Chapter 36

[1346]The decree proposed to meet the threatened revolution of M. Lepidus in 77B.C.ran as follows: “quoniam M. Lepidus exercitum privato consilio paratum cum pessimis et hostibus rei publicae contra hujus ordinis auctoritatem ad urbem ducit, uti Appius Claudius interrex cum Q. Catulo pro consule et ceteris, quibus imperium est, urbi praesidio sint operamque dent ne quid res publica detrimenti capiat” (from speech of Philippus in Sall.Hist.lib. i. frgt. 77, § 22). The historical instances of the employment of this power are against C. Gracchus and his adherents in 121B.C., in the tumult of Saturninus (100), the first Sullan restoration (88), by the anti-Sullans (82), at the threatened revolution of M. Lepidus (77), in the Catilinarian conspiracy (63), during the disturbances raised by Q. Metellus (62), and those preceding the sole consulship of Pompeius (52), against Caesar (49), against Dolabella and M. Antonius (43).[1347]Cf. Sall.Cat.50 “consul ... convocato senatu refert quid de eis fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante frequens senatus judivcaerat contra rem publicam fecisse.”[1348]Although theultimum senatus consultumhad not been passed against Ti. Gracchus, the condemnation of his adherents without appeal (Vell. ii. 7; Val. Max. iv. 7, 1) was the exercise of the jurisdiction of martial law. It was this jurisdiction which elicited theplebiscitumof C. Gracchus.[1349]Cic.pro Rab.4, 12 “C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium Romanorum injussu vestro judicaretur.”[1350]Schol. Ambros. p. 370 “Quia sententiam (wrongly for “legem”; see ZumptCriminalrechti. 2 p. 73) tulerat Gracchus ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem sententiam diceret.” Cf. Cic.pro Sest.28, 61 “Consule me, (Cato), cum esset designatus tribunus plebis, obtulit in discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam, cujus invidiam capitis periculo sibi praestandam videbat.” So Dio Cassius (xxxviii 14), in speaking of the first bill of Clodius against Cicero, says ἔφερε μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν βουλήν, ὅτι τοῖς τε ὑπάτοις τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως ... προσετετάχει.[1351]Plut.C. Gracch.4 τὸν δὲ (νόμον εἰσέφερε) εἴ τις ἄρχων ἄκριτον ἐκκεκηρύχοι πολίτην, κατ’ αὐτοῦ διδόντα κρίσιν τῷ δήμῳ. δῆμος here may mean eitherpopulusorplebs; but Gracchus, as tribune, put his own law into force against Popilius (Cic.pro Domo31, 82).[1352]Cic.in Cat.iv. 5, 10 “At vero C. Caesar intelligit legem Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitutam; qui autem rei publicae sit hostis eum civem esse nullo modo posse.”[1353]Cic.in Pis.4, 9;pro Sest.25, 55; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 13.[1354]Cic.ad Q. fr.ii. 3, 5 (56B.C.) “senatus consultum factum est ut sodalitates decuriatique discederent lexque de iis ferretur ut, qui non discessissent, ea poena quae est de vi tenerentur.” Thesodalitateswere clubs of the type of the Greek ἑταιρεῖαι, thedecuriatiprobably electioneering associations.[1355]Cic.ad Att.i. 16, 12 (61B.C.) “senatus consulta duo jam facta sunt odiosa ... unum, ut apud magistratus inquiri liceret, alterum, cujus domi divisores habitarent, adversus rem publicam.”[1356]Liv. ix. 8-12; Plut.Ti. Gracch.7; Cic.de Off.iii. 30, 109; Sall.Jug.39.[1357]Sall.Jug.39 “senatus ita, uti par fuerat, decernit suo atque populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri.”