Chapter 21

[263]Cf. the vaults in the side niches of a building on the citadel at ‘Ammân which I believe to be not older than the Umayyad period. Dieulafoy,L’Art antique, vol. v, p. 98;Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 23, p. 47.[264]Brünnow and Domaszewski, op. cit., Fig. 720.[265]In any case the maxim laid down by Dr. Herzfeld (’Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i. p. 110) is misleading. It is too hasty a generalization and it does not cover the facts. At Ukhaiḍir door openings are sometimes wider and sometimes narrower than the arches above them, and it is doubtful whether the same is not the case at Sarvistân. See above, p. 79.[266]Mschattâ, Plate 6.[267]So it appears to me, but I am conscious that the roots may go deeper. Damascus, Apamea, and Antioch are Seleucid foundations, and we know nothing of the Seleucid city plan.[268]Ebersolt,Le Grand Palais de Constantinople, pp. 162-7.[269]Bury,A History of the Eastern Roman Empire from the fall of Irene to the accession of Basil I, p. 132.[270]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 33.[271]Sprenger-Michaelis,Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte, 9th ed., vol. i, p. 60.[272]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 101.[273]Dieulafoy,L’Acropole de Suse, Figs. 93, 100, 132.[274]Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 174.[275]Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 51, p. 71.[276]Hilprecht,Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 483, and fig. on p. 552.[277]Sarzec-Heuzey,Découvertes en Chaldée, Plate 53bis, Fig. 1.[278]The last two examples are not yet published. For the connexion of the orthostatic construction at Pasargadae with Assyria and the Hittite cultural sphere, see Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 184. The link between the two is probably to be sought at Ecbatana.[279]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Figs. 107 and 110.[280]Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, pt. ii, p. 147.[281]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 123.[282]Idem, vol. ii, Fig. 136.[283]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. i, Fig. 267, and Puchstein,Die ionische Säule, Fig. 45, for Egypt; Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 39, for Assyria.[284]Fergusson,History of Indian and Oriental Architecture, p. 115, façade of the Chaitya Cave at Nassick.[285]In the Sema of Ptolemy Philadelphos; Thiersch, ‘Die Alexandrinische Königsnekropole,’Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, 1910, p. 65. See tooDer Pharos, p. 210, for an extant example at Taposiris Magna. Delbrück’s handling of the subject is admirable; op. cit., pt. ii, pp. 99 and 139. That the lightening of the wall-face in Hellenistic architecture may be of oriental origin is borne out by the fact that it appears more frequently in the south-east regions, where Greek culture was under the influence of Egypt and western Asia.[286]Lanckoronski,Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, vol. i, p. 59.[287]Bulard, ‘Peintures murales et mosaïques de Délos,’Mémoires Piot, vol. xiv, pp. 116 et. seq.[288]Idem, Plate 6 A; Wiegand-Schrader,Priene, p. 312.[289]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 128.[290]Wiegand,Milet, pt. ii, Plate 7.[291]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 129.[292]Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, p. 542.[293]Wiegand-Schrader,Priene, p. 268. Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 130.[294]Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, p. 504.[295]For instance, in the Agora at Magnesia; Humann,Magnesia am Maeander, p. 113.[296]Delbrück, pt. ii, p. 137. He cites the Ephebeum at Priene and the upper gymnasium at Pergamon.