FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[8]The late Sir George Maude, Crown Equerry.[9]See Lord Raglan to the Duke of Newcastle, November 3, Kinglake'sInkerman, p. 45.[10]Kinglake'sInkerman, p. 56.[11]See Kinglake'sInkerman, pp. 110 and 498; Dannenberg's orders to Soimonoff.

[8]The late Sir George Maude, Crown Equerry.

[9]See Lord Raglan to the Duke of Newcastle, November 3, Kinglake'sInkerman, p. 45.

[10]Kinglake'sInkerman, p. 56.

[11]See Kinglake'sInkerman, pp. 110 and 498; Dannenberg's orders to Soimonoff.

BATTLE OF INKERMAN

Before giving a slight sketch of the events of this momentous day, it is necessary to bear in mind that the original numbers of the English army had become much reduced since their landing, by the casualties of war and by sickness; that they had also to guard the trenches day and night, and to be ready to defend the extended position in front of Balaclava. In short, their numbers were not by any means adequate to the various and widely detached duties they were called upon to perform. The consequence was that on the day of Inkerman they had only 8,000 infantry and 36 guns available for the defence of the position.

It was dark and wet and a thick fog lay on the ground as day dawned on Sunday, November 5. My servant came into my tent and woke me about daylight, saying that heavy firing had just commenced not far away. In a few minutes I was off, but found that Lord Raglan and General Strangways had already left. On approaching the scene, and riding through the camp of the Second Division, it was apparent that the enemy were close at hand. Round shotwere bounding along, tents were being knocked over, horses killed at their pickets, whilst blankets and great coats were lying about among the brushwood, thrown down, apparently, as our men had hastily fallen in and hurried to the front. The centre of our position on the ridge was held by the Second Division under Pennefather, with the Guards in advance on the right under the Duke of Cambridge and Bentinck, and one brigade of the Light Division under Buller on the left—six batteries of artillery being in action in the intervals. On joining Lord Raglan about 7A.M.it was evident from the very heavy fire both of infantry and artillery that the Russian columns were close upon us, and were indeed forcing our position at various points. In fact, owing to the rain and thick mist, the troops of both the opposing forces were in immediate proximity several times during the day almost before they were aware of it.

On the extreme right, and in advance, a small sandbag work had been established and armed with two 18-pounders many days previously, not with a view to local defence, but to silence some Russian guns on the other side of the Chernaya which annoyed our camp, and having achieved the object our guns had been withdrawn. It was in the neighbourhood of this earthwork that very severe fighting took place, and it was captured and re-taken several times, the Guards especially sustaining the brunt of the conflictand suffering great losses. The Russian account says: 'The battle raged forward, backward, beneath, above, among bushes and underwood; above all, the sandbag battery on the wing had been the object of many an attack, until at length General Bentinck led up his Guards, theéliteof the English army. These chosen troops pressed irresistibly forward to the redoubt, and tore it from the Russians....'

In the meantime Sir George Cathcart, with part of the Fourth Division, arrived to the support of our hardly pressed troops. Conceiving the extreme right to be the point most open to danger, he was marching in that direction when he received urgent messages requesting assistance in the centre and on the left. He accordingly detached the greater part of his brigade and a battery towards these points, but proceeded himself, with a small number of men, to reinforce the Guards. The enemy, in fact, were forcing our line at several places at once. Hardly had the battery just named got into action and fired a few rounds of case than it was run into and three of its guns momentarily captured, the officer commanding (Major Townsend) being killed. Three guns of Turner's battery were also taken and some of the gunners bayonetted at their posts; but in both instances the guns were re-taken immediately afterwards by the 77th and 88th Regiments.[14]

Sir George Cathcart, under the impression that he could assist the Guards by a flank movement, moved for some distance down the slopes, near the sandbag battery, but suddenly found himself surrounded by a superior force, and fell, shot through the heart; General Torrens, who was with him, being also severely wounded.[12]

At about 8 o'clockA.M., Lord Raglan with his staff was moving along the ridge, and halted about the centre of the line. Perceiving the advantage he should gain by the fire of heavy guns from such commanding ground, he sent an order for the two 18-pounders, which were near at hand at the mill, to be brought up. It so happened that the officers in charge of them, anticipating his wishes, had already packed the necessary ammunition in waggons, and were, therefore, ready when his message came. Colonel Gambier, R.A., in command, was wounded, and had to retire as they moved up; but under Colonel Collingwood Dickson[13]and Captain D'Aguilar these guns were speedily brought into action on the ridge, and rendered excellent service throughout the day. Prince Menschikoff, in his despatch after the battle, makes special allusion to the fire of the British heavy guns. There were no less than seventeen casualties with these two guns, and they fired about 84 rounds a gun.

