Chapter 30

[500]In other words, images of other than curule ancestors might be set up in theatrium.[501]p. 22.[502]Sallust.Jug.95 (of Sulla) “gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope jam exstincta majorum ignavia.”[503]Cic.pro Mur.7. 16; Ascon.in Scaurian. p. 22.[504]Dionys. vii. 71.[505]Cf. Cic.de Off.ii. 17, 58 “Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit.”[506]Liv. xxii. 34 (of the election of Varro, 217B.C.) “Patres summa ope obstabant, ne se insectando sibi aequari adsuescerent homines.”[507]Sallust.Jug.63 “consulatum nobilitas inter se per manus tradebat; novus nemo tam clarus neque tam egregiis factis erat, quin indignus illo honore, et is quasi pollutus, haberetur.”[508]Cic.pro Domo14, 38 “Ita populus Romanus brevi tempore, neque regem sacrorum, neque flamines, neque salios habebit, nec ex parte dimidia reliquos sacerdotes, neque auctores centuriatorum et curiatorum comitiorum: auspiciaque populi Romani, si magistratus patricii creati non sint, intereant necesse est, cum interrex nullus sit, quod et ipsum patricium esse et a patriciis prodi necesse est.” The passage is closely followed by Livy vi. 41, in the speech against the Licinio-Sextian laws, with which he credits Appius Claudius. We meet with other archaic survivals in connexion with the Senate—the distinction, e.g., between the “greater and lessergentes” (p. 12) was never lost, and the chief of the Senate, the first member on the list, was always chosen from thegentes majores(see p. 12).[509]UlpianReg.v. 8 “conubio interveniente liberi semper patrem sequuntur; non interveniente conubio matris conditioni accedunt, excepto eo qui ex peregrino et cive Romana peregrinus nascitur, quoniam lex Mensia [“Minicia” has been read in the Veronese palimpsest of the parallel passage of Gaius i. 78, ed. Krueger and Studemund] ex alterutro peregrino natum deterioris parentis conditionem sequi jubet.”[510]Or, in the Principate, an administrative act. See the section on the powers of the Princeps.[511]p. 6.[512]BelochDer Italische Bundpp. 101, 102.[513]Tac.Ann.xi. 25; Beloch op. cit. p. 78. According to Beloch (l.c.) a comparison between the ante-imperial and post-imperial census is vitiated by the fact that theaerariiwere excluded from the former, included in the latter. See the section on the censor.[514]Lex Acilia Repetundarum1. 76.[515]Cic.pro Balbo10, 25 “quod iis ... liceat, si populus Romanus permiserit, ut ab senatu, ab imperatoribus nostris, civitate donentur.”[516]Cic.Brut.20, 79;pro Balbo21, 48.[517]See the section dealing with thecomitia.[518]Suet.Aug.40; Senec.de Vit. Beat.24.[519]It implied theimperium. At Rome these magistrates would be consul, praetor, dictator, or interrex; in the provinces the governors.[520]Gaius iv. 16.[521]“Praetor addicit libertatem.” See Cic.ad Att.vii. 2, 8.[522]For the censor as such had no power to confer freedom (MommsenStaatsr.ii. p. 374). Cicero (de Orat.i. 40, 183) mentions the juristic controversy whether the slave was free from the moment of the announcement or from thelustrum, which gave validity to the censorian ordinances.Servi publiciwere manumitted by the magistrates, but whether by the consul only or by any magistrate is unknown (Momms.Staatsr.i. p. 321). The greatest instance of state emancipation is that of theVolonesin 214B.C.(Liv. xxiv. 16).[523]In the first case it is calleddirecta libertas(Dig.40, 4, 35), in the secondlibertas fidei commissa(Dig. 40, 4, 11).[524]Theophilus (i. 5, 4) calls them φυσικοὶ τρόποι ἐλευθερίας.[525]Suet.Claud.24 (Claudius said that App. Caecus, censor in 312B.C., had chosen the sons oflibertinifor the Senate) “ignarus, temporibus Appii et deinceps aliquamdiu, ‘libertinos’ dictos, non ipsos, qui manu mitterentur, sed ingenuos ex his procreatos.”[526]Justin.Inst.i. 4 “qui statim ut natus est liber est”; Cic.de Nat. Deor.iii. 18, 45 “in jure civili, qui est matre libera, liber est.” This is the sense in which Cincius (ap. Fest.p. 241) and Livy (x. 8) declarepatriciusto have been originally equivalent toingenuus. See p. 5.