[1358]Polyb. vi. 14 ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης οὗτος (ὁ δῆμος) βουλεύεται καὶ πολέμου. καὶ μὴν περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ διαλύσεως καὶ συνθηκῶν οὑτός ἐστιν ὁ βεβαιῶν ἕκαστα τούτων καὶ κύρια ποιῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον.[1359]The Gaditani approach the Senate for the renovation of a treaty made with a pro-magistrate in 78B.C.Cicero questions its validity (pro Balbo15, 34) on the ground that the people was not consulted. The passage illustrates both the Senate’s exercise of this power and the continuance of a controversy as to its right.[1360]Hence the institution of theGraecostasis. Varro (L.L.v. 165) describes it as “sub dextra hujus (the Rostra) a comitio locus substructus ubi nationum subsisterent legati, qui ad senatum essent missi; is Graecostasis appellatus a parte ut multa.”[1361]So the Numantian envoys in 36B.C.are received ἔξω τοῦ τείχους (Diofr.79). As a rule the appeal was made to the nearestimperator, and his representations might accord such legati a reception within the city. See Momms.Staatsr.iii. 2 p. 1150.[1362]Liv.Ep.xlvi. “in commune lex lata est ne cui regi Romam venire liceret.” Cf. Polyb. xxx. 17.[1363]Cic.ad Q. fr.ii. 13, 3 “Appius interpretatur ... quod Gabinia sanctum sit, etiam cogi ex Kal. Febr. usque ad Kal. Mart. legatis senatum quotidie dare.”[1364]Polyb. xxii. 24; Liv. xlv. 17.[1365]For the attempt made by thelex Semproniato obviate this power see p. 201.[1366]Cic.ad Fam.v. 2, 3 (to Metellus Celer, proconsul of Cisalpine Gaul, 62B.C.) “Nihil dico de sortitione vestra: tantum te suspicari volo nihil in ea re per collegam meum me insciente esse factum.” Cf.ad Att.i. 16, 8.[1367]Liv. xlv. 13; Dittenberger n. 240. The Senate sometimes referred questions respecting the internal affairs of these states to Romanpatroni, with whom they had entered into relations of clientship (Liv. ix. 20; Cic.pro Sulla21, 60).[1368]lex de Termessibusii. 6 “Nei quis magistratus ... meilites ... introducito ... nisei senatus nominatim ... decreverit.”[1369]Sall.Jug.62 “Metellus propere cunctos senatorii ordinis ex hibernis accersi jubet: eorum et aliorum, quos idoneos ducebat, consilium habet.” Cf. c. 104 “Marius ... Sullam (the quaestor) ab Utica venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem, praeterea omnes undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit.”[1370]Cic.ad Att.ii. 16, 4 “Illud tamen, quod scribit (Q. Cicero, governor of Asia) animadvertas velim, de portorio circumvectionis; ait se de consilii sententia rem ad senatum rejecisse.”[1371]Cic.de Off.ii. 22, 76 “tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit (Paulus) ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum.” Cf. Plut.Paul.38.[1372]Momms.Staatsr.iii. 2 pp. 1112-20.[1373]Plut.Ti. Gracch.14 οὐδὲν ἔφη τῇ συγκλήτῳ βουλεύεσθαι προσήκειν, ἀλλὰ τῳ δήμῳ γνώμην αὐτὸς προθήσειν.[1374]p. 229.[1375]The Senate invalidated thelocationesof the censors of 184B.C.(Liv. xxxix. 44 “locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis publicanorum victus induci et de integro locari jussisset”). A vain appeal was made by thepublicaniof Asia to remit their contracts in 60B.C.(Cic.ad Att.i. 17, 9; cf. ii. 1, 8).[1376]The business of draining the Pomptine marshes is entrusted to a consul (Liv.Ep.xlvi.), the building of an aqueduct to a praetor (Frontin.de Aquaed.7).[1377]Cic.ad Att.iii. 24.[1378]This was necessary when the supplies were destined for the army. See Sall.Jug.104 “(Rufus) qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat.” Compare the section on provincial government.