Just before the arrival of the 18-pounders, Lord Raglan,accompanied by his staff, was on the ridge surveying the position, having General Strangways on his right. At that moment a shell, supposed to have been fired at long range from a Russian vessel in the harbour, passed between them and burst amongst the staff, killing the horses of Colonels Gordon and Paulet Somerset. These two officers, however, were unhurt.[14]A few seconds afterwards General Strangways turned round to me, saying, quite calmly, 'Help me off my horse,' and he was then seen to be falling. General Estcourt and myself jumped off and caught him as he fell; and we then found that his left leg had been taken off below the knee by the shell as it passed between him and Lord Raglan. We laid him on the ground and I tied my handkerchief round his shattered limb. The staff moved on a short distance, and I was left with him alone. The enemy at the time were close upon us. After looking about in vain for a doctor, or a stretcher to carry him away, I at length saw two men bearing a wounded comrade, and, when they had depositedhim in a tent, induced them to return with me. A medical officer also arrived. We gave the General some wine and water from a flask, which temporarily revived him. He did not seem to suffer pain, gave me many messages to his wife and daughter, and begged me to take him to the siege train camp, which was done. Almost his last words were, 'Take me to the gunners, let me die amongst the gunners.' As we were carrying him off we passed the body of another officer on a stretcher, and it proved to be that of Sir George Cathcart. On arrival at the hospital tent, General Strangways became faint and insensible; it was evident that no operation could be performed, and soon afterwards he passed away, with wounded gunners lying round him, Lord Raglan coming to see him just before he died. He was much beloved and respected by all his officers and men, and his death at such a critical time was a great misfortune. When General Strangways fell on the ridge, his horse got away in the confusion, but was afterwards recovered, and singularly enough, was untouched, not even the stirrup leather being cut.

On going up to rejoin Lord Raglan, after the death of Strangways, I met Sir Edmund Lyons, Captain Drummond, and other naval officers on ponies, and conducted them, at their request, to the front. Subsequent to the events just sketched out, from whichit will be apparent that our position was very critical, the battle still continued with unabated energy for several hours. The arrival of some French battalions and batteries under Generals Bosquet and Bourbaki, however, gave valuable support to our sorely pressed troops, and Lord Raglan, in his despatch of November 8, drew special attention 'to the brilliant conduct of the allied troops.' 'French and English,' he said, 'vied with each other in displaying their gallantry and manifesting their zealous devotion to duty, notwithstanding that they had to contend against an infinitely superior force, and were exposed for many hours to a very galling fire....' General Canrobert also joined Lord Raglan on the field, and was again slightly wounded. I remember his inquiring of me how many guns we had in action, and I replied: 'thirty-six, in addition to the two 18-pounders.'

The Russian account, though not altogether correct, is worth perusal. It says: 'The battle had now attained its climax. Most of the English generals werehors de combat. The Britons, sadly reduced in numbers and exhausted by the struggle, defended themselves but faintly. More and more the fortunes of the day inclined to the Russians. It was about 11 o'clock when, on a sudden, the shrill tones of horns were heard above the rolling and rattling of the fire. The third act, the turning point of the battle, commenced. The French arrived. In the same proportion as the assurance of their timely aid revived the sinking spirits of the English, it discouraged the Russians, who felt themselves at once on the point of being deprived of the fruit of five hours' hard fighting.'

About noon I was directed by Lord Raglan to go to General Codrington, whose brigade was on the other side of the Careening Bay ravine, to inquire how he was getting on, and whether he required assistance. Codrington's brigade, be it observed, was on the very ground up which it had been intended that Soimonoff should advance. I found his troops lying down, and temporarily out of action. General Codrington informed me that he had been occasionally attacked by Russian troops coming suddenly out of the ravine, but that he had driven them back, and that they were not in great force. As the fog was lifting he invited me to go with him some distance to the front, to try and gain a better general view of the Russian position. We did so, and looking across the ravine to Inkerman were able, for the first time, to see the great masses of the enemy. Whilst carefully observing their movements, the Russian batteries were seen to be retreating inéchelon. Codrington looked at his watch—it was ten minutes to one. He then desired me to return forthwith to Lord Raglan and let him know what we had seen. On deliveringthe message to the Commander-in-Chief, and saying that the battle seemed coming to an end, his reply was: 'Yes, I believe so,' showing that he had already become aware of the commencement of the retreat.