[297]Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i, Plates 13 and 17, and pt. ii, Plate 1. Tabularium, Delbrück, pt. i, Plate 7, and pt. ii, Plate 3.[298]Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i. Plates 13 and 17, and pt. ii, Plate 1.[299]Apse at Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i, Plate 18.[300]Tivoli, Delbrück, pt. ii, p. 12.[301]Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, vol. xvii, 1902;Archäologischer Anzeiger, p. 152.[302]Heberdey,Ephesos, vol. ii, Plates 7, 8, and 9.[303]Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, vol. xvi, 1901, p. 143, and vol. xvii, 1902, Plate 9.[304]Butler,Florilegium Melchior de Vogüé, The Temple of Dhûsharâ, Plate 1.[305]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, p. 55.[306]Idem, pp. 67 and 77.[307]Idem, p. 325.[308]Idem, pp. 347 and 351.[309]Idem, p. 327.[310]Idem, p. 343.[311]Idem, p. 371.[312]Idem, pp. 380 et seq.[313]Idem, p. 245.[314]Idem, pp. 252 and 265.[315]For the latter see Jaussen-Savignac,Mission archéologique en Arabie. A number of the tombs are dated, and the learned fathers of St. Étienne, in publishing the inscriptions, have given us a solid basis for the evolution of the Ḥedjr tomb. For the Petra tombs, Brünnow-Domaszewski,Provincia Arabia, vol. i; and Dalman,Petra und seine Felsheiligtümer, andNeue Petra-Forschungen. The material was brilliantly reviewed by Puchstein,Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, 1910, vol. xxv;Arch. Anzeiger, p 3.[316]Egypt, as Puchstein has observed, was always the dominant influence. The form and origin of Nabataean tombs goes back to the time of the Pharaohs,Arch. Anz., 1910, p. 40.[317]Jaussen-Savignac, tomb A 5, p. 357.[318]Idem, pp. 414 et seq.[319]Domaszewski suggested that they were the graves of Greek merchants,Prov. Arabia, vol. i, p. 15.[320]Puchstein, op. cit., table, p. 35.[321]Jaussen-Savignac, op. cit., p. 382; the tomb called Al-Ferîd.[322]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, pp. 170, 173.[323]Tomb of the legate Sextius Florentinus, Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. i, p. 170; Corinthian grave, idem, p. 168; No. 34, idem, p. 172. Al-Dair, idem, p. 187; the Storied tomb, idem, p. 169; the Khazneh, idem, Plate 2, andPalestine Exploration Fund Annual, 1911, p. 95.See Hittorff, ‘Pompeii et Petra,’Revue arch.N.S., vol. vi, p. 7.[324]Wall paintings in Alexandrian tombs and at Boscoreale. Athenaeus gives a description of a tholos on the state barge of Ptolemy Philadelphos, and Vitruvius a description of a wall painting at Alabanda, which Studniczka compares with the Khazneh.Tropaeum Trajani, p. 66; Thiersch, ‘Die Alexandrinische Königsnekropole,’Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, vol. xxv, 1910, p. 67. A free-standing tholos, placed upon a pluteum or attic, appears upon the tomb of Absalom at Jerusalem, which Puchstein dates in the first half of the first centuryA.D.See Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iv, p. 279.[325]This should be compared with Dr. Herzfeld’s drawing of the façade with conjectural restorations in the north wing. Sarre-Herzfeld,Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet, vol. iii, Plate 41. I doubt whether any of the columns were furnished with bases.[326]Delbrück,Hellenistische Bauten, pt. ii, p. 129.[327]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, p. 132; east church at Bâbisqâ.[328]Idem, p. 150; chapel at Kfair.[329]Bronze tablet found at Ephesus and ivory diptych in the British Museum,Mschattâ, pp. 266 and 277.[330]Pointing inwards on the apse at Qalb Lôzeh, and pointing outwards on a doorway at Bashmishli; Butler,Anc. Arch., pp. 223 and 239.[331]Ocheïdir, p. 41.[332]At Al-’Âshiq;Amurath, p. 238, and Herzfeld,Sâmarrâ, p. 40. Also round the windows of the great mosque at Sâmarrâ;Amurath, Fig. 142; Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, Fig. 1.