[1379]The phrase for opening this credit isattribuere. See Liv. xliv. 16 “ad opera publica facienda cum eis (censoribus) dimidium ex vectigalibus ejus anni (169B.C.) attributum ex senatus consulto a quaestoribus esset.”[1380]p. 194.[1381]Cic.ad Fam.i. 1 sq.[1382]Cic.ad Q. fr.ii. 6, 4 and 5 (56B.C.) “consul est egregius Lentulus ... Dies comitiales exemit omnes. Nam etiam Latinae instaurantur: nec tamen deerant supplicationes. Sic legibus perniciosissimis obsistitur.”[1383]In the later Republic these periods of thanksgiving had reached the inordinate length of fifteen, twenty, and even fifty days (Caes.Bell. Gall.ii. 35; iv. 38; Cic.Phil.xiv. 11, 29). At this period thesupplicatiowas considered the usual preliminary of a triumph; but Cato explains to Cicero that this was not always the case (ad Fam.xv. 5, 2 “Quodsi triumphi praerogativam putas supplicationem et idcirco casum potius quam te laudari mavis, neque supplicationem sequitur semper triumphus,” etc.).[1384]Cic.pro Domo49, 127 “video ... esse legem veterem tribuniciam quae vetat injussu plebis aedes, terram, aram consecrari.” Thejussus plebisprobably implies that of thepopulusas well. See Momms.Staatsr.iii. 2 p. 1050.[1385]The Senate alone is mentioned as decreeing the reception of theMagna Materin 205B.C., and as ordaining the erection of her temple (Liv. xxix. 10 and 11; xxxvi. 36).[1386]See p. 56.[1387]Dionys. ii. 72; Liv. i. 32; cf. Plin.H.N.xxii. 2.[1388]Polyb. iii. 25; Liv. i. 24. Yet the ceremonies they describe are different. In that related by Polybius the stone has a passive signification; the priest hurls it from him and prays, “May I only be cast out, if I break my oath, as this stone is now.” In that described by Livy, “the pig represents the perjurer, the flint-knife the instrument of divine vengeance” (Strachan-Davidson’s Polybius,Proleg.viii.), and Jupiter is here to strike thepeoplethat fails in the compact. Possibly the two forms of ritual were used in different kinds of treaties; the first, perhaps, in commercial compacts, the second in agreements that closed a war.[1389]Liv. iv. 17; MiddletonAncient Romei. p. 245.[1390]Liv. v. 36.[1391]See p. 283.[1392]Liv. xxii. 61.[1393]VarroL.L.v. 3 “multa verba aliud nunc ostendunt, aliud ante significabant, ut hostis: nam tum eo verbo dicebant peregrinum qui suis legibus uteretur, nunc dicunt eum quem tum dicebant perduellem.” Cf. Cic.de Off.i. 12, 37.[1394]p. 284.[1395]Polyb. iii. 22.[1396]“Aeduos, fratres consanguineosque saepe numero a senatu appellatos” (Caes.B.G.i. 33).[1397]Cf. p. 284 for this rule and for the exception to it made in 166B.C.[1398]In the first treaty with Carthage two kinds of legal satisfaction are given to Roman traders. In Libya and Sardinia the state guarantees the debt; in the Sicilian cities under the Carthaginian protectorate Romans and Carthaginians are on an equal footing (Polyb. iii. 22).[1399]Hartmann (O. E.)Der ordo judiciorum und die judicia extraordinaria der RömerThl. i. pp. 229 ff.[1400]Festus p. 274 “Reciperatio est, ut ait Gallus Aelius, cum inter populum et reges nationesque et civitates peregrinas lex convenit quomodo per reciperatores reddantur res reciperenturque resque privatas inter se persequantur.” See KellerCivilprocessp. 36; RudorffRechtsgeschichteii. p. 34.[1401]p. 207.[1402]In the treaty supposed to be the work of Spurius Cassius and to date from 493B.C.the following clause was found: τῶν τ’ ἰδιωτικῶν συμβολαίων αἱ κρίσεις ἐν ἡμέραις γιγνέσθωσαν δέκα, παρ’ οἷς ἂν γένηται τὸ συμβόλαιον (Dionys. vi. 95).