Lord Raglan's despatch, speaking of the latter part of the battle, said: 'Subsequently to this, the battle continued with unabated vigour and with no positive result, the enemy bringing upon our line, not only the fire of all their field batteries, but those in front of the works of the place, and the ship guns, till the afternoon, when the symptoms of giving way first became apparent; and shortly after, although the fire did not cease, the retreat became general, and heavy masses were observed retiring over the bridge of the Chernaya, and ascending the opposite heights, abandoning on the field of battle 5,000 or 6,000 dead and wounded, multitudes of the latter having already been carried off by them.'

The Russian account says: 'Thus ended the battle, one of the most sanguinary on record, at 2 o'clockP.M., after lasting eight hours.' It attributed their defeat partly to the bravery and steadiness of the English and French troops, partly to the superiority of their arms, and finally to the wrong direction of Soimonoff. When it is considered that the English had only 8,000 infantry and 38 guns available for the defence of the position, and with this small force hadto bear the brunt in all the earlier hours of the battle, it is not necessary to dwell on the courage and discipline of the officers and men; the facts speak for themselves. And the quotation I have given from Lord Raglan's despatch is sufficient proof of the timely support and great gallantry of our brave allies.

The English losses were very serious: no less than eight generals and 2,614 officers and men were killed, wounded, or missing.[15]

The names of the generals are as follows:

The losses of the Russians are computed to have been between 11,000 and 12,000. We also captured one gun-carriage and five ammunition carts, left on the heights. Our allies, the French, lost about 930 officers and men, killed and wounded. Late at night on the 5th I was sent for by Lord Raglan, who wished for information as to the supply of ammunition at Inkerman, in the event of a second attack. H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge was with him. I was able to give a satisfactory statement, and to inform him that Captain Gage, R.A., who had been sent during thebattle down to Balaclava to bring up a large supply, both for infantry and artillery, had just returned, reporting that the mill, which was our magazine at the front, was amply stocked.

It appears that Prince Menschikoff and two Russian Grand Dukes were present on the field of Inkerman during the day; and that reminds me of a curious incident which occurred in relation to one of them long years afterwards. A gunner of the Royal Artillery served throughout the war, and was wounded, receiving the Victoria Cross for his gallant conduct. Subsequently he served during the Indian mutiny, and was again wounded. After he was pensioned I was partially instrumental in obtaining for him an appointment in the Yeomen of the Guard. Being on one occasion on duty in one of the corridors of Buckingham Palace (at a State Ball, if I remember rightly), a foreign officer, who proved to be a Russian Grand Duke, came up, spoke to him, and examined his decorations. He asked him about his Victoria Cross, and then, seeing he had the Crimean medal and clasp for Inkerman, said: 'Were you at that battle?' 'Yes, sir,' was the reply. 'So was I,' said the Grand Duke. The old Yeoman, in telling me the story, said he thought he might be so bold, so he replied to the Grand Duke, 'Well, sir, if you was at Inkerman, I hope we may never meet again on so unpleasant an occasion.'

FOOTNOTES:[12]Lord Raglan's despatch, November 8, 1854.[13]Now Generals Sir C. Dickson and Sir C. D'Aguilar.[14]It is interesting to note that nearly forty years before this day Lord Raglan and Strangways, then both young men of twenty-six years of age, had been present at Waterloo, when both were severely wounded, Lord Raglan losing his right arm.The staff present were as follows: Sir John Burgoyne, Generals Estcourt, Strangways, and Airey; Colonels Steele, Paulet Somerset and the Hon. A. Gordon; Captains N. Kingscote, Lord Burghersh, Hon. L. Curzon, Hon. E. Gage, Wetherall, Stopford, Hon. S. Calthorpe, E. Gordon, and myself.[15]Eighty artillery horses were killed.

[12]Lord Raglan's despatch, November 8, 1854.

[13]Now Generals Sir C. Dickson and Sir C. D'Aguilar.

[14]It is interesting to note that nearly forty years before this day Lord Raglan and Strangways, then both young men of twenty-six years of age, had been present at Waterloo, when both were severely wounded, Lord Raglan losing his right arm.The staff present were as follows: Sir John Burgoyne, Generals Estcourt, Strangways, and Airey; Colonels Steele, Paulet Somerset and the Hon. A. Gordon; Captains N. Kingscote, Lord Burghersh, Hon. L. Curzon, Hon. E. Gage, Wetherall, Stopford, Hon. S. Calthorpe, E. Gordon, and myself.

The staff present were as follows: Sir John Burgoyne, Generals Estcourt, Strangways, and Airey; Colonels Steele, Paulet Somerset and the Hon. A. Gordon; Captains N. Kingscote, Lord Burghersh, Hon. L. Curzon, Hon. E. Gage, Wetherall, Stopford, Hon. S. Calthorpe, E. Gordon, and myself.