[527]Thes(ine) p(atre) filiiof Gaius (i. 64) and Plutarch (Qu. Rom.103) was a conjecture of the jurists based on the abbreviated form ofsp(urii) filii(Momms.Staatsr.iii p. 72 n. 4).Spurii filiiwas the official designation, whileliberi naturalesdenoted the natural relationship to the father (MeyerDer römische Concubinat).[528]p. 35.[529]p. 131.[530]p. 45.[531]p. 98.[532]Lex Coloniae Genetivae(a foundation of Caesar’s in 44B.C.at Osuna in Spain) c. 98 “Quamcumque munitionem decuriones hujusce coloniae decreverint ... eam munitionem fieri liceto, dum ne amplius in annos singulos ... operas quinas ... decernant.”[533]The other chief personal burdens are guardianship (tutela) and serving on juries; but the consideration of both belongs rather to civil and criminal than to public law.[534]p. 69.[535]p. 74.[536]p. 73.[537]Liv. xxxiii. 42 (196B.C.) “Pecunia opus erat, quod ultimam pensionem pecuniae in bellum conlatae persolvi placuerat privatis.” Cf. v. 20 and Plin.H.N.xxxiv. 6.[538]Cic.de Off.ii. 22, 76 “Paulus tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum”; Plutarch,Paul.38.[539]Lex Acilia Repetundarumc. 79; amongst the rewards granted to a Latin who prosecuted successfully under this law are “militiae munerisque poplici in sua quojusque ceivitate vocatio immunitasque.”[540]Cic.pro Caec.34.[541]Cic. l.c.;de Orat.i. 40.[542]Cic.pro Caec.34; Dionys. iv. 15[543]p. 32.[544]EiseleBeiträge zur römischen Rechtsgeschichtep. 205.[545]Gaius i. 159-162; Ulp. xi. 10-13.[546]p. 31.[547]For the form ofdeditiosee Liv. ix. 10; App.de Reb. Hisp.83. The references are to the two great historic instances at the Caudine Forks (321) and Numantia (137).[548]Liv. xxxviii. 42 (188B.C.) “eo anno L. Minucius Myrtilus et L. Manlius, quod legatos Carthaginienses pulsasse dicebantur, jussu M. Claudii praetoris urbani per fetiales traditi sunt legatis, et Carthaginem avecti.”[549]ib. v. 36; Suet.Caes.24.[550]p. 138.[551]p. 91.[552]Gaius i. 159.[553]Cic.pro Balbo11, 28;pro Caec.34, 100.[554]p. 55.[555]Ulp.Reg.xi. 13 “per quam, et civitate et libertate salva, status dumtaxat hominis mutatur.” Cf. Gaius i. 162.[556]p. 32.[557]i.e. byadrogatio, see p. 32.[558]Justin.Inst.i. 12, 5 “postliminium fingit eum qui captus est semper in civitate fuisse”; Gaius i. 129 “hi qui ab hostibus capti sunt, si reversi fuerint, omnia pristina jura recipiunt.”[559]p. 18.[560]Cic.pro Mur.12, 27 “mulieres omnes propter infirmitatem consilii majores in tutorum potestate esse voluerunt; hi invenerunt genera tutorum, quae potestate mulierum continerentur.”[561]By thejus postliminii; see p. 140.[562]Plaut.Capt. Prol.34.[563]Liv. x. 42, 46.[564]CaesarB.G.iii. 16.[565]Polyb. xxx. 15 (Paulus) πέντε δὲ καὶ δέκα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι.[566]Strabo xiv. p. 668.[567]MarquardtPrivatlebenpp. 135 sq.[568]AppianB.C.i. 8.[569]Gaius inDig.50, 17, 133 “melior condicio nostra per servos fieri potest, deterior fieri non potest.”[570]Gaius iv. 69-74; Justin.Inst.iv. 7.[571]Cic.Part. Orat.34, 118;pro Cluent.63, etc. As, however, the master’s consent had to be obtained, the evidence and torture of slaves in the public courts were rare. In domestic jurisdiction the inquisition on slaves was held before a familyconsilium.[572]Gaius iii. 210, 217, 222, 223.[573]CatoR.R.5; Dionys. vii. 69.[574]Cic.ad Fam.iv. 12; Tac.Ann.xiv. 42.[575]Liv. xliii. 16; Gell. xiii. 13. Forservi publiciin the municipal towns seeLex Coloniae Genetivaec. 62.[576]Actor publicus, in Rome (Tac.Ann.ii 30); in the municipal towns (Plin.Ep.vii, 18, 2).[577]Libertinusdescribes the freedman’s political position,libertushis relation to his master.[578]Ulp. inDig.1, 16, 9, 3.[579]Macer inDig.48. 2, 8; Paul.Sent.v. 15, 3.[580]Ulp. inDig.2, 4, 4, 1 “Praetor ait ‘parentem, patronum, patronam, liberos parentes patroni patronae in jus sine permissu meo ne quis vocet.’”[581]Gaius iii. 40-44.[582]Ulp. inDig.38, 2, 1, 1. Mommsen (Staatsr.iii. p. 433) thinks that the author of the change was the famous P. Rutilius Rufus, consul 105B.C.