke von Assur, Plate 2.[176]Koldewey,Sendschirli, p. 18.[177]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 196.[178]Koldewey,Die Tempel von Bab. und Bor., Plates 3, 5, 7, and 12.[179]Place,Ninive, vol. i, p. 101.[180]Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 129.[181]Nöldeke,Geschichte der Perser und Araber, p. 58, note.[182]Dieulafoy,L’Art antique de la Perse, vol. v, p. 79.[183]Delbrück,Hellenistische Bauten, pt. ii, p. 86.[184]For instance, the walls of Assur,Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 26, p. 35, and No. 28, Fig. 11.[185]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 90.[186]Koepp,Die Römer in Deutschland, p. 76.[187]Brünnow-Domaszewski,Die Provincia Arabia, vol. iii, p. 221.[188]Stolle,Das Lager und Heer der Römer, pp. 52 et seq., 105 et seq.[189]Boṣrâ in eastern Syria, Brünnow-Domaszewski, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 2; Shuhbâ in the Ḥaurân, idem, iii, p. 146, and Butler,Architecture and other Arts, p. 393; Apamea in northern Syria, Butler, idem, p. 54.[190]The material for their study is ample:Der obergermanisch-rätische Limes des Römerreiches, published by the Reichs-Limeskommission;Der römische Limes in Oesterreich, published by the K. Akad. der Wissenschaften; the great camp at Novaesium published in theBonner Jahrbuch, 1904; for the Saalburg see Jacobi,Führer durch das Römerkastell Saalburg. For Africa, Ballu,Les Ruines de Timgad; Gsell,Monuments antiques de l’Algérie; Cagnat,Les Deux Camps de Lambèse. For Britain, Bruce,The Roman Wall; Curle,A Roman Frontier Fort. Lyell,A Bibliographical List of Romano-British Architectural Remains, gives reference to others.[191]Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 66, Aalen, No. 65, Unterböbingen.[192]Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 31.[193]Cagnat,Les Deux Camps de Lambèse, p. 19, Fig. 2.[194]Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 8, Zugmantel.[195]For example Weissenberg,Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 72.[196]There are scarcely any exceptions, but at Stockstadt,Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 33, at Zugmantel, No. 8, at Sulz, No. 61a, and at Niederberg, No. 34, a slight exterior salience is given to some of the rectangular towers. At Niederbieber the gate towers have a considerable salience, and the intermediate towers are also salient, a variation to which Schultze (’Die römischen Stadttore,’Bonner Jahrbuch, 1909, p. 324) attaches no importance.[197]Mommsen,The Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol. ii, p. 153.[198]Cf. Khirbet el Fityân, which belongs probably to the time of Diocletian, Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 139.[199]Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 102, Fig. 685.[200]It must be remembered that in all these ruins only those parts which remain above ground have been recorded. Excavation is needed to show the exact relation of the interior buildings to the encompassing wall at Ḍumair and Ledjdjûn.[201]Revue biblique, 1904, p. 414. and Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. ii, pt. 2, p. 118.[202]Praetoria are occasionally found outside the walls in the fortified cities of Gaul, but there is no example earlier than the close of the third century. Blanchet,Les Enceintes romaines de la Gaule, p. 276.[203]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 146.[204]Idem, Sect. B, pt. ii, Plate 8.[205]Idem, Sect. B, pt. i, p. 26.[206]I am aware that this view is in contravention of Dr. Herzfeld’s opinion, but I fail to discern any ground for his statement that the castrum of Qasṭal belongs to the type of the great legionary camps. ‘Die Genesis der islamischen Kunst,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 123.[207]Flandin-Coste,Voyage en Perse, Plate 213bis.[208]Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 82.[209]Idem, vol. ii, p. 89.[210]Idem, vol. ii, p. 65.[211]Idem, vol. ii, p. 78.[212]Dieulafoy,L’Acropole de Suse, p. 163.[213]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 341, Gates of Balawât, and other plans, pp. 343-4.[214]Plan of the acropolis of Khorsâbâd, Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 326; the towers have a salience of 4 metres and are placed at intervals of 27 metres. Walls of Assur,Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 32, p. 35, and plan of the western half of the mound, issued with that number. The towers are 4 metres wide, with a salience of 2 metres; the curtain walls vary in length from 24·55 metres to 29 metres—distances, remarks Dr. Andrae, which lie well within the limits of a bow-shot. See too Andrae,Die Festungswerke von Assur, vol. i, p. 5, where the normal proportions of Salmanassar III’s outer wall are given as follows: towers 8 metres wide, with a salience of 3 to 4 metres; curtain walls 30 metres long. Towers existed in the archaic walls (idem, p. 65), as well as great bastions standing out from 10 to 20 metres from the face of the wall (idem, p. 123).[215]Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 31, p. 28, No. 32, p. 36; andFestungswerke, vol. i, p. 115.[216]L’Acropole de Suse, Plate 2. It is doubtful whether the towers in the plan are based upon actual observation, or due to a restoration on the part of the excavator.[217]Andrae,Hatra, pt. ii, pp. 36, 39, and 53.[218]Hilprecht,Explorations in Bible Lands, P. 559.