[333]For instance in a madrasah of the Ulu Djâmi’. The inscription round this madrasah is published (Amida, p. 87, inscr. No. 28), and I have the photographs, but these are not yet published.[334]Amurath, Fig. 170.[335]Unpublished. I have all the photographs and M. Max van Berchem has studied the inscriptions from them.[336]It was shown at the exhibition of Mohammadan art held in Munich in 1910, and was numbered in the catalogue 2696 (Meisterwerke muhammedanischer Kunst, vol. ii, Plate 122).[337]An early Syrian example, possibly Nabataean, is to be found at Umtâ’iyyeh; Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 89. Cf. too the façade of the basilical hall at Mshattâ. (Schultz-Strzygowski,Mschattâ, Plate 4), and an interesting example on the tambour of the church of the ‘Adhrâ at Ḥakh; Bell,Churches and Monasteries of the Ṭur ‘Abdin, p. 84 (28).[338]Dieulafoy,L’Art antique, vol. iv, Plates 6 and 7.[339]Miss. scient. en Perse, p. 364.[340]Strzygowski,Mschattâ, p. 354; Herzfeld, ‘Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 118.[341]Sieglin-Schreiber,Die Nekropole von Kôm esch Schukâfa, Figs. 214, 215.[342]Strzygowski,Mschattâ, Fig. 36.[343]Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 185, Figs. 760-5, and Plate 49.[344]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, Fig. 5.[345]Lynch,Armenia, vol. i, Fig. 74.[346]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 9.[347]Butler,Ancient Architecture, p. 130.[348]Circa78B.C., Delbrück,Hell. Bauten, pt. ii, Plate 3.[349]Promis,Antichità di Aosta, Plate 7.[350]Die römischen Stadttore, p. 296.[351]Ibid., pp. 285-6. They too are Augustan.[352]Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 34.[353]Ocheïdir, p. 33.[354]Reuther,Das Wohnhaus in Bagdad, p. 74.[355]Ramsay and Bell,The Thousand and One Churches, Fig. 6, andpassim.[356]Butler,Ancient Architecture, Fig. 127, p. 364. See too double columns at Palatitza; Heuzey and Daumet,Mission archéologique de Macédoine, p. 198, where other examples are cited.[357]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 34. As Dr. Herzfeld points out, Mshattâ offers another notable example of the three-arched façade. See Schultz-Strzygowski, Plate 4.[358]History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 580.[359]Butler,Ancient Architecture, p. 367.[360]Dieulafoy, vol. v, p. 99.[361]Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 31, p. 28.[362]Loftus,Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 225.[363]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, Figs. 340 and 342.[364]Another good instance is at Tekrît;Amurath, Fig. 130.[365]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Figs. 106, 116, 124, 136.[366]Ocheïdir, Fig. 19.[367]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 35.[368]Idem, p. 23, and p. 18.[369]The latter, though it is now at Baghdâd, was in all probability an import from northern Mesopotamia or northern Syria. Herzfeld, ‘Genesis’,Der Islam, 1910, Plates 1 and 2.[370]The workmen at such a site as Warka may have been half bred with Greeks. The rinceaux on the door-jambs at Hatra, on the other hand, are better defined as combinations of the palmette and the acanthus than as modifications of the vine, and the typical Parthian decoration at Assur consists of various forms of the continuous pattern, the old oriental decorative scheme. Andrae,Hatra, pt. ii, Sheet 47, and Plate 12;Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 42, Figs. 7 and 8.[371]De Beylié,La Kalaa des Beni-Hammad, p. 41, quoting Ibn Hauqal.[372]De Beylié,La Kalaa des Beni-Hammad, p. 41.[373]The Wuswas ruin at Warka has furnished another example of the imitation of Babylonian decoration by Parthian builders.Mitt. der D O.-G., No. 51.