[583]Suet.Caes.48; Val. Max. 6, 1, 4. Willems (Droit Publici. p. 125 n. 8) remarks that there is nothing to show that this power was exercised overjusti liberti. The freedmen so punished may have been informally manumitted. For the relegation of a freedman by hispatronussee Tac.Ann.xiii 26.[584]Cf. Plut.Poplic.7. Plutarch, in this story of the imaginary freedman Vindicius, represents his class as having no voting rights at the beginning of the Republic. Appius Claudius (312B.C.), he says, first gave them ἐξουσίαν ψήφου: but he does not state the assemblies in which this right was exercised.[585]See the section on the censor (p. 223).[586]Liv. ix. 46.[587]ib.; Val. Max. ii. 2, 9. Nothing is said about their division intoclasses; according to the arrangement of the reformedcomitia centuriata(see the section on thecomitia), this restriction to four tribes would have given them the command of only forty centuries.[588]Liv. xlv. 15.[589]Auct. de Vir. Ill.72 (M. Aemilius Scaurus) “consul legem de sumptibus et libertinorum suffragiis tulit”; WillemsDroit Public Rom.p. 123.[590]Dio Cass. xxxvi. 25.[591]Liv.Ep.84.[592]Exceptions due to the stress of times are mentioned for the years 296 (Liv. x. 21) and 217 (Liv. xxii. 11). Even in the social war they formed cohorts separate from the legions.[593]First mentioned in 217B.C.(Liv. xxii. 11).[594]See the section on the magistracy (p. 184).[595]e.g. the institution of the censor, praetor, curule aediles, and (although they are not a part of the developed constitution), the consular tribunes.[596]p. 121.[597]Cic.ad Att.ix. 9, 3 “in libris (i.e. the augural books) habemus non modo consules a praetore, sed ne praetores quidem creari jus esse.”[598]p. 47.[599]p. 47.[600]See the section on the magistracy (p. 165).[601]Cic.de Leg.iii. 3, 9 “ast quando consoles magisterve populi (i.e. dictator) nec escunt, auspicia patrum sunto, ollique ex se produnto qui comitiatu creare consules rite possint”;ad Brut.i. 5, 4 “dum unus erit patricius magistratus, auspicia ad patres redire non possunt.”[602]In 43B.C., on the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, this communication could not be made in time. Hence the extraordinary measure of appointing twoprivatiwithconsularis potestasto hold the election for the consulship (Dio Cass, xlvi. 45).[603]Thesenatus consultumcontaining this suggestion might be vetoed by one of the tribunes. Ascon,in Milon.p. 32 “dum ... Pompeius ... et T. Munatius tr. pl. referri ad senatum de patriciis convocandis qui interregem proderent non essent passi.”[604]p. 47.[605]Liv. v. 31, 8 “interrex creatur M. Furius Camillus.”[606]The technical expressionprodere interregemrefers in Republican times, not only to the appointment of the first interrex by election, but to the nomination of each of the otherinterregesby his predecessor (Liv. vi. 41; v. 31).[607]Liv. vi. 1; viii. 23.[608]Cic.pro Dom.14, 38, quoted p. 131.[609]Willemsle Sénatii. pp. 14, 16.[610]p. 126.[611]See Appendix on thecomitia tributa.[612]p. 89.[613]The power of this body was much increased by the long wars waged in West and East; but its ascendency was assured before these wars began. See the section on the Senate.[614]For an instance of its cumulative use see Cic.in Verr.act. i. 13, 37 “erit tunc consul Hortensius cum summo imperio et potestate”; for one of its disjunctive uses seeDig.4, 6, 26, 2 “consulem praetorem ceterosque qui imperium potestatemve quam habent.”[615]p. 79.[616]Mommsen (Staatsr.i. p. 203) denies the right of the quaestor to issue edicts; but the absence of distinct mention of quaestorian edicts is no ground for denying him what appears to have been a common magisterial right.[617]For the pro-magistrates see the sections on the consuls and the provinces.[618]In the course of the Republicimperiumcame to denotepar excellencecommand abroad, as was natural, since here alone the power was unshackled. Hence the phrasecum imperioesse descriptive of a magistrate who can assert this latent power (Cic.ad Fam.viii. 8, 8 “qui praetores fuerunt neque in provincia cum imperio fuerunt”) and the opposition betweenmagistratusandimperium.Lex Tab. Bant.1. 