[219]Dastajird, Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 237; Iṣṭakhr (the walls may, however, have been Achaemenid), Flandin-Coste,Voyage en Perse, Plate 58; Qal’a-i-Kuhna, idem, Plate 213bis.[220]Koldewey,Sendschirli, pt. ii, pp. 172-8.[221]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iv, p. 505.[222]Puchstein,Boghaskoi, Plate 2.[223]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. vi, Plate 1.[224]Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, pp. 38 and 42.[225]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, p. 45.[226]Idem, vol. v, p. 321.[227]Idem, vol. v, p. 324.[228]Reisen in Lykien und Karien, p. 54.[229]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, p. 385.[230]Benndorf-Niemann, op. cit., p. 124.[231]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iii, pp. 331, 338, 348, 353, and 325.[232]Texier,Asie Mineure, vol. ii, Plate 108.Investigations at Assos, Clarke, Bacon, Koldewey, pt. i, p. 13.[233]Merchel,Die Ingenieurtechnik im Alterthum, p. 425. Messene was founded by Epaminondas in 371B.C.[234]The town was destroyed by the Carthaginians in 409B.C., and the walls date from after that period. Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, p. 209.[235]Forschungen in Ephesos, vol. i, p. 91.[236]Koldewey,Sendschirli, vol. ii, p. 179. It was built in 320B.C.[237]Choisy,Histoire de l’Architecture, vol. i, p. 501.[238]Promis,Le Antichità di Aosta, Plates 3 and 4.[239]Blanchet,Les Enceintes romaines de la Gaule, pp. 211 and 14.[240]‘Die römischen Stadttore’,Bonner Jahrb., 1909, p. 293.[241]Blanchet, op. cit., pp. 335-7.[242]Not only were the walls of camps less strongly fortified than the walls of towns, but the defences of the gateways were not so highly developed. Cramer,Trier, p. 72.[243]Brünnow-Domaszewski, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 100.[244]Idem, vol. ii, p. 182; I think it very doubtful whether any part of the existing ruins are Roman. See too Herzfeld, ‘Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 128.[245]Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Hîra,’Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de Beyrouth, vol. iv, p. 103; and Musil,Qṣeir ‘Amra, pp. 155-6.[246]Musil, idem, p. 163.[247]Lammens, op. cit., p. 107.[248]Moritz, ‘Ausflüge in der Arabia Petraea,’Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth, vol. iii, p. 432. I do not propose to consider here small buildings like Mshaiyesh (Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 313, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 115), or al-Weyned (Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 289, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 93). They are both on the caravanserai plan and differ little from the edifice which stands near Qṣair ‘Amrah. This last was probably a lodging for guards and courtiers. Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 223;Qṣeir ‘Amra, Plate 2.[249]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 77, and appendix, p. xix.[250]De Vogüé,La Syrie centrale, vol. i, p. 71.[251]Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 229, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 64.[252]Nöldeke,Neue Freie Presse, March 28, 1907, and Becker,Münchener Neueste Nachrichten, May 28, 1907.[253]Revue biblique, 1904, p. 423; Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 106, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 72.[254]Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 75, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 65.[255]Butler,Ancient Arch. in Syria, Sect. B, pt. i, Plate 4, and in the same numberGreek and Roman Inscriptions, p. 40.[256]Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 176, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 13.[257]Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 290, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 97; Moritz, ‘Ausflüge,’Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth, vol. iii, p. 421. I give four photographs which Dr. Moritz has been so kind as to place at my disposal.[258]Arabia Petraea, vol. i, Fig. 135.[259]Schultz and Strzygowski,Mschattâ; Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 105; Musil,Qṣeir ‘Amra, p. 39.[260]Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Hîra,’Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth, p. 110.[261]‘Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 126.[262]Mea culpa!I visited Mshattâ in the year 1900 (and to this day, though I spell its name in the accepted grammatical fashion, I cannot bring myself to speak it except as the Beduin speak it—Mshittâ), but I was so much dazzled by the splendour of the façade that I photographed nothing else. Moreover, I was not then sufficiently instructed to be on the watch for matters which would now absorb my attention. In 1905 I passed close by it again, but a regrettable sentiment prevented me from re-visiting it after it had been shorn of its glory. I never find myself in Berlin without rejoicing that the marvellous decoration has been put in safety, and in easy reach of us all, but I never think of the palace in the wilderness without congratulating myself on having seen it in 1900. It remains in my mind as the most princely of ḥirahs, wrapped round by the grass-grown Syrian desert, mild and beneficent in winter; and the flocks of the Ṣukhûr resort to it as kings resorted of old.