[374]De Beylié, op. cit., p. 63.[375]R. Velazquez Bosco,Medina Azzahra y Alamiriva, Plate 17.[376]Idem, Plate 18.[377]Amurath, Fig. 161.[378]Andrae,Hatra,pt. ii, Fig. 37, Sect.e-f, and Fig. 152[379]Dieulafoy,L’Art antique, vol. iv, Plate 9. Possibly there are others; the palaces of Fars must be re-examined.[380]Amurath, Fig. 133. As regards the date, M. van Berchem calls my attention to a passage in theFakhriof Ibn al-Tiqtaqa (ed. Derembourg, p. 445), in which it is stated that the khalif al-Mustanṣir built among other monuments such as the Mustanṣiriyyeh at Baghdâd and the bridge at Harbâ, khân al-Khernîna. I was therefore right in assigning it to the thirteenth centuryA.D.[381]A drawing of the gate is published by Sarre-Herzfeld,Euphrat-und Tigris-Gebiet, vol. i, p. 13.[382]Teano,Annali dell’ Islam, vol. i, p. 443.[383]Lammens, ‘Ziâd ibn Abîhi,’Rivista degli Studi Orientali, vol. iv, p. 242.[384]Sir Charles Lyall sends me the following note: “There is a masdjedâ at Medâin Ṣâliḥ. Masdjid is the “place of prostration” (sadjada) and this use of ‘sadjada’ is anterior to Islâm. See al-’A’shâ’s line: “Whoever sees Haudhah prostrates himself (yasdjud) without delay, when he puts on the crown above his turban or lays it down.”‘[385]As, for instance, thekhuṭbahof ‘Amr ibn al-’Aṣ in his mosque at Fusṭâṭ (Corbett, ‘The Mosque of ‘Amr,’Journal of the R. Asiatic Soc., 1890, p. 768), and thekhuṭbahof Ziyâd ibn Abîhi at Baṣrah (Lammens, op. cit., p. 36).[386]Lammens, ibid., p. 31; and Becker, ‘Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus,’Der Islam, vol. iii, p. 394.[387]Teano, op. cit., vol. i, p. 438.[388]Idem, vol. ii, pt. i, p. 68; and Becker,Die Kanzel im Kultus des alten Islam, p. 3 (Orientalische Studien Theodor Nöldeke gewidmet).[389]Teano, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 965.[390]The Copts built the façade, the Greeks the side and back walls; see Becker’s very interesting note,Der Islam, vol. iii, p. 403.[391]Balâdhuri,Futûḥ, ed. de Goeje, p. 6. Yâqût,Mu’djám, ed. Wüstenfeld, vol. iv, p. 466.[392]Teano, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 569, quoting Makrîzi,Khiṭâṭ, vol. ii, p. 247.[393]Lammens, Ziâd ibn Abîhi, op. cit., p. 246; Becker, ‘Zur Geschichte d. islam. Kultus.’ op. cit., pp. 392-3. Professor Becker points out that though the architectural form was borrowed from the Christian apse, the word ‘miḥrab’ which was applied to it had had an earlier usage. It signified the princely seat of honour, which in all probability was generally niche-shaped.[394]Balâdhuri,Futûḥ, p. 46.[395]Idem, p. 350.[396]Idem, pp. 347-8.[397]Idem, p. 277.[398]Ṭabari, Prima Series, p. 2489; Teano, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 857; Lammens, Ziâd, op. cit., p. 247.[399]Futûḥ, p. 286.[400]Ṭabari, Prima Series, p. 2492.[401]Futûḥ, p. 277.[402]Teano, op. cit., vol. iv, pp. 563 et seq.; Corbett, ‘The Mosque of ‘Amr,’Journal of the R. Asiatic Soc., 1890, pp. 759 et seq.[403]Becker,Die Kanzel,passim, and ‘Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus,’ op. cit., p. 393; Corbett, loc. cit., p. 773, n. 1.[404]Ṭabari, Tertia Series, p. 322.[405]‘Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus,’ op. cit., p. 393.[406]Teano, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 567.[407]Le Strange,Palestine under the Moslems, p. 90.[408]I follow Dr. Herzfeld’s view,Euphrat-und Tigris-Gebiet, vol. i, p. 98. Professor Thiersch believes it to have been copied from the Chalce of the Augusteion at Constantinople, but his theory is based solely upon hypothesis and it appears to me to be far-fetched. Thiersch,Pharos, p. 214.[409]At Ba’albek its width is strongly marked in the façade of the ṣaḥn and in the arcade next to the qiblah wall, not in the intermediate arcades. For plan see Berchem-Strzygowski,Amida, Fig. 271.