[1403]Dionys. iii. 34, 51.[1404]ib. vi. 95; Festus p. 241.[1405]Dionys. viii. 70, 74.[1406]p. 295.[1407]App.B.C.i. 23. Dionysius (viii. 72) speaks of the Latins and Hernicans exercising voting privileges (ψηφοφορία) in Rome in the year 486B.C.But it is impossible that they could have been enrolled in the centuries, which was a Roman army list, and no assembly of the tribes had yet received state recognition.[1408]Dionys. viii. 69, 72, 74.[1409]Livy, by attributingcivitasto Tusculum (vi. 26) and calling the Tusculanscives(vi. 36), seems to imply that they were full citizens. In this case the city could not have been from the first amunicipium, the name it bears later (“municipium antiquissimum” Cic.pro Planc.8, 19). Festus, however (p. 127), includes Tusculum amongst the states withcivitas sine suffragio, i.e. amongst the truemunicipia, and we know that Livy (x. 1) usescivitasforcivitas sine suffragio. The Satricani arecives Romaniin 319B.C.(Liv. ix. 16). Satricum had formerly belonged to the thirty Latin cities (Dionys. v. 61).[1410]Liv. viii. 14 “Ceteris Latinis populis (i.e. other than those with whom special arrangements were made) conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt.”[1411]Liv. ix. 43 “Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati, Verulano, Ferentinati, quia maluerunt quam civitatem, suae leges redditae; conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum. Anagninis, quique arma Romanis intulerant, civitas sine suffragii latione data: concilia conubiaque adempta, et magistratibus, praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum.”[1412]p. 299.[1413]Dionys. vii. 13; Plut.Cor.13.[1414]Hyginus p. 176 “cum signis et aquila et primis ordinibus ac tribunis deducebantur”; Tac.Ann.xiv. 27 “non enim, ut olim, universae legiones deducebantur cum tribunis et centurionibus et sui cujusque ordinis militibus.”[1415]VarroL.L.v. 143; Serv. adAen.v. 755.[1416]Liv. xxvii. 38 (207B.C.) “colonos etiam maritimos, qui sacrosanctam vacationem dicebantur habere, dare milites cogebant”; xxxvi. 3 (191B.C.) “contentio orta cum colonis maritimis ... nam, cum cogerentur in classem, tribunos plebei appellarunt.”[1417]Cic.pro Balbo11, 28;pro Caec.34, 100.[1418]p. 203.[1419]Festus p. 233 “Praefecturae eae appellabantur in Italia, in quibus et jus dicebatur et nundinae agebantur; et erat quaedam earum res publica, neque tamen magistratus suos habebant; in quas legibus praefecti mittebantur quodannis, qui jus dicerent. Quarum genera fuerunt duo: alterum, in quas solebant ire praefecti quattuor, [qui] viginti sex virum numero populi suffragio creati erant ... alterum, in quas ibant quos praetor urbanus quodannis in quaeque loca miserat legibus.” Amongst thepraefecturaewhich he enumerates are the Roman colonies of Volturnum, Liternum, Puteoli, and Saturnia.[1420]Liv. viii. 14 “Campanis ... Fundanisque et Formianis ... civitas sine suffragio data. Cumanos Suessulanosque ejusdem juris conditionisque, cujus Capuam, esse placuit.” For Atella and Calatia see Festus pp. 131, 233.[1421]Liv. x. 1.[1422]ib. ix. 43, quoted p. 299.[1423]Festus p. 131 “municipes erant qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam venissent, quibus non licebat magistratum capere sed tantum muneris partem, ut fuerunt Cumani, Acerrani, Atellani, qui et cives Romani erant et in legione merebant, sed dignitates non capiebant”; cf. p. 127 “participes ... fuerunt omnium rerum ad munus fungendum una cum Romanis civibus praeterquam de suffragio ferendo aut magistratu capiendo.” The words “qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam venissent” in the first definition do not describe themunicipesof historical times; they suggest a possible origin for the institution. These rights were first conditioned by domicile in Rome, but the condition was subsequently removed.