[127]Fergusson and Burgess,Cave Temples, Plates 11, 15, 24, and 28.

[128]Kalybes at Shaqqah and at Umm al-Zaitûn, de Vogüé,La Syrie centrale, p. 44, and Plate 6. Two domes at Binbirklisse, Ramsay and Bell,Thousand and One Churches, pp. 80 and 241.

[129]As to the date of these palaces, I accept the suggestions of Dr. Herzfeld until good reasons for modifying them have been shown. Ardashir I founded the city of Firûzâbâd inA.D.226; the palace is probably of his time. Sarvistân belongs possibly to the time of Bahrâm V Gûr, 420-438; Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn may have been built by Khusrau II Parwêz towards the end of the sixth century. Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, pp. 128-31.

[130]The Sarvistân dome rests on walls some 1·50 metres thick, and is about 5 metres in diameter, according to Dieulafoy’s plan (vol. iv, Plate 3). Flandin and Coste (Voyage en Perse, Plate 28) extend its diameter to the outer walls, which would give it a span of about 7·50 metres, but the section which they give on Plate 29 shows that Dieulafoy’s plan is in this respect correct, and indeed no other construction is possible.

[131]Balâdhuri (Futûḥ, p. 288) says that Ibrahîm ibn Salamah, one of the chiefs of Khurâsân, built the dome of the old Persian palace of Khawarnaq, in the khalifate of Abu Abbâs, and adds that previously there was no dome there. Possibly the domes seen by Ibn Baṭûṭah were due to this Mohammadan restoration.

[132]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 146, Fig. 43.

[133]Dieulafoy, op. cit., vol. ii, Plate 14 and vol. iv, Plate 15. Possibly there are earlier examples of the ṭâqchah than those at Persepolis. Room 11 in the big house in the Merkes at Babylon would seem from the plan to have possessed a ṭâqchah. Koldewey,Das wieder erstehende Babylon, Fig. 236.

[134]A tube can be seen in Dieulafoy’s Plate 9, vol. iv. It runs between the inner barrel vault on the right side of the big lîwân and the domed chamber to the right of the central hall of audience. See, too, the tubes in Flandin and Coste’s sections, Plates40and41bis.