[264]Brünnow and Domaszewski, op. cit., Fig. 720.

[265]In any case the maxim laid down by Dr. Herzfeld (’Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i. p. 110) is misleading. It is too hasty a generalization and it does not cover the facts. At Ukhaiḍir door openings are sometimes wider and sometimes narrower than the arches above them, and it is doubtful whether the same is not the case at Sarvistân. See above, p. 79.

[266]Mschattâ, Plate 6.

[267]So it appears to me, but I am conscious that the roots may go deeper. Damascus, Apamea, and Antioch are Seleucid foundations, and we know nothing of the Seleucid city plan.

[268]Ebersolt,Le Grand Palais de Constantinople, pp. 162-7.

[269]Bury,A History of the Eastern Roman Empire from the fall of Irene to the accession of Basil I, p. 132.

[270]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 33.

[271]Sprenger-Michaelis,Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte, 9th ed., vol. i, p. 60.

[272]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 101.

[273]Dieulafoy,L’Acropole de Suse, Figs. 93, 100, 132.

[274]Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 174.

[275]Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 51, p. 71.

[276]Hilprecht,Explorations in Bible Lands, p. 483, and fig. on p. 552.

[277]Sarzec-Heuzey,Découvertes en Chaldée, Plate 53bis, Fig. 1.

[278]The last two examples are not yet published. For the connexion of the orthostatic construction at Pasargadae with Assyria and the Hittite cultural sphere, see Herzfeld,Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 184. The link between the two is probably to be sought at Ecbatana.

[279]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Figs. 107 and 110.

[280]Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, pt. ii, p. 147.

[281]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 123.

[282]Idem, vol. ii, Fig. 136.

[283]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. i, Fig. 267, and Puchstein,Die ionische Säule, Fig. 45, for Egypt; Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 39, for Assyria.

[284]Fergusson,History of Indian and Oriental Architecture, p. 115, façade of the Chaitya Cave at Nassick.

[285]In the Sema of Ptolemy Philadelphos; Thiersch, ‘Die Alexandrinische Königsnekropole,’Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, 1910, p. 65. See tooDer Pharos, p. 210, for an extant example at Taposiris Magna. Delbrück’s handling of the subject is admirable; op. cit., pt. ii, pp. 99 and 139. That the lightening of the wall-face in Hellenistic architecture may be of oriental origin is borne out by the fact that it appears more frequently in the south-east regions, where Greek culture was under the influence of Egypt and western Asia.

[286]Lanckoronski,Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, vol. i, p. 59.

[287]Bulard, ‘Peintures murales et mosaïques de Délos,’Mémoires Piot, vol. xiv, pp. 116 et. seq.

[288]Idem, Plate 6 A; Wiegand-Schrader,Priene, p. 312.

[289]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 128.

[290]Wiegand,Milet, pt. ii, Plate 7.

[291]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 129.

[292]Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, p. 542.

[293]Wiegand-Schrader,Priene, p. 268. Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 130.

[294]Durm,Baukunst der Griechen, p. 504.

[295]For instance, in the Agora at Magnesia; Humann,Magnesia am Maeander, p. 113.

[296]Delbrück, pt. ii, p. 137. He cites the Ephebeum at Priene and the upper gymnasium at Pergamon.

[297]Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i, Plates 13 and 17, and pt. ii, Plate 1. Tabularium, Delbrück, pt. i, Plate 7, and pt. ii, Plate 3.

[298]Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i. Plates 13 and 17, and pt. ii, Plate 1.

[299]Apse at Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i, Plate 18.

[300]Tivoli, Delbrück, pt. ii, p. 12.

[301]Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, vol. xvii, 1902;Archäologischer Anzeiger, p. 152.

[302]Heberdey,Ephesos, vol. ii, Plates 7, 8, and 9.

[303]Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, vol. xvi, 1901, p. 143, and vol. xvii, 1902, Plate 9.

[304]Butler,Florilegium Melchior de Vogüé, The Temple of Dhûsharâ, Plate 1.

[305]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, p. 55.

[306]Idem, pp. 67 and 77.

[307]Idem, p. 325.

[308]Idem, pp. 347 and 351.

[309]Idem, p. 327.

[310]Idem, p. 343.

[311]Idem, p. 371.

[312]Idem, pp. 380 et seq.

[313]Idem, p. 245.

