[223]In the latter part of the eleventh century, for reasons of expediency, the custom was introduced of dipping the bread into the wine, and so administering to the communicants. This was condemned by the Council of Claremont 1095, but kept its ground in England till forbidden by the Council of London in 1175. The withdrawal of the wine from the laity altogether began in the twelfth century. Anselm had prepared the way by affirming that “the whole Christ was taken under either species.” Robert Pulleyn, 1170, taught that the flesh of Christ alone should be distributed to the laity. The practice came into gradual use in the thirteenth century; the second canon of Archbishop Peckham, 1281, bids the parish priests to teach the more ignorant of the laity that the body and blood of Christ are received under the single species of the bread. It is believed not to have become general in England till it was ordered by the Council of Constance in 1415, which excommunicated all priests who should communicate the laity in both kinds. It is to be observed that in the Sarum Missal there is no recognition whatever of administration in one kind.
In some churches there was an endowment for the provision of the holy bread, as at St. Mary Magdalen, Colchester.
[224]Gravely.
[225]Both.
[226]Hence.
[227]Maiden.
[228]This was first ordered by Pope Honorius III. in 1217.
[229]The churchyard was frequently called the “sanctuary.”
[230]Ratified.
[231]In baptism.
[232]Locked.
[233]There are various forms on record of this “general sentence of excommunication.” Two are given at pp. 86 and 119 of the “York Manual” (Surtees Society).
[234]Upon.
[235]Go.
[236]Seeplate opposite.
[237]Printed by the Early English Text Society.
[238]Chasuble.
[239]Believe.
[240]Another version says, “Don’t wait for the priest to ask for the mass penny, but go up and offer, though there is no obligation; it will make your chattle increase in your coffer.”
[241]From another version of the book we extract the following sentence, which contains an expression of the doctrine of the Eucharist—
Every day thou mayest seeThe same body that died for thee,Tent[A]if thou wilt take,In figure and in form of bread,That Jesus dealt ere He were dead,For His disciples’ sake.
[A] Heed.
[A] Heed.
[242]Abroad.
[243]Dead.
[244]Give utterance to.
[245]Also.
[246]“The Epic of the Fall of Man” (S. H. Gurteen), 1896. The translation seems to be as close as may be, consistently with an intelligible expression of the thoughts of the original and a poetical form.
[247]“Political, Religious, and Love Poems,” Furnival (Early English Text Society), pp. 111, 151, 162.
[248]Ransom.
[249]Song of Solomon, ii. 5, 8.
[250]Whence his pain.
[251]Prosperity.
[252]It is easy to quote a long list of quasi-married bishops and dignitaries of this period. The last two bishops of Elmham, Stigand and Ethelmar, appointed by the saintly and ascetic Edward the Confessor, were married men; so was Herbert, the first bishop of the same see (removed to Norwich), appointed by the Conqueror, and perhaps the second William (1086), and Edward (1121). Robert Bloet, Bishop of Lincoln (1094), had a son Simon, whom he made Dean of that Cathedral. Roger of Salisbury (1107) was married. Robert Lymesey, of Chester (1086-1117), left a daughter settled with her husband, Noel, on the see lands near Eccleshall; and Hugh, Dean of Derby in this episcopate, was married. Roger of Lichfield (1121) was a married man; he put his son Richard into the Archdeaconry of Coventry, and he was afterwards promoted to the see (1161). Three Bishops of Durham were married men, viz. Ralph Flambard (1099), Geoffrey Rufus (1133), and the famous Hugh Puiset (1153); the wife of the latter was a lady of the Percy family. Several Archbishops of York were the sons of married clergymen.
There is an extant letter from Thomas, the first Norman Archbishop of York, in which he complains that his canons were married men. The Canons of Durham turned out by Bishop William of S. Carilef (1081) were all married men, so were some of those turned out of Rochester Cathedral by Bishop Gundulf; one of them, Ægelric, who had retired to the Benefice of Chatham, on his wife’s death obtained her burial by the monks of the Cathedral in the most honourable manner (S.P.C.K., “Rochester,” p. 50).