[135]Dieulafoy, vol. iv, Figs. 25 and 26, and Plate 14, an arched niche in the inside of the dome. According to Flandin and Coste’s sections, all the door, window, and niche arches were so treated.

[136]Idem, vol. iv, Fig. 29.

[137]Koldewey, inMitt. der D. O.-G., No. 12, p. 6.

[138]Dieulafoy, vol. iv, Fig. 30.

[139]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 17.

[140]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 140.

[141]Flandin and Coste restore the façade differently and give it the true oriental form of the lîwân façade; see below,p. 137.

[142]De Sarzec-Heuzey,Découvertes en Chaldée, p. 397.

[143]Ramsay and Bell,The Thousand and One Churches, Fig. 355.

[144]Dieulafoy, vol. iv, p. 77.

[145]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 1. In the flanking chamber to the left of the entrance lîwân the vaults of the niches oversail the wall and the same seems to be the case in the vault of the lîwân itself. Flandin and Coste draw all the door, window, and niche arches oversailing the jambs. From Dieulafoy’s picture of the dome, it would seem that the arches of the side niches there certainly oversailed the jambs. Plate 5.

[146]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 2.

[147]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 5.

[148]Idem, vol. iv, Plate 7.

[149]There are probably many more than those which we know. De Morgan has given a plan of Haush Quru, a ruin by which I passed on my return from Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn. That I did not linger there was due partly to the circumstances described above, and partly to the fact that a village has grown up round and among the ruins, which renders their examination exceedingly tiresome. I was obliged to waste a large portion of my stay in a visit of ceremony to Kerîm Khân’s brother, who resides at Haush Quru. In plan the palace is very similar to the central block of Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn. It is noticeable that the same rectangular area occupies the centre of the state apartments; de Morgan represents it as covered with cement—was it opened or domed?Mission sc. en Perse, Plates 50 and 51. He mentions other Sasanian ruins and gives a sketch plan of Shirwân, p. 362, another of Dereh Shah, p. 367, and a fragmentary plan of Hazâr Dâr, together with some remarkably interesting details of decoration. Hazâr Dâr is probably so much ruined that without excavation the distribution of the palace could not be made out; at any rate it cannot be determined from the plan given on Plate 62. For other Sasanian remains see Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 237.

[150]So too at Susa; Dieulafoy,L’Acropole de Suse, p. 239.

[151]Idem, Fig. 126, and p. 240.

[152]I had not realized the purpose for which these oblong rooms were intended until Dr. Reuther told me that he had seen similar kitchens in modern Arab houses. He has made a careful study of Mesopotamian domestic architecture of the present day and published an excellent book on the subject,Das Wohnhaus in Bagdad und anderen Städten des Irak.

[153]I suspect that the cross-shaped disposition of chambers was used in oriental palaces older than the Mohammadan era. It is found in the fifth-century church of Qal’at Sim’ân (de Vogüé,La Syrie centrale, vol. i, p. 141), for which I do not know a Western prototype.

[154]Herzfeld,Erster vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von Sâmarrâ, Plate 9.

[155]Herzfeld,Sâmarrâ, Fig. 23; Bell,Amurath to Amurath. Fig. 148.

[156]‘Un palais musulman auIXesiècle,’Mémoires présentés à l’Acad. des Ins. et Belles-Lettres, vol. xii, pt. ii.

[157]Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 40.

[158]Dr. Herzfeld believes the type to be based upon the Roman camp, a point to which I shall refer later, p. 120.

[159]Sarzec-Heuzey,Découvertes en Chaldée, Plan A, and p. 405. It must, however, be remembered that in the plan, as we have it, the dates of the various parts of the building are hopelessly confused; Koldewey,Das wieder erstehende Babylon, p. 286.

[160]Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa, p. 14.

[161]L’Acropole de Suse, Fig. 264.