[314]Idem, pp. 252 and 265.

[315]For the latter see Jaussen-Savignac,Mission archéologique en Arabie. A number of the tombs are dated, and the learned fathers of St. Étienne, in publishing the inscriptions, have given us a solid basis for the evolution of the Ḥedjr tomb. For the Petra tombs, Brünnow-Domaszewski,Provincia Arabia, vol. i; and Dalman,Petra und seine Felsheiligtümer, andNeue Petra-Forschungen. The material was brilliantly reviewed by Puchstein,Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, 1910, vol. xxv;Arch. Anzeiger, p 3.

[316]Egypt, as Puchstein has observed, was always the dominant influence. The form and origin of Nabataean tombs goes back to the time of the Pharaohs,Arch. Anz., 1910, p. 40.

[317]Jaussen-Savignac, tomb A 5, p. 357.

[318]Idem, pp. 414 et seq.

[319]Domaszewski suggested that they were the graves of Greek merchants,Prov. Arabia, vol. i, p. 15.

[320]Puchstein, op. cit., table, p. 35.

[321]Jaussen-Savignac, op. cit., p. 382; the tomb called Al-Ferîd.

[322]Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, pp. 170, 173.

[323]Tomb of the legate Sextius Florentinus, Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. i, p. 170; Corinthian grave, idem, p. 168; No. 34, idem, p. 172. Al-Dair, idem, p. 187; the Storied tomb, idem, p. 169; the Khazneh, idem, Plate 2, andPalestine Exploration Fund Annual, 1911, p. 95.See Hittorff, ‘Pompeii et Petra,’Revue arch.N.S., vol. vi, p. 7.

See Hittorff, ‘Pompeii et Petra,’Revue arch.N.S., vol. vi, p. 7.

[324]Wall paintings in Alexandrian tombs and at Boscoreale. Athenaeus gives a description of a tholos on the state barge of Ptolemy Philadelphos, and Vitruvius a description of a wall painting at Alabanda, which Studniczka compares with the Khazneh.Tropaeum Trajani, p. 66; Thiersch, ‘Die Alexandrinische Königsnekropole,’Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, vol. xxv, 1910, p. 67. A free-standing tholos, placed upon a pluteum or attic, appears upon the tomb of Absalom at Jerusalem, which Puchstein dates in the first half of the first centuryA.D.See Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iv, p. 279.

[325]This should be compared with Dr. Herzfeld’s drawing of the façade with conjectural restorations in the north wing. Sarre-Herzfeld,Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet, vol. iii, Plate 41. I doubt whether any of the columns were furnished with bases.

[326]Delbrück,Hellenistische Bauten, pt. ii, p. 129.

[327]Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, p. 132; east church at Bâbisqâ.

[328]Idem, p. 150; chapel at Kfair.

[329]Bronze tablet found at Ephesus and ivory diptych in the British Museum,Mschattâ, pp. 266 and 277.

[330]Pointing inwards on the apse at Qalb Lôzeh, and pointing outwards on a doorway at Bashmishli; Butler,Anc. Arch., pp. 223 and 239.

[331]Ocheïdir, p. 41.

[332]At Al-’Âshiq;Amurath, p. 238, and Herzfeld,Sâmarrâ, p. 40. Also round the windows of the great mosque at Sâmarrâ;Amurath, Fig. 142; Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, Fig. 1.

[333]For instance in a madrasah of the Ulu Djâmi’. The inscription round this madrasah is published (Amida, p. 87, inscr. No. 28), and I have the photographs, but these are not yet published.

[334]Amurath, Fig. 170.

[335]Unpublished. I have all the photographs and M. Max van Berchem has studied the inscriptions from them.

[336]It was shown at the exhibition of Mohammadan art held in Munich in 1910, and was numbered in the catalogue 2696 (Meisterwerke muhammedanischer Kunst, vol. ii, Plate 122).