[253]At a visitation of Lincoln Cathedral by Bishop Bokingham, 1363-1398, it appeared that almost all the cathedral clergy disobeyed the canons (S.P.C.K., “Lincoln,” p. 84). A statute of the Chapter of Bath and Wells, in 1323, forbade any canon who had a concubine [wife] before his appointment to meet her except in the presence of discreet witnesses. So late as 1520 the Vicar-General had occasion to admonish the dean to correct one of the canons for keeping a concubine [wife] in his house of residence. The use of the ugly word by which the canons described these persons was not indefensible; the old laws of Imperial Rome recognized a kind of marriage with an inferior wife as respectable, it went so far at one time as to require unmarried proconsuls to take such a wife with them to their province, and this was not to prevent them from making afterwards a legal marriage. For example, St. Helena was first the concubine of Constantius, and he afterwards raised her to the higher dignity of his wife, and Constantine, their son, raised her to the dignity of empress.
[254]In 1221 and the following years, the pope issued mandates to the English bishops bidding them deprive married clerks (“Papal Letters,” vol. i. pp. 79, 84, 86, 90, Rolls Series).
[255]See also Roger of Wendover under 1225, ii. 287, Rolls Series.
[256]This is an allusion to another canon which made it illegal for a man to separate from his wife in order to enter into a religious order requiring a vow of celibacy, without his wife’s consent.
[257]One explanation of the frequent repetition of these canons by successive synods is that in those early days it was not a matter of course that a law once made stood good until repealed; rather, on the contrary, that a law lapsed by desuetude, and needed to be re-enacted from time to time to keep it in vigour. The early kings renewed their predecessors’ concessions; grantees sought the confirmation of charters from the heir of the original grantor; and laws of Parliament were often passed again by subsequent Parliaments. So a new archbishop began his reign by calling the provincial synod together and issuing a set of provincial constitutions, repeating former canons, which it was still necessary to keep in active use.
[258]In the debates of the Twenty-fourth Session of the Council of Trent, in the autumn of 1563, one patriarch declared that the proposed decree annulling clandestine marriages was directly opposed to the law of God, and that he would resist it at the peril of his life (Bishop of Bristol, “On what are the Papal Claims founded?”—S.P.C.K.).
[259]Hook’s “Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury,” vi. 317.
[260]It is very significant that after the Reformation legislation had legalized clerical marriages, the wives of the bishops did not openly live in their palaces with them, but in houses of their own. It was a survival of the custom that ecclesiastics might have wives, but that their wives might not be introduced into society.
[261]“Harl.,” 862, p. 221. A more important example is that of Margaret Countess of Flanders, who married a deacon, and subsequently repudiated him and married again, with the result of a disputed succession (Matthew Paris, under 1254A.D., v. 435, Rolls Series).
[262]“Transactions of the Gloucester Archæol. Society,” 1893. Paper on “Newnham,” by R. I. Kerr.
[263]J. Raine, Preface to “Archbishop Gray’s Register.”
[264]See other curious instances of it in the “Papal Letters,” Rolls Series, vol. i. pp. 239, 243.
[265]“Letters of Henry III.,” Rolls Series.
[266]The Bishop of Oxford doubts whether the sons of such marriages after the twelfth century would be ordained without a dispensation.
[267]MS. 5824, f. 5. British Museum.
[268]Pope Clement VI., in 1398, sent to Bishop Grandisson of Exeter at his request a dispensation for fifty priests and scholars, by name, to receive holy orders and hold benefices. Thirty are classed as illegitimate, both parents being single persons; ten as having one parent a married person; ten as born of presbyters or persons in holy orders (“Grandisson’s Register,” Hingeston-Randolph, part i. p. 147).
[269]“Papal Letters,” vol. i. p. 113.
[270]“Register of Archbishop Gray,” p. 73.
[271]“Stapledon’s Register,” p. 180.
[272]“Archbishop Gray’s Register,” J. Raine, p. 29.
[273]Ibid., p. 153.
[274]A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills.”
[275]Tonsured.
[276]There are frequent entries in the Episcopal Registers of dispensationssuper defectum nataliumto the sons ofnativito take orders and hold benefices. There are several examples in which a bishop gives such a dispensation to so-and-so “nativus meus,” to take sacred orders and hold ecclesiastical benefices; a gracious act of kindness to one of his own serfs (seep. 130).