[15]Eighty artillery horses were killed.

THE WINTER OF 1854

Whatever hopes or expectations might have been previously entertained as to the speedy fall of Sebastopol, the battle of Inkerman, at all events, utterly and rudely dispelled them. The facts were now plain enough—nearly 100,000 Russians were on the spot, with an almost unlimited supply of guns and ammunition to defend their city, whilst the allies had not much more than half the number of men; and their siege material was nearly worn out and its ammunition expended. The fortresses in the Mediterranean might in some degree help us to replenish our batteries, but there was no hope of efficient operations being renewed until the allied armies had been largely reinforced, both with men and material. Months must thus elapse, during which time the enemy would have leisure to strengthen their armaments and complete their defences. Thus the first attempt on Sebastopol had failed. But even these were by no means the worst features of the case. The allies had open trenches to maintain, and at thesame moment a widely extended frontier to guard from attack.

It is as well to pause for a moment and to consider the circumstances of the English army at the time. In the first place the force sent to the East had been raised with difficulty, was quite inadequate to the occasion, and was insufficiently provided with commissariat and transport. Mr. Sidney Herbert, Minister for War, said: 'The army in the East has been created by discounting the future. Every regiment at home or within reach, and not forming part of the army, has been robbed to complete it.' Again, it was entirely devoid of reserves. The House of Commons Committee of 1855 reported 'that the men sent to reinforce the army were recruits who had not yet become fit for foreign service. When the Duke of Newcastle acquainted Lord Raglan that he had 2,000 recruits to send him, he replied that those last sent were so young and unformed that they fell victims to disease, and were swept away like flies—he preferred to wait....'

We must, however, go further. It will be remembered that the expedition proceeded to the Crimea at a late season, and after much sickness at Varna, in obedience to the orders of the Home Government—who apparently did not foresee the probability of a winter campaign with open trenches before a half-beleaguered city, and the inevitable hardships andlosses which must ensue. For some time during the winter of 1854 the English army was diminishing from invaliding and casualties at the rate of 100 men a day. In short the winter was upon them, and standing on the bare plateau, with greatly diminished numbers, several miles from their base, and without proper food, shelter, or clothing, they must now be prepared to maintain their dangerous position. A consideration of these circumstances will enable us to form some idea of the difficult position of Lord Raglan at that time. He had, moreover, other anxieties pressing upon him—anxieties of divided councils, and of indecision in his French colleague—who, however brave as a soldier, allowed himself to be swayed and overborne by incessant and rash proposals from Paris, and even by subordinates on the spot. These latter facts were not generally known at the time, and the people of England were misled; but in proof of them I will shortly enter into some details, quoting official documents published afterwards. There is almost always an element of weakness in allied operations, but during the earlier part of the Crimean War they became more than usually apparent and mischievous.

On the death of General Strangways, Colonel Dacres[16]succeeded to the command of the artillery, and one morning soon after, he waited on LordRaglan, who, in his usual good-natured way, asked him how he was getting on. 'My Lord,' said Dacres, 'when a man has been twenty-one years a subaltern, he never can get on.' However, his turn came at last. At the beginning of 1855 he was only a Lieutenant-Colonel, but before the year was at an end he had been promoted to Colonel, Brigadier-General, Major-General, and Lieutenant-General, and had received the Order of the Bath, the Legion of Honour, the Medjidi, and an Italian order.

The English army had hardly begun to realise the difficulties and sufferings it was destined to endure throughout the winter when an additional misfortune was caused by a terrific gale on November 14, during which no less than fifteen transports containing clothing, food, ammunition, forage, and other stores were sunk in the Black Sea. A large number of tents on the plateau were also blown down, and great misery ensued. Notwithstanding all our troubles, there were occasional incidents of an odd and amusing kind, which now and then helped to enliven us. Among others was one relating to a dead man, who came to life and appeared at Woolwich. Soon after our arrival before Sebastopol it was found that many men of the different regiments were unaccounted for, some having died on the march, others been carried on board ship sick, and some taken prisoners. Courtsof Inquiry were held, and as regards the artillery the results sent home. Some time afterwards a letter was received from the Horse Guards that a Gunner Brown, who was reported as dead, had arrived at Woolwich, and an explanation was requested. The officer commanding the battery, in reply to the query, stated to the effect 'that Brown was an old comrade of his, that he had visited him when he was dying, and attended his funeral; therefore,' he said, 'I know he is dead, and am surprised to hear of his return to Woolwich, but am not responsible for his subsequent movements.'