[337]An early Syrian example, possibly Nabataean, is to be found at Umtâ’iyyeh; Butler,Ancient Architecture in Syria, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 89. Cf. too the façade of the basilical hall at Mshattâ. (Schultz-Strzygowski,Mschattâ, Plate 4), and an interesting example on the tambour of the church of the ‘Adhrâ at Ḥakh; Bell,Churches and Monasteries of the Ṭur ‘Abdin, p. 84 (28).

[338]Dieulafoy,L’Art antique, vol. iv, Plates 6 and 7.

[339]Miss. scient. en Perse, p. 364.

[340]Strzygowski,Mschattâ, p. 354; Herzfeld, ‘Genesis,’Der Islam, vol. i, p. 118.

[341]Sieglin-Schreiber,Die Nekropole von Kôm esch Schukâfa, Figs. 214, 215.

[342]Strzygowski,Mschattâ, Fig. 36.

[343]Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 185, Figs. 760-5, and Plate 49.

[344]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, Fig. 5.

[345]Lynch,Armenia, vol. i, Fig. 74.

[346]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 9.

[347]Butler,Ancient Architecture, p. 130.

[348]Circa78B.C., Delbrück,Hell. Bauten, pt. ii, Plate 3.

[349]Promis,Antichità di Aosta, Plate 7.

[350]Die römischen Stadttore, p. 296.

[351]Ibid., pp. 285-6. They too are Augustan.

[352]Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 34.

[353]Ocheïdir, p. 33.

[354]Reuther,Das Wohnhaus in Bagdad, p. 74.

[355]Ramsay and Bell,The Thousand and One Churches, Fig. 6, andpassim.

[356]Butler,Ancient Architecture, Fig. 127, p. 364. See too double columns at Palatitza; Heuzey and Daumet,Mission archéologique de Macédoine, p. 198, where other examples are cited.

[357]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 34. As Dr. Herzfeld points out, Mshattâ offers another notable example of the three-arched façade. See Schultz-Strzygowski, Plate 4.

[358]History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 580.

[359]Butler,Ancient Architecture, p. 367.

[360]Dieulafoy, vol. v, p. 99.

[361]Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 31, p. 28.

[362]Loftus,Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 225.

[363]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, Figs. 340 and 342.

[364]Another good instance is at Tekrît;Amurath, Fig. 130.

[365]Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Figs. 106, 116, 124, 136.

[366]Ocheïdir, Fig. 19.

[367]Herzfeld,Erster vorl. Bericht, p. 35.

[368]Idem, p. 23, and p. 18.

[369]The latter, though it is now at Baghdâd, was in all probability an import from northern Mesopotamia or northern Syria. Herzfeld, ‘Genesis’,Der Islam, 1910, Plates 1 and 2.

[370]The workmen at such a site as Warka may have been half bred with Greeks. The rinceaux on the door-jambs at Hatra, on the other hand, are better defined as combinations of the palmette and the acanthus than as modifications of the vine, and the typical Parthian decoration at Assur consists of various forms of the continuous pattern, the old oriental decorative scheme. Andrae,Hatra, pt. ii, Sheet 47, and Plate 12;Mitt. der D. O.-G., No. 42, Figs. 7 and 8.

[371]De Beylié,La Kalaa des Beni-Hammad, p. 41, quoting Ibn Hauqal.

[372]De Beylié,La Kalaa des Beni-Hammad, p. 41.

[373]The Wuswas ruin at Warka has furnished another example of the imitation of Babylonian decoration by Parthian builders.Mitt. der D O.-G., No. 51.

[374]De Beylié, op. cit., p. 63.

[375]R. Velazquez Bosco,Medina Azzahra y Alamiriva, Plate 17.

[376]Idem, Plate 18.

[377]Amurath, Fig. 161.

[378]Andrae,Hatra,pt. ii, Fig. 37, Sect.e-f, and Fig. 152

[379]Dieulafoy,L’Art antique, vol. iv, Plate 9. Possibly there are others; the palaces of Fars must be re-examined.

[380]Amurath, Fig. 133. As regards the date, M. van Berchem calls my attention to a passage in theFakhriof Ibn al-Tiqtaqa (ed. Derembourg, p. 445), in which it is stated that the khalif al-Mustanṣir built among other monuments such as the Mustanṣiriyyeh at Baghdâd and the bridge at Harbâ, khân al-Khernîna. I was therefore right in assigning it to the thirteenth centuryA.D.