[277]Should feed beggars.
[278]Usually the bishop, but there were many exceptions.
[279]Page 63.
[280]“Labbe’s Councils,” vol. xxii. p. 234.
[281]There is a picture of a bishop’s visitation in the fourteenth century MS. Royal 6 E. VI., and a much better of the sixteenth century in the printed Pontifical, p. 196, and of an archdeacon’s in the MS. Royal 6 E. VI., fols. 132 and 137.
[282]Procter, “History of the Book of Common Prayer,” p. 262.
[283]I refrain from repeating the unsupported assumption that these synodsmen gave name to our modern sidesmen, for which there is no evidence. Moreover, Professor Skeat assures me, in kind reply to a question on the subject, that the principles which govern the gradual changes of our language will not admit of the idea of the derivation of the one word from the other.
[284]From the “Annales de Burton,” p. 307.
[285]When St. Hugh became Bishop of Lincoln he made several decrees, one of which was “that no layman have the celebration of masses inflicted on him as a penance” (“Dioc. Hist. Lincoln,” p. 103, S.P.C.K.). It looks as if the clergy had set up a bad practice of inflicting attendance at Holy Communion, and making an offering as an ordinary act of penance. It was prohibited again in 1378 by Archbishop Simon of Sudbury (Johnson, “Laws and Canons,” ii. 444).
[286]A vulgar game.
[287]The pope was at this time discouraging the study of civil law by the clergy (see Collier’s “Ecclesiastical History,” i. 464).
[288]The bishop appointed certain priests as confessors of the clergy.
[289]Prebendary Hingeston-Randolph’s “Register of Walter Stapledon,” p. 194.
[290]Prebendary Hingeston-Randolph’s “Register of Walter Stapledon,” p. 130.
[291]Ibid., p. 111.
[292]Prebendary Hingeston-Randolph’s “Register of Walter Stapledon,” p. 573.
[293]Prebendary Hingeston-Randolph’s “Register of Walter Stapledon,” p. 109.
[294]S.P.C.K., “Dioc. Hist. of Hereford,” p. 112.
[295]Quivil’s “Register” (Hingeston-Randolph), p. 337.
[296]There may be some error, since in the “Taxatio” the annual income of Bigby is given as £4 6s.8d.
[297]Stapledon’s “Register,” p. 342.
[298]S.P.C.K., “Chichester Diocese,” p. 104.
[299]“Dioc. Hist. of Hereford,” pp. 113, 114.
[300]“Papal Letters,” i. 59, Rolls Series.
[301]“Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 163.
[302]Whitaker’s “Craven,” p. 95.
[303](Job xix. 21), A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills.”
[304]“Test. Ebor.,” p. 73.
[305]Brown, “Fasc.,” ii. 412.
[306]October, 1441, the parishioners of Ashdown, Kent, complain that their rector, Lawrence Horwood, does not provide at his own cost, as he ought to do, a clerk to officiate in the church on holy days. The suit in the bishop’s court on this matter went on for two years, and was left unsettled.
[307]This parish clerk occurs in several other of our illustrations of processions and services.
[308]V. 171, Rolls Series.
[309]“Mon. Ang.,” iii. 227.
[310]White Kennett, “Parochial Antiq., Glossary,”sub voc.
[311]A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 87.
[312]Ibid., p. 6.
[313]Robert Aphulley, of Lincoln, 1407, makes a bequest to the Gild of Clerks at Lincoln, durante dicta gilda, quando recitabitur nomen meum inter nomina defunctorum, et hanc antiphon “Alma Redemptoris Mater,” etc. (A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 108).
[314]Curled.
[315]Spread out.
[316]Hair.
[317]Complexion.
[318]Neatly.
[319]Watchet, a kind of cloth.
[320]Small twigs of trees (? May blossom).
[321]Musical instruments.
[322]Page 75.