[162]Hatra, pt. i, Fig. 32.

[163]Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 225.

[164]Assyrian Discoveries, pp. 146 and 429. Photograph opposite p. 308.

[165]Bk. i, ch. 131.

[166]Bk. xv, ch. 3, 13-16.

[167]Hatra, pt. ii, p. 143.

[168]Ibid., pt. ii, p. 109.

[169]L’Art antique, vol. iv, p. 79.

[170]In the mosque of Ibn Ṭulûn at Cairo. The origin of the minaret is a vexed question which has been treated at length by Thiersch,Der Pharos, and continues to be the subject of controversy. Personally I subscribe to the view of Dr. Andrae and M. Dieulafoy.

[171]Koldewey,Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa, p. 66.

[172]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, pp. 448-9.

[173]Koldewey,Die Tempel von Bab. und Bor., Plate 2; the palace has not yet been published, but the plan is given here. See, too,Das wieder erstehende Babylon.

[174]Puchstein,Boghaskoi, Plates 33, 42, 44, 46, and 47. The differences are so profound that I am led to the belief that the architects of southern Hittite palaces must have been governed by cultural influences other than those which obtained at Boghâz Keui. For example, the latitudinal disposition of the chambers which characterizes the southern khilâni is absent at Boghâz Keui. Can it be that southern Hittite architecture is in truth Syrian architecture under Hittite domination?

[175]Andrae,Der Anu-Adad Tempel, Plate 4, is an example of the symmetrical temple. On p. 83 Andrae discusses the influences under which it arose, a subject of the highest interest and importance, for which the recent excavation of the temple of Assur has given chronological data.Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 44, p. 40. The plan of the Assur temple is given inDie Festungswerke von Assur, Plate 2.

[176]Koldewey,Sendschirli, p. 18.

[177]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 196.

[178]Koldewey,Die Tempel von Bab. und Bor., Plates 3, 5, 7, and 12.

[179]Place,Ninive, vol. i, p. 101.

[180]Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 129.

[181]Nöldeke,Geschichte der Perser und Araber, p. 58, note.

[182]Dieulafoy,L’Art antique de la Perse, vol. v, p. 79.

[183]Delbrück,Hellenistische Bauten, pt. ii, p. 86.

[184]For instance, the walls of Assur,Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 26, p. 35, and No. 28, Fig. 11.

[185]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 90.

[186]Koepp,Die Römer in Deutschland, p. 76.

[187]Brünnow-Domaszewski,Die Provincia Arabia, vol. iii, p. 221.

[188]Stolle,Das Lager und Heer der Römer, pp. 52 et seq., 105 et seq.

[189]Boṣrâ in eastern Syria, Brünnow-Domaszewski, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 2; Shuhbâ in the Ḥaurân, idem, iii, p. 146, and Butler,Architecture and other Arts, p. 393; Apamea in northern Syria, Butler, idem, p. 54.

[190]The material for their study is ample:Der obergermanisch-rätische Limes des Römerreiches, published by the Reichs-Limeskommission;Der römische Limes in Oesterreich, published by the K. Akad. der Wissenschaften; the great camp at Novaesium published in theBonner Jahrbuch, 1904; for the Saalburg see Jacobi,Führer durch das Römerkastell Saalburg. For Africa, Ballu,Les Ruines de Timgad; Gsell,Monuments antiques de l’Algérie; Cagnat,Les Deux Camps de Lambèse. For Britain, Bruce,The Roman Wall; Curle,A Roman Frontier Fort. Lyell,A Bibliographical List of Romano-British Architectural Remains, gives reference to others.

[191]Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 66, Aalen, No. 65, Unterböbingen.

[192]Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 31.

[193]Cagnat,Les Deux Camps de Lambèse, p. 19, Fig. 2.

[194]Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 8, Zugmantel.

[195]For example Weissenberg,Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 72.