[381]A drawing of the gate is published by Sarre-Herzfeld,Euphrat-und Tigris-Gebiet, vol. i, p. 13.

[382]Teano,Annali dell’ Islam, vol. i, p. 443.

[383]Lammens, ‘Ziâd ibn Abîhi,’Rivista degli Studi Orientali, vol. iv, p. 242.

[384]Sir Charles Lyall sends me the following note: “There is a masdjedâ at Medâin Ṣâliḥ. Masdjid is the “place of prostration” (sadjada) and this use of ‘sadjada’ is anterior to Islâm. See al-’A’shâ’s line: “Whoever sees Haudhah prostrates himself (yasdjud) without delay, when he puts on the crown above his turban or lays it down.”‘

[385]As, for instance, thekhuṭbahof ‘Amr ibn al-’Aṣ in his mosque at Fusṭâṭ (Corbett, ‘The Mosque of ‘Amr,’Journal of the R. Asiatic Soc., 1890, p. 768), and thekhuṭbahof Ziyâd ibn Abîhi at Baṣrah (Lammens, op. cit., p. 36).

[386]Lammens, ibid., p. 31; and Becker, ‘Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus,’Der Islam, vol. iii, p. 394.

[387]Teano, op. cit., vol. i, p. 438.

[388]Idem, vol. ii, pt. i, p. 68; and Becker,Die Kanzel im Kultus des alten Islam, p. 3 (Orientalische Studien Theodor Nöldeke gewidmet).

[389]Teano, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 965.

[390]The Copts built the façade, the Greeks the side and back walls; see Becker’s very interesting note,Der Islam, vol. iii, p. 403.

[391]Balâdhuri,Futûḥ, ed. de Goeje, p. 6. Yâqût,Mu’djám, ed. Wüstenfeld, vol. iv, p. 466.

[392]Teano, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 569, quoting Makrîzi,Khiṭâṭ, vol. ii, p. 247.

[393]Lammens, Ziâd ibn Abîhi, op. cit., p. 246; Becker, ‘Zur Geschichte d. islam. Kultus.’ op. cit., pp. 392-3. Professor Becker points out that though the architectural form was borrowed from the Christian apse, the word ‘miḥrab’ which was applied to it had had an earlier usage. It signified the princely seat of honour, which in all probability was generally niche-shaped.

[394]Balâdhuri,Futûḥ, p. 46.

[395]Idem, p. 350.

[396]Idem, pp. 347-8.

[397]Idem, p. 277.

[398]Ṭabari, Prima Series, p. 2489; Teano, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 857; Lammens, Ziâd, op. cit., p. 247.

[399]Futûḥ, p. 286.

[400]Ṭabari, Prima Series, p. 2492.

[401]Futûḥ, p. 277.

[402]Teano, op. cit., vol. iv, pp. 563 et seq.; Corbett, ‘The Mosque of ‘Amr,’Journal of the R. Asiatic Soc., 1890, pp. 759 et seq.

[403]Becker,Die Kanzel,passim, and ‘Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus,’ op. cit., p. 393; Corbett, loc. cit., p. 773, n. 1.

[404]Ṭabari, Tertia Series, p. 322.

[405]‘Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus,’ op. cit., p. 393.

[406]Teano, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 567.

[407]Le Strange,Palestine under the Moslems, p. 90.

[408]I follow Dr. Herzfeld’s view,Euphrat-und Tigris-Gebiet, vol. i, p. 98. Professor Thiersch believes it to have been copied from the Chalce of the Augusteion at Constantinople, but his theory is based solely upon hypothesis and it appears to me to be far-fetched. Thiersch,Pharos, p. 214.

[409]At Ba’albek its width is strongly marked in the façade of the ṣaḥn and in the arcade next to the qiblah wall, not in the intermediate arcades. For plan see Berchem-Strzygowski,Amida, Fig. 271.

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