[323]Elizabeth Darcy, 13 Henry V., in her will, desires to be buried in the church of the nuns of Heynynges, and leaves to their chapel a great missal, and her portforium and great psalter to be fastened with an iron chain. She leaves a book of romances, called “Leschell de Reson,” and two Primers, and a book called “Bybill,” and another called “Sainz Ryall,” and another called “Lanselake.” CCs.for masses, to be kept in a chest in some secret place in Lincoln Cathedral and distributed to the chaplains annually (A. Gibbons, “Early Lincoln Wills,” p. 118). After the battle of Lincoln “Fair,” in 1221, the victors “pillaged the churches throughout the city, breaking open the chests and storerooms with axes and hammers, and seizing all the gold and silver in them, clothes of all colours, women’s ornaments, gold rings, goblets, and jewels” (“Roger of Wendover,” ii. 218, Rolls Series).
[324]See instances of it in “Roger of Wendover,” ii. 162, 165, and iii. 209, 211, Rolls Series.
[325]See Erasmus’s “Praise of Folly,” and an account of the “Sanctuaries at Durham and Beverley,” by Rev. J. Raine (Surtees Society).
[326]See “Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages,” pp. 157-194, by the present writer.
[327]Lyndewood’s “Pontificale,” pp. 298, 156.
[328]J. C. Cox, in “Curious Church Gleanings,” p. 44.
[329]“York Fabric Rolls,” Surtees Society, p. 248.
[330]Wilkins, “Concilia,” ii. 170.
[331]See articles in theChurchman’s Family Magazinefor 1865, p. 419.
[332]S.P.C.K., “Dioc. Hist. of Lincoln.”
[333]Collier, “Eccl. Hist.,” i. 438.
[334]Peckham, for example (see Collier, “Eccl. Hist.,” i. 484).
[335]“Kingston-on-Thames,” by A. Heales, p. 25.
[336]“Dioc. Hist. of Lincoln,” p. 150, S.P.C.K.
[337]Boniface VII., in his decretal, allows a sub-deacon to take a benefice, and grants him seven years in which to qualify himself for the orders of deacon and priest, by dispensation or permission of his superior (Johnson, “Laws and Canons”).
[338]Bishop Quivil, in 1281, gave a young rector the usual licence of absence for study, and to put his benefice to farmsalva Canonica Porcione assignanda per Episcopum pauperibus ejusdem Parochiæ prout in ultimo concilio Lambethensi est statutum(Quivil’s “Register,” p. 321). See alsopp. 32,35, for donations to the fabric.
In 1322, the Bishop of Bath and Wells gave this licence to Emericus of Orchard, and also to Peter Pyke of Kyngeston, on condition that they each should say one hundred Psalms for the soul of the bishop, and of all the faithful departed (T. Hugo’s “Extracts,” vol. i. p. 86).
In 1312, Master William de Carreu, clerk, instituted to Holsworthy, had dispensation for non-residence for three years for study, which in 1315 was renewed for a year, and again in 1316, 1317, and 1318. Master Richard de Honemanacole, sub-deacon, instituted to Iddesleigh in 1320, had a dispensation for non-residence for three years for study, which was renewed in 1323 for a year in foreign parts, and in 1324 renewed again for two years (Bishop Stapledon’s “Register”).
[339]“Letters of Grostete” (Rolls Series), pp. 63, 68, 151.
[340]Quivil’s “Register,” p. 353.
[341]S.P.C.K., “Diocesan History of Bath and Wells.”
[342]Matthew Paris, under 1251 and 1252A.D., v. 256, 279.
[343]Grandisson’s “Register,” p. 520.
[344]A.D.1338, Licence to John Hert, Rector of Croxton, to put his church to farm for four years, at the instance of Ade. Lymbergh. Leave of absence for a year to William de Colesbrok, at the instance of Dom. Thom. de Astele. Leave of absence to Dom. Wells de Gresleygh, Rector of Hildresham, for two years, at the instance of the Countess Mareschal (“Register of Bishop Grandisson, of Exeter”).
[345]“Transactions of the Essex Archæological Society,” vol. vi. part ii. (New Series), p. 110.
[346]“Anglo-Saxons,” iii. 297.
[347]Whitaker’s “Craven,” p. 164.
[348]Whitaker’s “Whalley,” p. 134.
[349]In the time of Edward I.
[350]A ground plan and elevations of some of the buildings of the palace and deanery are engraved in the Lincoln Volume of the Archæol. Institute, 1848A.D.