16 “quibus quisque eorum mag(istratum) imperiumve inierit”;Lex Acilia Rep.1. 8 “dum magi(stratum) aut imperium habebunt.”[619]Liv. iii. 42; xxviii. 45.[620]Polyb. vi. 19, 21. The tenor of the oath was (c. 21) ἧ μὴν πειθαρχήσειν καὶ ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων κατὰ δύναμιν.[621]The soldier is said “jurare in verba consilium” (Liv. ii. 52).[622]Liv. iii. 20.[623]ib. viii. 34 “latrocinii modo caeca et fortuita pro sollemni et sacrata militia sit.”[624]Dionys. xi. 43.[625]p. 79.[626]See the section on theintercessio.[627]Liv. vii. 5.[628]ib. xxvii. 36.[629]Lex Acilia1. 2.[630]They were calledRufuli(Liv. vii. 5; Festus p. 260).[631]Liv. xlii. 31 (171B.C., commencement of war with Perseus) “consoles ex senatus consulto ad populum tulerunt, ne tribuni militum eo anno suffragiis crearentur, sed consulum praetorumque in iis faciendis judicium arbitriumque esset.” Cf. xliii. 12.[632]Polyb. vi. 13.[633]p. 117.[634]See Greenidge, “The provocatio militiae and provincial jurisdiction” inClassical Reviewx. p. 225.[635]The fact that the delegates and sometimes the crimes were distinct in the two cases does not make the military jurisdiction of theimperatordiffer from his ordinary criminal jurisdiction, as Mommsen seems to think (Staatsr.i. p. 123). For the proofs of unity in the conception of jurisdictionmilitiaesee the article cited in the last note.[636]At the close of the Republic, however, custom dictated that the governor should send capital cases in which Romans were involved to Rome. See the section on the provinces.[637]Tac.Ann.iii. 74 “Tiberius ... Blaeso tribuit, ut imperator a legionibus salutaretur, prisco ergo duces honore, qui bene gesta republica gaudio et impetu victoris exercitus conclamabantur.” The earliest instance recorded is that of the elder Scipio Africanus (Liv. xxvii. 19). At the close of the Republic the title might be conferred by the Senate. Cic.Phil.xiv. 4, 11 (to emphasise the fact that Antonius was a public enemy Servilius had proposedsupplicationes) “Sed hoc primum faciam, ut imperatores appellem eos, quorum virtute ... periculis ... liberati sumus.” For who, he asks, has not been calledimperatorwithin the last twenty years “aut minimis rebus gestis, aut plerumque nullis”? (cf. Cic.ad Att.v. 20, 3).[638]Dio Cass. xxxvii. 40.[639]For the consular tribune see p. 114.[640]An important exception is recorded in Liv. vii. 11 (360B.C.). Here the consul triumphs after the abdication of the dictator, and the honour is clearly a concession of the latter.[641]Liv. xxviii. 9 (207B.C.).[642]In this case the lesser honour of an “ovation” was sometimes granted (Liv. xxvi. 21; xxviii. 9).[643]Liv. xxxix. 29 (185B.C.).[644]Gell. v. 6; Val. Max. ii. 8, 7. In this case, too, the ovation was sometimes granted, e.g. in the slave-wars of 99 and 71B.C.(Cic.de Orat.ii. 47, 195; Gell. v. 6). For this reason Caesar’s triumph in 46 was over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus and Africa; that of Augustus in 29 over Dalmatia and Egypt. In neither case was it held over the citizens whom they had crushed.[645]Val. Max. ii. 8, 1.[646]Liv. xxxiii. 23; xlii. 21.[647]Mommsen thinks the use of it as well (Staatsr.i p. 132), e.g. that it was in consequence of the absence of theprovocatiothat thecives Romani Campaniwere executed in 271 (Val. Max. ii. 7, 15).[648]e.g. L. Postumius Megellus in 294B.C.(Liv. x. 37), App. Claudius in 143B.C.(Suet.Tib.2).[649]“Senatus consulto jussuque populi” (Liv. iv. 20).[650]Polyb. vi. 15 τοὺς ... θριάμβους ... οὐ δύνανται χειρίζειν ὡς πρέπει, ποτὲ δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ συντελεῖν, ἐὰν μὴ τὸ συνέδριον συγκατάθηται καὶ δῷ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην.[651]Liv. xxvi. 21. Cf. Liv. xlv. 35, where the Senate’s request to the tribune is made through a praetor. One cannot say in this case that theimperiumis conferred for the day, since the Plebs had no power to confer theimperium.