On December 26 I had the gratification of receiving a note from Lord Raglan of which the following is a copy: 'December 26, 1854. My dear Adye,—I have great satisfaction in announcing your promotion to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel, and that of Captains Fortescue, Gordon, and Gage to the rank of Major. Captains Paynter,[17]Wodehouse, Maude, Swinton, D'Aguilar, Brandling, Turner, Anderson, Morris, Hamley, Hoste, Yates, and Pennycuick have also got a step. A pretty Christmas box for you all. Pray accept my congratulations, and offer them to Captains Fortescue, Gordon, and Gage. Yours faithfully, Raglan.'

The rations served out by the Commissariat during the winter of 1854 were not very varied orspecially inviting, and consisted chiefly of lumps of salt beef or pork (with occasional fresh meat), ship's biscuits and rum, but no bread or milk. Luxuries of any kind were difficult to obtain at Balaclava, and were expensive. A ham cost two guineas, beer three shillings a bottle, and so on. Our chief difficulty, however, was fuel. There were several English travellers, called T.G.'s (travelling gentlemen), who paid the Crimea a visit during the winter. On one occasion I was asked if I would entertain one of these travellers at dinner, as the Headquarters' Farm was full and the accommodation limited, and of course consented. My friend turned out to be an old gentleman of position and large fortune, but of delicate health, and was accompanied by a valet. What induced him to come out at such a time is inexplicable. As my tent was rather larger than the others, the three or four officers of the Artillery Staff usually dined together in it. The table was a plank, and the seats chiefly empty boxes on end. As soon as our friend arrived, dinner was served, cooked, of course, in a hole in the open air, and consisted of a lump of salt pork, more or less boiled. It was soon apparent that the old gentleman was making a wretched effort, and I tried to encourage him with a glass of rum and some biscuit; but he said he had a poor appetite, which was evident. Presently he turned round to me and said, 'You won't be offended,will you?' I replied, 'Not in the least. What is it?' 'Well,' he said, 'I don't mind for myself, but I know my valet can't eat salt pork; if I were to give him a sovereign, do you think he could go to some place of refreshment near, and buy some food?' I assured him that there was nothing better to be had nearer than Constantinople, which was several hundred miles away. After that he collapsed, and left for England the next morning.

The history of the siege for the next few months is a record of hardships and privations nobly borne. The officers and men of the naval brigade, the artillery and infantry, who had to take their turn of duty in the trenches for twenty-four hours at a time, were the chief sufferers; having to lie in muddy ditches and batteries, without shelter, with scanty clothing, and very indifferent food. There were officers and men, however, in all branches of the service who, in spite of hardships, went through the whole siege and never missed a tour of duty. In January 1855 the English sick list amounted to 13,000 men. The country was often deep in snow, and the road to Balaclava became almost impassable. Four fifths of the artillery horses died.

Pending the arrival of wooden huts from England several officers dug holes in the ground, and by means of planks and tarpaulins obtained ratherbetter shelter than was afforded by a tent. Among others, Colonel Wood, R.A.,[18]constructed a rough hut of the kind. He had brought out a French cook, whom he accommodated in the hut, living himself in a covered cart. On being asked his object in this arrangement, his reply was that if he could save the life of the cook, the latter in return would do the same for him by giving him good food, otherwise both would probably perish. His precaution proved successful. Warm clothing, in large quantities, was sent out from England, and as the weather began to hold up in February the condition of the troops gradually improved. In addition to Government supplies, many persons in England, deeply affected by the sufferings of the army, sent out bales of mitts, comforters, flannels, under-garments, and even plum puddings. Occasionally the distribution was somewhat embarrassing. For instance, on one occasion, in opening some parcels for the artillery, we found a warm pair of drawers ticketed, 'For the brave Jones in the trenches.' Who was the brave Jones? We also sometimes received curious letters and inquiries about artillerymen, of which the following is an example:—'To the Right Honourable Colonel, Commanding the 12th Battalion Royal Artillery, field of Battle, Crimea. Your Honour—Your Petitioner is extremely anxious to know ifJames Winch under your command is still alive, if otherwise, by sword or epidemic.'