[351]The vicars of the residentiaries lived at first in the residence houses in something like the capacity of chaplains (“The Cathedral,” E. W. Benson, Archbishop of Canterbury). Ralph of Shrewsbury, 1329-1361, incorporated them at Wells.
[352]Benson’s (Archbishop of Canterbury) “The Cathedral,” p. 35.
[353]Octagonal at York, Salisbury, Wells; decagonal at Old St. Paul’s, Hereford, Lichfield, and here at Lincoln.
[354]Benson, “The Cathedral,” p. 19.
[355]An example of a married canon.
[356]Benson, “The Cathedral,” p. 12.
[357]Benson, “The Cathedral,” p. 27.
[358]There is a portrait of Bishop Longland, at the beginning of a Benedictional written for him, in the Add. MS. 21974, in the British Museum Library.
[359]In the “Taxatio” of Pope Nicholas IV.,A.D.1291, p. 76, the goods spiritual and temporal of the bishop everywhere in the Diocese of Lincoln are returned at the round sum of £1000.
[360]J. Talbot was Prebendary of Cliffeton, Notts, worth £20, and had £6 13s.4d.from the dean and chapter to find a cantarist for the chantry of Queen Eleanor at Harby, in the parish of Clifton, Notts. S. Grene or Foderby was Prebendary of Bedford Minor, worth £3 10s.9d.
[361]Probably a worker inlaton, an alloy of brass.
[362]“Pulsan’ad organ;” it could not be the organ blower, for his stipend was twice as much as that of the carpenter and lathonius.
[363]They consisted of the impropriation of five parochial benefices.
[364]He was a very forward man in defacing the shrines of this church and delivering up the treasure thereof into King Henry VIII.’s hands (Willis’s “Survey of Cathedrals”).
[365]“Valor Eccl.,” vol. iv. p. 198.
[366]Ibid., p. 43.
[367]Ibid., p. 88.
[368]Ibid., p. 124.
[369]Ibid., p. 166.
[370]Ibid., p. 78.
[371]Ibid., p. 138.
[372]Ibid., p. 344.
[373]Ibid., p. 107.
[374]Ibid., p. 88.
[375]Ibid., p. 127.
[376]Ibid., p. 64.
[377]“Valor Eccl.,” vol. iv. p. 20.
[378]1 Chron. ii. 5.
[379]There might be—often were—canons who had no prebends; that is the condition to which the too-sweeping reforms of recent times have reduced the great majority of the canons of all our cathedrals.
[380]Benson, “The Cathedral.”
[381]See two canons in their tippets, in Tib. E. VII. f. 27, v., an English MS. of the latter half of the fifteenth century.
[382]“P’comunis et vinis” (“Valor,” iv. pp. 8band 22).
[383]Seep. 362.
[384]The archdeaconries of this diocese (except that of Oxford) had no endowment; their income was derived from fees, etc.
[385]Dr. Foxe’s Christian name is not given. A Matthew Foxe was rector of Hardwyk, £6 17s.5d.; a John Fox was vicar of East Haddon, £15; and a Thomas Fox, vicar of Lewesden, £6 17s.4d.
[386]? founder of a Chantry, £5 6s.8d., at Leighton Bromeswold Church (see “Valor,” vol. iv. p. 258).
[387]Up to the fifteenth century, at least, part of the cathedral nave was used as the parish church of St. Peter; at a later period, probably after Henry VIII., the north transept was used for that purpose, and so continued until 1853, when the present parish church was built.
[388]“Taxatio of Pope Nicholas,” p. 138b.
[389]Among the items are the rent received from the Society of Lincoln’s Inn for their Inn, £6 13s.4d.; and the rent of certain tenements in Chancery Lane (which are still called the Chichester Rents), £2 13s.4d.
[390]“Valor,” vol. i. p. 308.
[391]Ibid., p. 318.
[392]Ibid., p. 340.
[393]Ibid., p. 346.
[394]Ibid., vol. iv. p. 19.
[395]Ibid., p. 19b.
[396]Ibid., vol. i. p. 301.
[397]Ibid., p. 185.
[398]“Valor,” vol. i. p. 301.
[399]Ibid., p. 333.
[400]Ibid., p. 301.
[401]Ibid., p. 324.