[1424]p. 235.[1425]Festus p. 233, quoted p. 302.[1426]Liv. viii. 14.[1427]ib. xxiv. 19; xxvi. 6.[1428]The language of Livy makes it doubtful whether he conceives thefoedusto have continued after thecivitashad been conferred. They are different stages of rights, but he may mean them to be cumulative. In xxxi. 31 we read “cum ... ipsos (Campanos) foedere primum, deinde conubio atque cognationibus, postremo civitate nobis conjunxissemus” (cf. xxiii. 5). Thecivitashere is probably the full citizenship conferred on individual Capuans. They are spoken of associiin 216B.C.(xxiii. 5), and though the word is sometimes loosely used, it harmonises in its literal sense with the great constitutional privileges of the town.[1429]As at Arpinum (Cic.ad Fam.xiii. 11, 3).[1430]Festus p. 127 “quorum civitas universa in civitatem Romanam venit.”[1431]It did not possess any magistracy for secular purposes (Liv. ix. 43 “magistratibus, praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum”).[1432]“in ditionem” (Liv. xxxvii. 45), “in potestatem” (xxxix. 54).[1433]“in fidem” (ib. viii. 2).[1434]Polyb. xx. 9, 12 παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἰσοδυναμεῖ τό τε εἰς τὴν πίστιν αὑτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι καὶ τὸ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν δοῦναι περὶ αὑτοῦ τῷ κρατοῦντι.[1435]Gell. x. 3, 19.[1436]Dig.49, 15, 7, 1 “liber populus est is qui nullius alterius populi potestati est subjectus.”[1437]Lex Antonia de Termessibusi. 8.[1438]Plin.Ep. ad Traj.92 (93).[1439]Cic.in Verr.iii. 6, 13; cf. App.B.C.i. 102 (ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἔνορκοι).[1440]Dig.49, 15, 7, 1 “hoc adjicitur, ut intellegatur alterum populum superiorem esse, non ut intellegatur alterum non esse liberum.” Cf. Cic.pro Balbo16, 35 “Id habet hanc vim, ut sit ille in foedere inferior.”[1441]Dig.l.c. “is foederatus est item sive aequo foedere in amicitiam venit sive foedere comprehensum est ut is populus alterius populi majestatem comiter conservaret.”[1442]Lex Agraria1. 21 “socii nominisve Latini, quibus ex formula togatorum [milites in terra Italia inperare solent].”[1443]Liv. xxii. 57; xxvii. 10 “milites ex formula paratos esse.”[1444]The number of troops required was decreed every year by the Senate (Liv. xli. 5 etc.), the consuls fixing the amount which each state was to send in proportion to its fighting strength.[1445]Cic.pro Balbo9, 24.[1446]Cic.pro Balbo8, 21 “innumerabiles aliae leges de civili jure sunt latae; quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt.”[1447]Liv. xxxv. 7 (193B.C.) “M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ... plebem rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset.” The enactment was produced by the discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using Italians as their agents.[1448]Macrob.Sat.iii. 17, 6.[1449]Cic.pro Balbo8, 20 “foederatos populos fieri fundos oportere ... non magis est proprium foederatorum quam omnium liberorum.” For the formula of acceptance (“fundi—i.e. auctores—facti sunt”) cf. Festus p. 89.[1450]Cic.pro Balbo24, 54 “Latinis, id est foederatis.”