Subsequently to the great battle of November 5 it became evident that the English army, which was so rapidly diminishing in numbers, could not adequately guard the positions at Balaclava and on the heights, in addition to the hard work in the trenches. Consequently, the ridges and slopes of Inkerman were gradually occupied by a portion of the French army. The Russians, ever on the alert, came out in February, and established outworks near the harbour, beyond the Careening Bay ravine—known subsequently as the 'ouvrages blancs'—and it became necessary to dislodge them. The duty was undertaken by the French, and on the night of February 23, after a severe fight, in which they suffered considerable loss, the position was captured, but was not held, so that a few days afterwards it was again occupied and strengthened by the Russians; and it is important to bear in mind that no further attempt was made to dislodge them until after General Canrobert had resigned his command at the end of May. In fact, the Russians, who had received large reinforcements, became more bold and aggressive daily, and during March commenced and armed a formidable outwork on the Mamelon, considerably in advance of the Malakoff. Their night sorties against the trenches of the allies were bothvigorous and frequent, with severe losses on all sides. It is computed that the Russian army in April amounted to nearly 150,000 men.

The English batteries during the long severe winter only maintained a desultory fire on the city, waiting for fresh armaments; and as ammunition ran short we had frequently to obtain supplies from the navy for current use. I was sent on many occasions to Admiral Sir Edmund Lyons in connection with these details. On one occasion, on being shown into his cabin on board the flagship, he said: 'Colonel Adye, whenever I see your face it always reminds me of a 68-pounder shot.' I thought at first he meant that it was too round, or was wanting in expression, and began to explain that I was not altogether responsible; but he said it was not that, but whenever I came to see him I always wanted a fresh supply of 68-pounder shot. My reply was that he had exactly foreseen my request, and promised if he would meet our wishes they should be safely delivered the next day into Sebastopol. The argument convinced him, and he complied at once.

Flag of Truce.—The following extract from my journal refers to rather an interesting event. '23rd of March. Accompanied Lord Burghersh, A.D.C., with a flag of truce, by order of Lord Raglan. We first went to the advanced French trenches on the left, near the sea, hoisted a white flag, andsounded a bugle. In a few minutes firing ceased on both sides. We stepped over the parapet, advanced about 100 yards, and were met by the enemy's riflemen out of their pits. A Russian officer on horseback, with two orderlies, galloped out to meet us, dismounted, and the conversation was then carried on in French. We handed him some letters, clothes, and money for French and English officers who had been taken prisoners, also a letter for Madame Osten-Sacken from Lord Raglan. His letter enclosed one from the mother of the midshipman (Giffard) who was killed in the fight at Odessa. It appears that Madame Osten-Sacken had cut off a lock of the poor boy's hair, and had sent it to his mother, who sent a letter of thanks. We offered the Russian officer a cigar, which he declined, and we also asked him a few questions, but his manner was stiff, and he shortly remounted and rode off. We returned to the trenches; the white flag was pulled down, and firing re-commenced. The French soldiers were always cheerful and good-natured in their monotonous duties. Lord Burghersh, as we passed along through their trenches, heard two of them chatting. One, looking over the parapet, said to his comrade: "Alphonse, êtes-vous prêt?" "Oui, mon ami, toujours prêt." "Eh bien! Allons faire la guerre;" and then they both jumped up and fired away through the loop-holes at the Russians.'

During the month of March strenuous efforts were made by the allies to prepare for a second bombardment, and, fresh armaments having arrived, it was decided to re-open with nearly 500 guns on April 9. It was, however, at this period that considerable hesitation and conflicting opinions became more or less evident at French Head Quarters. It was understood that the Emperor of the French would shortly arrive and take the command, and De Bazancourt, in his history of the campaign, states that General Canrobert received secret instructions which tied his hands. Their general scope was that the siege should be turned into a blockade, and a campaign undertaken in the interior of the Crimea.[19]The French army had about this time received large reinforcements, and was divided into two corps, one under Bosquet on the extreme right, the other under General Pélissier (who arrived in March) on the left; the English holding the centre of the position. The French strength was estimated at about 80,000 men. Omar Pasha also arrived in April with 20,000 Turkish troops. Great events were therefore anticipated.

FOOTNOTES:[16]The late Field-Marshal Sir Richard Dacres, G.C.B.[17]These were all artillery officers.[18]The late General Sir David Wood, G.C.B., R.H.A.[19]The history of the Crimean campaign by the Baron de Bazancourt is often incorrect, and sometimes unjust as regards the British army, and is therefore not altogether to be relied on. But in his account of the French views and proposals he has more complete knowledge, and, in fact, usually quotes official documents, and I have therefore made some quotations from his work, especially as to this critical juncture.

[16]The late Field-Marshal Sir Richard Dacres, G.C.B.

[17]These were all artillery officers.

[18]The late General Sir David Wood, G.C.B., R.H.A.