[500]In other words, images of other than curule ancestors might be set up in theatrium.

[501]p. 22.

[502]Sallust.Jug.95 (of Sulla) “gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope jam exstincta majorum ignavia.”

[503]Cic.pro Mur.7. 16; Ascon.in Scaurian. p. 22.

[504]Dionys. vii. 71.

[505]Cf. Cic.de Off.ii. 17, 58 “Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit.”

[506]Liv. xxii. 34 (of the election of Varro, 217B.C.) “Patres summa ope obstabant, ne se insectando sibi aequari adsuescerent homines.”

[507]Sallust.Jug.63 “consulatum nobilitas inter se per manus tradebat; novus nemo tam clarus neque tam egregiis factis erat, quin indignus illo honore, et is quasi pollutus, haberetur.”

[508]Cic.pro Domo14, 38 “Ita populus Romanus brevi tempore, neque regem sacrorum, neque flamines, neque salios habebit, nec ex parte dimidia reliquos sacerdotes, neque auctores centuriatorum et curiatorum comitiorum: auspiciaque populi Romani, si magistratus patricii creati non sint, intereant necesse est, cum interrex nullus sit, quod et ipsum patricium esse et a patriciis prodi necesse est.” The passage is closely followed by Livy vi. 41, in the speech against the Licinio-Sextian laws, with which he credits Appius Claudius. We meet with other archaic survivals in connexion with the Senate—the distinction, e.g., between the “greater and lessergentes” (p. 12) was never lost, and the chief of the Senate, the first member on the list, was always chosen from thegentes majores(see p. 12).

[509]UlpianReg.v. 8 “conubio interveniente liberi semper patrem sequuntur; non interveniente conubio matris conditioni accedunt, excepto eo qui ex peregrino et cive Romana peregrinus nascitur, quoniam lex Mensia [“Minicia” has been read in the Veronese palimpsest of the parallel passage of Gaius i. 78, ed. Krueger and Studemund] ex alterutro peregrino natum deterioris parentis conditionem sequi jubet.”

[510]Or, in the Principate, an administrative act. See the section on the powers of the Princeps.

[511]p. 6.

[512]BelochDer Italische Bundpp. 101, 102.

[513]Tac.Ann.xi. 25; Beloch op. cit. p. 78. According to Beloch (l.c.) a comparison between the ante-imperial and post-imperial census is vitiated by the fact that theaerariiwere excluded from the former, included in the latter. See the section on the censor.

[514]Lex Acilia Repetundarum1. 76.

[515]Cic.pro Balbo10, 25 “quod iis ... liceat, si populus Romanus permiserit, ut ab senatu, ab imperatoribus nostris, civitate donentur.”

[516]Cic.Brut.20, 79;pro Balbo21, 48.

[517]See the section dealing with thecomitia.

[518]Suet.Aug.40; Senec.de Vit. Beat.24.

[519]It implied theimperium. At Rome these magistrates would be consul, praetor, dictator, or interrex; in the provinces the governors.

[520]Gaius iv. 16.

[521]“Praetor addicit libertatem.” See Cic.ad Att.vii. 2, 8.

[522]For the censor as such had no power to confer freedom (MommsenStaatsr.ii. p. 374). Cicero (de Orat.i. 40, 183) mentions the juristic controversy whether the slave was free from the moment of the announcement or from thelustrum, which gave validity to the censorian ordinances.Servi publiciwere manumitted by the magistrates, but whether by the consul only or by any magistrate is unknown (Momms.Staatsr.i. p. 321). The greatest instance of state emancipation is that of theVolonesin 214B.C.(Liv. xxiv. 16).

[523]In the first case it is calleddirecta libertas(Dig.40, 4, 35), in the secondlibertas fidei commissa(Dig. 40, 4, 11).

[524]Theophilus (i. 5, 4) calls them φυσικοὶ τρόποι ἐλευθερίας.

[525]Suet.Claud.24 (Claudius said that App. Caecus, censor in 312B.C., had chosen the sons oflibertinifor the Senate) “ignarus, temporibus Appii et deinceps aliquamdiu, ‘libertinos’ dictos, non ipsos, qui manu mitterentur, sed ingenuos ex his procreatos.”

[526]Justin.Inst.i. 4 “qui statim ut natus est liber est”; Cic.de Nat. Deor.iii. 18, 45 “in jure civili, qui est matre libera, liber est.” This is the sense in which Cincius (ap. Fest.p. 241) and Livy (x. 8) declarepatriciusto have been originally equivalent toingenuus. See p. 5.

[527]Thes(ine) p(atre) filiiof Gaius (i. 64) and Plutarch (Qu. Rom.103) was a conjecture of the jurists based on the abbreviated form ofsp(urii) filii(Momms.Staatsr.iii p. 72 n. 4).Spurii filiiwas the official designation, whileliberi naturalesdenoted the natural relationship to the father (MeyerDer römische Concubinat).