[196]There are scarcely any exceptions, but at Stockstadt,Der oberger.-rät. Limes, No. 33, at Zugmantel, No. 8, at Sulz, No. 61a, and at Niederberg, No. 34, a slight exterior salience is given to some of the rectangular towers. At Niederbieber the gate towers have a considerable salience, and the intermediate towers are also salient, a variation to which Schultze (’Die römischen Stadttore,’Bonner Jahrbuch, 1909, p. 324) attaches no importance.

[197]Mommsen,The Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol. ii, p. 153.

[198]Cf. Khirbet el Fityân, which belongs probably to the time of Diocletian, Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 139.

[199]Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 102, Fig. 685.

[200]It must be remembered that in all these ruins only those parts which remain above ground have been recorded. Excavation is needed to show the exact relation of the interior buildings to the encompassing wall at Ḍumair and Ledjdjûn.

[201]Revue biblique, 1904, p. 414. and Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. ii, pt. 2, p. 118.

[202]Praetoria are occasionally found outside the walls in the fortified cities of Gaul, but there is no example earlier than the close of the third century. Blanchet,Les Enceintes romaines de la Gaule, p. 276.

[203]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 146.

[204]Idem, Sect. B, pt. ii, Plate 8.

[205]Idem, Sect. B, pt. i, p. 26.

[206]I am aware that this view is in contravention of Dr. Herzfeld’s opinion, but I fail to discern any ground for his statement that the castrum of Qasṭal belongs to the type of the great legionary camps. ‘Die Genesis der islamischen Kunst,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 123.

[207]Flandin-Coste,Voyage en Perse, Plate 213bis.

[208]Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 82.

[209]Idem, vol. ii, p. 89.

[210]Idem, vol. ii, p. 65.

[211]Idem, vol. ii, p. 78.

[212]Dieulafoy,L’Acropole de Suse, p. 163.

[213]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 341, Gates of Balawât, and other plans, pp. 343-4.

[214]Plan of the acropolis of Khorsâbâd, Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 326; the towers have a salience of 4 metres and are placed at intervals of 27 metres. Walls of Assur,Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 32, p. 35, and plan of the western half of the mound, issued with that number. The towers are 4 metres wide, with a salience of 2 metres; the curtain walls vary in length from 24·55 metres to 29 metres—distances, remarks Dr. Andrae, which lie well within the limits of a bow-shot. See too Andrae,Die Festungswerke von Assur, vol. i, p. 5, where the normal proportions of Salmanassar III’s outer wall are given as follows: towers 8 metres wide, with a salience of 3 to 4 metres; curtain walls 30 metres long. Towers existed in the archaic walls (idem, p. 65), as well as great bastions standing out from 10 to 20 metres from the face of the wall (idem, p. 123).

[215]Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 31, p. 28, No. 32, p. 36; andFestungswerke, vol. i, p. 115.

[216]L’Acropole de Suse, Plate 2. It is doubtful whether the towers in the plan are based upon actual observation, or due to a restoration on the part of the excavator.

[217]Andrae,Hatra, pt. ii, pp. 36, 39, and 53.

[218]Hilprecht,Explorations in Bible Lands, P. 559.

[219]Dastajird, Sarre-Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 237; Iṣṭakhr (the walls may, however, have been Achaemenid), Flandin-Coste,Voyage en Perse, Plate 58; Qal’a-i-Kuhna, idem, Plate 213bis.

[220]Koldewey,Sendschirli, pt. ii, pp. 172-8.

[221]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iv, p. 505.

[222]Puchstein,Boghaskoi, Plate 2.

[223]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. vi, Plate 1.

[224]Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, pp. 38 and 42.

[225]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, p. 45.

[226]Idem, vol. v, p. 321.

[227]Idem, vol. v, p. 324.

[228]Reisen in Lykien und Karien, p. 54.

[229]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, p. 385.

[230]Benndorf-Niemann, op. cit., p. 124.

[231]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iii, pp. 331, 338, 348, 353, and 325.