[19]The history of the Crimean campaign by the Baron de Bazancourt is often incorrect, and sometimes unjust as regards the British army, and is therefore not altogether to be relied on. But in his account of the French views and proposals he has more complete knowledge, and, in fact, usually quotes official documents, and I have therefore made some quotations from his work, especially as to this critical juncture.

BOMBARDMENT OF APRIL

On April 9 the second bombardment, for which such incessant preparations had been made during the winter, at length commenced, and was vigorously maintained for the following ten days; and although the Russians carried out numerous sorties, and were also unceasing each night in repairing their shattered batteries, still it became evident that the allies had achieved a virtual mastery and had laid open paths for a general assault. It was a momentous crisis. As regards the condition of Sebastopol at that time, Todleben, writing of the Bastion du Mât, said[20]'that after having undergone a constant and violent bombardment, the work was in a desperate plight. Its artillery had been dismounted, its embrasures and its merlons almost entirely demolished, and a part of its salient had fallen in,' ... 'that they were constantly expecting to see the enemy take advantage of the critical state to which the bastion was reduced, and advance to the assault of the work.' He adds,that the French might have advanced to the assault of the bastion with an absolute certainty of success ... and that would have carried with it the fall of Sebastopol.' ...

The allied armies were indeed in full expectation of being at length led to the assault, and the result was almost a foregone conclusion, but no order was issued and no decisive action taken. The real history of the case was not known at the time, but the accounts published by De Bazancourt in 1856, and confirmed long afterwards by Kinglake's account, have cleared up the mystery. De Bazancourt[21]said: 'La pensée d'une opération à l'extérieur planait toujours, on le voit, sur les décisions, et empêchait de tenter contre la place une action décisive. Les instructions secrètes du général Canrobert lui liaient les mains, à moins de force majeure.' Again, he quotes a despatch of Canrobert of April 24 as follows: 'Les officiers généraux des armes spéciales des deux armées, les chefs de nos deux corps d'armée, ont été unanimes pour céder dans cette circonstance aux cris de nos soldats français et anglais, demandant l'assaut. Lord Raglan partage fermement leur avis. J'ai pensé que mon devoir était de m'y joindre....' It seems remarkable, considering the unanimity which prevailed amongst the allied generals, and that the French Commander-in-Chief himself said he feltit his duty to join them, that no assault took place. Kinglake,[22]however, by means of French official documents brought to light after the fall of the Empire, proves that General Canrobert was in reality held back by instructions from Paris and by the influence of General Niel, and, in view of the expected arrival of the Emperor, would not join in a general assault.

Lord Raglan had apparently been informed of the expected arrival of the Emperor Napoleon, which he considered ill-advised, but both he and the English Government were kept for some time in the dark as to the special instructions which fettered the action of General Canrobert. Various interviews took place towards the end of April between the two Commanders-in-Chief, and in my journal I find a remark as follows: 'Met Lord Raglan out riding; he invited me to dinner, but added: "Canrobert is coming to a Council of War at half-past six, so we shall be late." The Council did not break up till tenP.M.'

Days thus passed away, and the allies were gradually losing the opportunity for which they had so long waited. In fact, the second bombardment of Sebastopol failed, from causes, however, very different from those which prevailed in the first. In October, 1854, our failure was due to want of power; in April, 1855, it was from want ofwill. Events, however, were hurrying on, and the crisis soon came.

Towards the end of April the Emperor Napoleon[23]relinquished his intention of coming to the Crimea, but sent out his proposed plan of an external campaign, to which, however, Lord Raglan strongly objected.[24]Whilst matters thus drifted, and whilst the batteries of the allies were again becoming weak and their ammunition exhausted, a new actor appeared on the scene in the person of General Pélissier, who was commanding the Frenchcorps d'arméeon the left. Amongst other matters, he pointed out to Canrobert in clear and forcible language[25]that the Russians were establishing counter approaches in his front, and that he, and those under him, were fully convinced that the enemy's new position must be taken by acoup de main. He concluded: 'S'il m'était donner de décider, je n'hésiterais pas.' General Canrobert wavered, but at length accepted the responsibility, and the order for the attack was given for May 1. In my journal is a record as follows: 'Returned from Balaclava about 10 o'clockP.M.on the 1st of May and had an interview with Lord Raglan. Lord Stratford was there, when a message came that a severe battle was going on in front of the French trenchesnear the sea. We went off to a post of observation. The scene was striking. The sky was lit up with constant flashes—shells whizzing through the air; and amidst the incessant rattle of musketry could be heard the cheers of the troops as they stormed the works. It lasted four hours. Canrobert was with us, walking up and down, flourishing his stick and greatly excited. The result was that the French captured an outwork, and took eight mortars, and also five officers prisoners.'