[528]p. 35.

[529]p. 131.

[530]p. 45.

[531]p. 98.

[532]Lex Coloniae Genetivae(a foundation of Caesar’s in 44B.C.at Osuna in Spain) c. 98 “Quamcumque munitionem decuriones hujusce coloniae decreverint ... eam munitionem fieri liceto, dum ne amplius in annos singulos ... operas quinas ... decernant.”

[533]The other chief personal burdens are guardianship (tutela) and serving on juries; but the consideration of both belongs rather to civil and criminal than to public law.

[534]p. 69.

[535]p. 74.

[536]p. 73.

[537]Liv. xxxiii. 42 (196B.C.) “Pecunia opus erat, quod ultimam pensionem pecuniae in bellum conlatae persolvi placuerat privatis.” Cf. v. 20 and Plin.H.N.xxxiv. 6.

[538]Cic.de Off.ii. 22, 76 “Paulus tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum”; Plutarch,Paul.38.

[539]Lex Acilia Repetundarumc. 79; amongst the rewards granted to a Latin who prosecuted successfully under this law are “militiae munerisque poplici in sua quojusque ceivitate vocatio immunitasque.”

[540]Cic.pro Caec.34.

[541]Cic. l.c.;de Orat.i. 40.

[542]Cic.pro Caec.34; Dionys. iv. 15

[543]p. 32.

[544]EiseleBeiträge zur römischen Rechtsgeschichtep. 205.

[545]Gaius i. 159-162; Ulp. xi. 10-13.

[546]p. 31.

[547]For the form ofdeditiosee Liv. ix. 10; App.de Reb. Hisp.83. The references are to the two great historic instances at the Caudine Forks (321) and Numantia (137).

[548]Liv. xxxviii. 42 (188B.C.) “eo anno L. Minucius Myrtilus et L. Manlius, quod legatos Carthaginienses pulsasse dicebantur, jussu M. Claudii praetoris urbani per fetiales traditi sunt legatis, et Carthaginem avecti.”

[549]ib. v. 36; Suet.Caes.24.

[550]p. 138.

[551]p. 91.

[552]Gaius i. 159.

[553]Cic.pro Balbo11, 28;pro Caec.34, 100.

[554]p. 55.

[555]Ulp.Reg.xi. 13 “per quam, et civitate et libertate salva, status dumtaxat hominis mutatur.” Cf. Gaius i. 162.

[556]p. 32.

[557]i.e. byadrogatio, see p. 32.

[558]Justin.Inst.i. 12, 5 “postliminium fingit eum qui captus est semper in civitate fuisse”; Gaius i. 129 “hi qui ab hostibus capti sunt, si reversi fuerint, omnia pristina jura recipiunt.”

[559]p. 18.

[560]Cic.pro Mur.12, 27 “mulieres omnes propter infirmitatem consilii majores in tutorum potestate esse voluerunt; hi invenerunt genera tutorum, quae potestate mulierum continerentur.”

[561]By thejus postliminii; see p. 140.

[562]Plaut.Capt. Prol.34.

[563]Liv. x. 42, 46.

[564]CaesarB.G.iii. 16.

[565]Polyb. xxx. 15 (Paulus) πέντε δὲ καὶ δέκα μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι.

[566]Strabo xiv. p. 668.

[567]MarquardtPrivatlebenpp. 135 sq.

[568]AppianB.C.i. 8.

[569]Gaius inDig.50, 17, 133 “melior condicio nostra per servos fieri potest, deterior fieri non potest.”

[570]Gaius iv. 69-74; Justin.Inst.iv. 7.

[571]Cic.Part. Orat.34, 118;pro Cluent.63, etc. As, however, the master’s consent had to be obtained, the evidence and torture of slaves in the public courts were rare. In domestic jurisdiction the inquisition on slaves was held before a familyconsilium.

[572]Gaius iii. 210, 217, 222, 223.

[573]CatoR.R.5; Dionys. vii. 69.

[574]Cic.ad Fam.iv. 12; Tac.Ann.xiv. 42.

[575]Liv. xliii. 16; Gell. xiii. 13. Forservi publiciin the municipal towns seeLex Coloniae Genetivaec. 62.

[576]Actor publicus, in Rome (Tac.Ann.ii 30); in the municipal towns (Plin.Ep.vii, 18, 2).

[577]Libertinusdescribes the freedman’s political position,libertushis relation to his master.

[578]Ulp. inDig.1, 16, 9, 3.

[579]Macer inDig.48. 2, 8; Paul.Sent.v. 15, 3.

[580]Ulp. inDig.2, 4, 4, 1 “Praetor ait ‘parentem, patronum, patronam, liberos parentes patroni patronae in jus sine permissu meo ne quis vocet.’”