[232]Texier,Asie Mineure, vol. ii, Plate 108.Investigations at Assos, Clarke, Bacon, Koldewey, pt. i, p. 13.

[233]Merchel,Die Ingenieurtechnik im Alterthum, p. 425. Messene was founded by Epaminondas in 371B.C.

[234]The town was destroyed by the Carthaginians in 409B.C., and the walls date from after that period. Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, p. 209.

[235]Forschungen in Ephesos, vol. i, p. 91.

[236]Koldewey,Sendschirli, vol. ii, p. 179. It was built in 320B.C.

[237]Choisy,Histoire de l’Architecture, vol. i, p. 501.

[238]Promis,Le Antichità di Aosta, Plates 3 and 4.

[239]Blanchet,Les Enceintes romaines de la Gaule, pp. 211 and 14.

[240]‘Die römischen Stadttore’,Bonner Jahrb., 1909, p. 293.

[241]Blanchet, op. cit., pp. 335-7.

[242]Not only were the walls of camps less strongly fortified than the walls of towns, but the defences of the gateways were not so highly developed. Cramer,Trier, p. 72.

[243]Brünnow-Domaszewski, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 100.

[244]Idem, vol. ii, p. 182; I think it very doubtful whether any part of the existing ruins are Roman. See too Herzfeld, ‘Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 128.

[245]Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Hîra,’Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de Beyrouth, vol. iv, p. 103; and Musil,Qṣeir ‘Amra, pp. 155-6.

[246]Musil, idem, p. 163.

[247]Lammens, op. cit., p. 107.

[248]Moritz, ‘Ausflüge in der Arabia Petraea,’Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth, vol. iii, p. 432. I do not propose to consider here small buildings like Mshaiyesh (Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 313, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 115), or al-Weyned (Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 289, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 93). They are both on the caravanserai plan and differ little from the edifice which stands near Qṣair ‘Amrah. This last was probably a lodging for guards and courtiers. Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 223;Qṣeir ‘Amra, Plate 2.

[249]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 77, and appendix, p. xix.

[250]De Vogüé,La Syrie centrale, vol. i, p. 71.

[251]Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 229, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 64.

[252]Nöldeke,Neue Freie Presse, March 28, 1907, and Becker,Münchener Neueste Nachrichten, May 28, 1907.

[253]Revue biblique, 1904, p. 423; Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 106, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 72.

[254]Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 75, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 65.

[255]Butler,Ancient Arch. in Syria, Sect. B, pt. i, Plate 4, and in the same numberGreek and Roman Inscriptions, p. 40.

[256]Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 176, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 13.

[257]Musil,Arabia Petraea, vol. i, p. 290, andQṣeir ‘Amra, p. 97; Moritz, ‘Ausflüge,’Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth, vol. iii, p. 421. I give four photographs which Dr. Moritz has been so kind as to place at my disposal.

[258]Arabia Petraea, vol. i, Fig. 135.

[259]Schultz and Strzygowski,Mschattâ; Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 105; Musil,Qṣeir ‘Amra, p. 39.

[260]Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Hîra,’Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth, p. 110.

[261]‘Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 126.

[262]Mea culpa!I visited Mshattâ in the year 1900 (and to this day, though I spell its name in the accepted grammatical fashion, I cannot bring myself to speak it except as the Beduin speak it—Mshittâ), but I was so much dazzled by the splendour of the façade that I photographed nothing else. Moreover, I was not then sufficiently instructed to be on the watch for matters which would now absorb my attention. In 1905 I passed close by it again, but a regrettable sentiment prevented me from re-visiting it after it had been shorn of its glory. I never find myself in Berlin without rejoicing that the marvellous decoration has been put in safety, and in easy reach of us all, but I never think of the palace in the wilderness without congratulating myself on having seen it in 1900. It remains in my mind as the most princely of ḥirahs, wrapped round by the grass-grown Syrian desert, mild and beneficent in winter; and the flocks of the Ṣukhûr resort to it as kings resorted of old.

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