[402]Ibid., p. 317.
[403]Ibid., p. 300.
[404]Ibid., p. 345.
[405]An antiphon was sung nightly before St. Mary’s image by the junior vicar after evensong (1459-63). The shrine of St. Richard stood as usual at the back of the high altar; a harper used to play and sing the praises of the saint (Rev. T. Hugo).
[406]Rev. Mackenzie Walcott,Building News, May 15, 1874.
[407]The permanent relation between a religious house and its founder is illustrated in the case of Boxgrove Cluniac Priory, Sussex. The founder, in 1120, Robert de Hara, stipulated [for himself and his descendants, we take for granted] that he should choose one of the monks to officiate in the chapel at his neighbouring manor house of Halnaker; and that if at any time the monks should fail to elect to a vacancy in the office of prior within three months, he should nominate.
The prioress and nuns of Mount Grace, c. 1250, bound themselves to present each successive Prioress for approval to John le Verdun, their patron (advocato nostro), and his heirs or their deputies (“Eccl. Documents,” p. 66, Camden Society. See also Cartnell Priory, “Papal Letters,” vol. i. p. 135, Rolls Series).
[408]See the case of two of the Prebendaries of Lincoln, named atp. 343; and of two parish priests, atpp. 286and294.
[409]Matthew of Westminster says the Franciscans dwelt “in bodies of ten or seven;” but Chaucer seems to intimate that the usual number of friars in each house was thirteen—
And bring me then twelve friars, will ye why?For thirtene is a convent as I wis.“Sompnour’s Tale.”
[410]Wert thou not.
[411]Health and strength.
[412]Seal.
[413]Neander’s “Church History,” vii. 403 and 399.
[414]Lynwoode’s “Provinciale,” p. 133.
[415]e.g.the valuation, in the “Valor Ecclesiasticus,” of the Carmelites of Lynn is a clear income of 35s.8d.; of the Dominicans, 18s.; of the Austin Friars, 24s.6d.(“Valor Eccl.,” iii. 397, 398). At Northampton the rent fetched by the whole friary, with the friar’s house and garden, is £10 10s.; of the Franciscans, £6 17s.4d.; of the Dominicans, £5 7s.10d.(“Valor Eccl.,” v. 318).
[416]Except thetrinoda necessitas.
[417]As a consequence of the Scottish Wars, the northern province was so harried and impoverished that the clergy were unable to pay the tenths demanded, and a new taxation of part of the Province was made in 1318.
[418]St. Botolph, Colchester.
[419]SeeAppendix II.
[420]The Bishop of Oxford says the whole number of parish churches in the Middle Ages was not much over 8000 (“Const. Hist.,” iii. p. 396). There have been very erroneous estimates current. The Parliament of 1371 granted to the king a sum of £50,000, to be raised by contribution of 22s.3d.from each parish, there being, according to the common opinion, 40,000 parishes in England. On this the Bishop of Oxford makes a note (“Const. Hist.,” ii. 459) that it is an illustration of the absolute untrustworthiness of mediæval figures, which, even when most circumstantially minute, cannot be accepted, except where as in the public accounts vouchers can be quoted. The returns to a writ issued by the king to the local authorities of each shire to certify the number of parishes in it, showed that there were only 8669. Stow, in his “Annals,” p. 268, gives the returnsin extenso. The anonymous author of the famous libel, “A Supplication for Beggars,” says there are within the realm of England 52,000 parish churches. Maskell, in his “Monumenta Ritualia,” I. ccij, mentions several MSS. in the British Museum which contain memoranda on the subject, Royal 8 B xv., Royal 8 D iv., Titus D 3. In the first, in a fifteenth-century handwriting, is a notesunt in Regno Angliæ Ecclesiæ parochiales, 46,100.
[421]In 1371 the smaller benefices and chantries were taxed by the king (Stowe, “Annales,” p. 268).