[581]Gaius iii. 40-44.

[582]Ulp. inDig.38, 2, 1, 1. Mommsen (Staatsr.iii. p. 433) thinks that the author of the change was the famous P. Rutilius Rufus, consul 105B.C.

[583]Suet.Caes.48; Val. Max. 6, 1, 4. Willems (Droit Publici. p. 125 n. 8) remarks that there is nothing to show that this power was exercised overjusti liberti. The freedmen so punished may have been informally manumitted. For the relegation of a freedman by hispatronussee Tac.Ann.xiii 26.

[584]Cf. Plut.Poplic.7. Plutarch, in this story of the imaginary freedman Vindicius, represents his class as having no voting rights at the beginning of the Republic. Appius Claudius (312B.C.), he says, first gave them ἐξουσίαν ψήφου: but he does not state the assemblies in which this right was exercised.

[585]See the section on the censor (p. 223).

[586]Liv. ix. 46.

[587]ib.; Val. Max. ii. 2, 9. Nothing is said about their division intoclasses; according to the arrangement of the reformedcomitia centuriata(see the section on thecomitia), this restriction to four tribes would have given them the command of only forty centuries.

[588]Liv. xlv. 15.

[589]Auct. de Vir. Ill.72 (M. Aemilius Scaurus) “consul legem de sumptibus et libertinorum suffragiis tulit”; WillemsDroit Public Rom.p. 123.

[590]Dio Cass. xxxvi. 25.

[591]Liv.Ep.84.

[592]Exceptions due to the stress of times are mentioned for the years 296 (Liv. x. 21) and 217 (Liv. xxii. 11). Even in the social war they formed cohorts separate from the legions.

[593]First mentioned in 217B.C.(Liv. xxii. 11).

[594]See the section on the magistracy (p. 184).

[595]e.g. the institution of the censor, praetor, curule aediles, and (although they are not a part of the developed constitution), the consular tribunes.

[596]p. 121.

[597]Cic.ad Att.ix. 9, 3 “in libris (i.e. the augural books) habemus non modo consules a praetore, sed ne praetores quidem creari jus esse.”

[598]p. 47.

[599]p. 47.

[600]See the section on the magistracy (p. 165).

[601]Cic.de Leg.iii. 3, 9 “ast quando consoles magisterve populi (i.e. dictator) nec escunt, auspicia patrum sunto, ollique ex se produnto qui comitiatu creare consules rite possint”;ad Brut.i. 5, 4 “dum unus erit patricius magistratus, auspicia ad patres redire non possunt.”

[602]In 43B.C., on the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, this communication could not be made in time. Hence the extraordinary measure of appointing twoprivatiwithconsularis potestasto hold the election for the consulship (Dio Cass, xlvi. 45).

[603]Thesenatus consultumcontaining this suggestion might be vetoed by one of the tribunes. Ascon,in Milon.p. 32 “dum ... Pompeius ... et T. Munatius tr. pl. referri ad senatum de patriciis convocandis qui interregem proderent non essent passi.”

[604]p. 47.

[605]Liv. v. 31, 8 “interrex creatur M. Furius Camillus.”

[606]The technical expressionprodere interregemrefers in Republican times, not only to the appointment of the first interrex by election, but to the nomination of each of the otherinterregesby his predecessor (Liv. vi. 41; v. 31).

[607]Liv. vi. 1; viii. 23.

[608]Cic.pro Dom.14, 38, quoted p. 131.

[609]Willemsle Sénatii. pp. 14, 16.

[610]p. 126.

[611]See Appendix on thecomitia tributa.

[612]p. 89.

[613]The power of this body was much increased by the long wars waged in West and East; but its ascendency was assured before these wars began. See the section on the Senate.

[614]For an instance of its cumulative use see Cic.in Verr.act. i. 13, 37 “erit tunc consul Hortensius cum summo imperio et potestate”; for one of its disjunctive uses seeDig.4, 6, 26, 2 “consulem praetorem ceterosque qui imperium potestatemve quam habent.”

[615]p. 79.

[616]Mommsen (Staatsr.i. p. 203) denies the right of the quaestor to issue edicts; but the absence of distinct mention of quaestorian edicts is no ground for denying him what appears to have been a common magisterial right.

[617]For the pro-magistrates see the sections on the consuls and the provinces.

[618]In the course of the Republicimperiumcame to denotepar excellencecommand abroad, as was natural, since here alone the power was unshackled. Hence the phrasecum imperioesse descriptive of a magistrate who can assert this latent power (Cic.ad Fam.viii. 8, 8 “qui praetores fuerunt neque in provincia cum imperio fuerunt”) and the opposition betweenmagistratusandimperium.Lex Tab. Bant.1. 16 “quibus quisque eorum mag(istratum) imperiumve inierit”;Lex Acilia Rep.1. 8 “dum magi(stratum) aut imperium habebunt.”