In addition to the many difficulties of Lord Raglan's position at this time, he was also much worried by receiving a notification that Lord Panmure was about to abolish the Master-General and Board of Ordnance, and to absorb their duties in the newly constructed War Department. Speaking to me one day, he deplored the change, and said that the Ordnance was one of the most efficient and economical departments of the State, and that a much greater man than himself, the late Duke of Wellington, was of the same opinion.[26]

In the meantime, Lord Raglan, backed by the opinions of Admirals Bruat and Sir Edmund Lyons, strongly advocated a naval and military force being sent to Kertch at the entrance to the Sea of Azov, with a view of cutting the Russian communications and stopping their supplies; and the expedition,consisting of about 12,000 troops (one-fourth being English) started at the beginning of May. Hardly had it got out to sea than General Canrobert received an order by telegraph from Paris to concentrate all his troops for an external attack, and in consequence recalled the Kertch expedition, to the dismay, not only of Lord Raglan, but of the admirals and generals, and indeed of the officers and men of the allied fleets and armies.[27]Matters were evidently coming to a deadlock.

On May 14 Lord Raglan, Canrobert, and Omar Pasha had a long and final consultation as to the proposal of the Emperor Napoleon, which was in effect to separate the allied forces into three armies acting independently—one to blockade Sebastopol, the second to storm the Mackenzie Heights, and the third to march to the centre of the Crimea. The scheme was rejected on the broad ground that it would render each separate force liable to attack and defeat in detail.[28]This decision brought affairs to a crisis, and on May 16 General Canrobert telegraphed to the Emperor resigning his command, partly on the plea of ill health, but chiefly because his recall of the Kertch expedition and the rejection of the Emperor's scheme had placed him in a false position.[29]General Canrobert's resignation was accepted,and by his own wish he resumed command of his old division.

On May 19 General Pélissier was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the French army, and the situation was at once completely altered. Writing to Marshal Vaillant, Minister for War at Paris, he said: 'I have already seen Lord Raglan, and we are in complete accord; please ask the Emperor to give me liberty of action indispensable under the actual conditions of the war, and especially in view of the preservation of the intimate alliance of the two countries.' Efforts, however, were still made from Paris to regulate the strategy of the campaign, but they were virtually disregarded, and General Pélissier, acting with Lord Raglan, in the course of a few days carried out a series of important movements which put an end not only to the delays and disappointments that had so long trammelled the actions of the allies, but entirely altered the conditions of the campaign. The strength of the allies towards the end of May was approximately as follows:

May 18.—Accompanied Lord Raglan and La Marmora round the English trenches.

The first movement by Pélissier was a renewed attack on the Russian counter approaches in front ofthe French left, on the night of May 23; and as, owing to the desperate nature of the fighting, the object was not fully accomplished he refused an armistice to bury the dead, and followed it up the following evening with complete success, and his troops then entrenched themselves in the captured cemetery. I accompanied Lord Raglan and Omar Pasha on the second night to the French post of observation. The losses on both sides were very severe, being computed at 2,303 on the part of the French, and at 3,081 of the Russians.[30]

On May 25 General Canrobert was ordered to take up the line of the Chernaya, which he accomplished with ease and almost without loss. In this operation he was assisted by the Sardinians under La Marmora, who had arrived some days previously. I remember riding in the morning down to the Chernaya with Lord Raglan and his staff on the occasion. General Canrobert galloped up to meet him, in the highest spirits, and speaking in French said: 'My Lord, when I was a great man and Commander-in-Chief you used to come and visit me, and now when I am only commanding a division you again come to see me.' Lord Raglan, in reply, expressed his pleasure that Canrobert had gained so extended a position, and with such trifling loss. He afterwards joined General La Marmora, and madea reconnoissance towards Baidar, being altogether ten hours in the saddle. This movement in advance was of the greatest benefit to the allies, who, instead of being cooped up in a corner, had now ample space in a fertile valley, with plenty of grass, fuel, and fresh water at their disposal.

On May 24 the expedition to Kertch re-embarked, and sailed the following day. It consisted of 7,000 French, 3,000 English, and 5,000 Turks, with 5 batteries of artillery, and was attended with complete success. Kertch and Yenikale were captured without loss, the Russians retreating, after destroying large depots of supplies, &c. A considerable number of guns were taken, the Sea of Azov was opened to our fleets, and the enemy's communications interrupted. Sir Edmund Lyons reported that in four days the squadron had destroyed 241 vessels employed in transporting provisions to the Crimea, besides four war steamers and six million rations of flour and corn.[31]

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