[422]The following are the details for the several dioceses (except Durham and Chester):—
[423]The preface to the “Valor,” when it was printed by the Record Office, says, “We have here presented before us in one grand conspectus the whole ecclesiastical establishment of England and Wales, as it had been built up in successive centuries, and when it was carried to its greatest height.... So that we at once see not only the ancient extent and amount of that provision which was made by the piety of the English nation for the spiritual edification of the people, by the erection of churches and chapels for the decent performance of the simple and touching ordinances of the Christian religion; but how large a proportion had been saved from private appropriation of the produce of the soil, and how much had been subsequently given, to form a public fund accessible to all, out of which might be supported an order of cultivated and more enlightened men dispersed through society, and by means of which blessings incalculable might be spread amongst the whole community. If there were spots of extravagances, yet on the whole it is a pleasing as well as a splendid spectacle, especially if we look with minute observation into any portion of the Record, and compare it with a map which shows the distribution of population in those times over the island, and then observe how religion had pursued men even to his remotest abodes, and was present among the most rugged dwellers in the hills and wildernesses of the land, softening and humanizing their hearts.”
[424]
[425]“Constitutional History,” iii. 366.
[426]In the Easter account-book.
[427]“Valor,” v. 32, 263, etc.
[428]“Valor,” v. 35.
[429]Ibid., p. 61.
[430]Ibid., p. 75.
[431]Ecclia de Donecaster divisa est pars que fuit Hugonis p’t’ pens’ in eadem, £43 6s.8d.; pens’ Abbis Be Marie Ebor. in eadem, £5; pars Rogers’ in eadem p’t’ pens’, £40; pens’ Abbis Be Marie Ebor. in eadem, £5 (“Taxatio,” p. 299).
[432]“Valor,” v. 45.
[433]Ibid., p. 157.
[434]The chrisom was the linen cloth, or garment, which the priest put on the recently baptized child. It was to be offered by the mother when she came to be churched. It might be used again at baptism, or for other church purposes, or it might be converted into ornaments for the good of the church, but not turned to any profane use (“Constitutions of St. Edmund of Canterbury,” 1234).
In the Visitation of Churches in the patronage of St. Paul’s (1249-1252, p. xii.), fifty-six panni chrismales are said to be at Tillingham church, and at Pelham Furneaux several chrisoms were used asmanutergia—napkins for wiping the hands at mass.
[435]“Valor,” iii. 45.
[436]“Valor Eccl.,” iii. 45.
[437]Ibid., iii. p. 38.
[438]Ibid., v. p. 189.
[439]Denar’ Missaribz et candel’ oblat’. Porcione panis bn̄dict’ diebus dni oblat’ (seep. 236).
[440]Ibid., v. 157.
[441]For sending hislocum tenensto the synods and processions? (“Valor Eccl.,” i. p. 67).
[442]“History of Agriculture and Prices in England,” J. E. T. Rogers.
[443]“Annals of St. Paul’s Cathedral,” p. 145.
[444]Matthew of Westminster, under the year 1249, says of a number of men in the country about Southampton, that they were of such rank that they were considered equal to knights, and that their estates were valued at £40, £50, or £80 a year (Rolls Series, ii. 360).
[445]Ibid., under year 1253, ii. 383.
[446]Agobarth, Archbishop of Lyons, c. 833, complains that there is scarcely one to be found who aspires to any degree of honour and temporal distinction who has not his domestic priests; and that these chaplains are constantly to be found serving tables, mixing the strained wine, leading out the dogs, managing ladies’ horses, or looking after the lands.
[447]Lib. ix. ep. lxx. (Migne 77, p. 100).
[448]Thorpe’s “Select Charters,” pp. 521 and 511.
[449]Under the year 1067.
[450]In Ludlow Castle, the great chapel in the court was built soon after the Temple Church in London, and, like it, with a circular nave and aisles, and projecting choir.
[451]A chapel at Charney, Berks, of the latter part of the thirteenth century, is described and engraved in the “Archæological Journal” for 1848, p. 311.
[452]These castle chapels were usually dedicated to some saint; as Windsor to St. George, the Tower to St. Peter, Oxford to St. George, Tattershall to St. Nicholas, Toryton to St. James, Barnard Castle to the Twelve Apostles, Alnwick to the Twelve Apostles, etc.
[453]“Archæologiæ,” xxv. pp. 320, 323.
[454]Chapel of the Earl of Northumberland—
First, a preist, a doctor of divinity, a doctor of law, or a bachelor of divinitie, to be dean of my lord’s chapel.