[619]Liv. iii. 42; xxviii. 45.

[620]Polyb. vi. 19, 21. The tenor of the oath was (c. 21) ἧ μὴν πειθαρχήσειν καὶ ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων κατὰ δύναμιν.

[621]The soldier is said “jurare in verba consilium” (Liv. ii. 52).

[622]Liv. iii. 20.

[623]ib. viii. 34 “latrocinii modo caeca et fortuita pro sollemni et sacrata militia sit.”

[624]Dionys. xi. 43.

[625]p. 79.

[626]See the section on theintercessio.

[627]Liv. vii. 5.

[628]ib. xxvii. 36.

[629]Lex Acilia1. 2.

[630]They were calledRufuli(Liv. vii. 5; Festus p. 260).

[631]Liv. xlii. 31 (171B.C., commencement of war with Perseus) “consoles ex senatus consulto ad populum tulerunt, ne tribuni militum eo anno suffragiis crearentur, sed consulum praetorumque in iis faciendis judicium arbitriumque esset.” Cf. xliii. 12.

[632]Polyb. vi. 13.

[633]p. 117.

[634]See Greenidge, “The provocatio militiae and provincial jurisdiction” inClassical Reviewx. p. 225.

[635]The fact that the delegates and sometimes the crimes were distinct in the two cases does not make the military jurisdiction of theimperatordiffer from his ordinary criminal jurisdiction, as Mommsen seems to think (Staatsr.i. p. 123). For the proofs of unity in the conception of jurisdictionmilitiaesee the article cited in the last note.

[636]At the close of the Republic, however, custom dictated that the governor should send capital cases in which Romans were involved to Rome. See the section on the provinces.

[637]Tac.Ann.iii. 74 “Tiberius ... Blaeso tribuit, ut imperator a legionibus salutaretur, prisco ergo duces honore, qui bene gesta republica gaudio et impetu victoris exercitus conclamabantur.” The earliest instance recorded is that of the elder Scipio Africanus (Liv. xxvii. 19). At the close of the Republic the title might be conferred by the Senate. Cic.Phil.xiv. 4, 11 (to emphasise the fact that Antonius was a public enemy Servilius had proposedsupplicationes) “Sed hoc primum faciam, ut imperatores appellem eos, quorum virtute ... periculis ... liberati sumus.” For who, he asks, has not been calledimperatorwithin the last twenty years “aut minimis rebus gestis, aut plerumque nullis”? (cf. Cic.ad Att.v. 20, 3).

[638]Dio Cass. xxxvii. 40.

[639]For the consular tribune see p. 114.

[640]An important exception is recorded in Liv. vii. 11 (360B.C.). Here the consul triumphs after the abdication of the dictator, and the honour is clearly a concession of the latter.

[641]Liv. xxviii. 9 (207B.C.).

[642]In this case the lesser honour of an “ovation” was sometimes granted (Liv. xxvi. 21; xxviii. 9).

[643]Liv. xxxix. 29 (185B.C.).

[644]Gell. v. 6; Val. Max. ii. 8, 7. In this case, too, the ovation was sometimes granted, e.g. in the slave-wars of 99 and 71B.C.(Cic.de Orat.ii. 47, 195; Gell. v. 6). For this reason Caesar’s triumph in 46 was over Gaul, Egypt, Pontus and Africa; that of Augustus in 29 over Dalmatia and Egypt. In neither case was it held over the citizens whom they had crushed.

[645]Val. Max. ii. 8, 1.

[646]Liv. xxxiii. 23; xlii. 21.

[647]Mommsen thinks the use of it as well (Staatsr.i p. 132), e.g. that it was in consequence of the absence of theprovocatiothat thecives Romani Campaniwere executed in 271 (Val. Max. ii. 7, 15).

[648]e.g. L. Postumius Megellus in 294B.C.(Liv. x. 37), App. Claudius in 143B.C.(Suet.Tib.2).

[649]“Senatus consulto jussuque populi” (Liv. iv. 20).

[650]Polyb. vi. 15 τοὺς ... θριάμβους ... οὐ δύνανται χειρίζειν ὡς πρέπει, ποτὲ δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ συντελεῖν, ἐὰν μὴ τὸ συνέδριον συγκατάθηται καὶ δῷ τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην.

[651]Liv. xxvi. 21. Cf. Liv. xlv. 35, where the Senate’s request to the tribune is made through a praetor. One cannot say in this case that theimperiumis conferred for the day, since the Plebs had no power to confer theimperium.

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