[1451]The distinction is expressed in the familiarsocii ac nominis Latini(Liv. xli. 8),socii et Latium(Sall.Hist.i. 17), and perhaps insocii Latini nominis, if this last expression is to be regarded as an asyndeton.[1452]These twelve colonies, with the dates of their foundations, are—Ariminum (268B.C.), Beneventum (268), Firmum (264), Aesernia (263), Brundisium (244), Spoletium (241), Cremona and Placentia (218), Copia (193), Valentia (192), Bononia (189), Aquileia (181).[1453]The later Latin colonists have of right noconubiumwith Rome (Ulp.Reg.v. 4 “Conubium habent cives Romani cum civibus Romanis; cum Latinis autem et peregrinis ita si concessum sit”). The change may have come with this last outburst of Latin colonisation in Italy; but it may be as late as the extension oflatinitasto the provinces. For the right ofcommerciumpossessed by these colonies see Cic.pro Caec.35, 102 “jubet enim (Sulla Volaterranos) eodem jure esse quo fuerint Ariminenses, quos quis ignorat duodecim coloniarum fuisse et a civibus Romanis hereditates capere potuisse?”[1454]Appian (B.C.i. 23), speaking of C. Gracchus’ proposal to extend the citizenship, suggests a Latin right ψῆφον ἐν ταῖς Ῥωμαίων χειροτονίαις φέρειν. Livy, with reference to the year 212B.C., speaks of thesortitioas to the tribe or tribes in which the Latins should vote (xxv. 3, in the trial of Postumius “sitella ... lata est ut sortirentur ubi Latini suffragium ferrent”).[1455]Liv. xli. 8 “Lex sociis ac nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese domi relinquerent, dabat ut cives Romani fierent.”[1456]This was thelatinitasgiven to Cisalpine Gaul in 89B.C.by a law of the consul Cn. Pompeius Strabo. Ascon.in Pison.p. 3 “Pompeius enim non novis colonis eas (Transpadanas colonias) constituit, sed veteribus incolis manentibus jus dedit Latii, ut possent habere jus quod ceterae Latinae coloniae, id est ut gerendo magistratus civitatem Romanam adipiscerentur.” Consequently when Caesar refounded Comum in this district, in accordance with thelex Vatinia(59B.C.), the newcivitaspossessed this right (App.B.C.ii. 26).[1457]Lex Acilial. 77; Cic.pro Balbo24, 54. The probable dates of these laws are 122 and 111B.C.respectively.[1458]The allies before the social war reckon as their chief grievance “per omnes annos atque omnia bella duplici numero se militum equitumque fungi” (Vell. ii. 15).[1459]Liv. xlii. 1 “(L. Postumius Albinus) ... literas Praeneste misit, ut sibi magistratus obviam exiret, locum publice pararet, ubi deverteretur, jumentaque, cum exiret inde, praesto essent. Ante hunc consulem nemo unquam sociis in ulla re oneri aut sumptui fuit ... Injuria consulis ... et silentium ... Praenestinorum jus, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.”[1460]C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3, 3.[1461]App.B.C.i. 21 and 34. According to Valerius Maximus (ix. 5, 1) Flaccus proposed to give theprovocatioto those “qui civitatem mutare noluissent.”[1462]App.B.C.i. 23. Plutarch makes it a simple proposal of citizenship for the allies (C. Gracch.5). The geographical limits of these proposed extensions are unknown. Velleius (ii. 6) remarks vaguely, with respect to the Gracchan law, “dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis, extendebat eam paene usque Alpis.”[1463]App.B.C.i. 35; he promised to reintroduce the law περὶ τῆς πολιτείας. Liv.Ep.lxxi. “socios et Italicos populos spe civitatis Romanae sollicitavit”; Vell. ii. 14 “Tum conversus Drusi animus ... ad dandam civitatem Italiae.”[1464]Diod. xxxvii. 2.[1465]Cf. the words of Pontius Telesinus, the Samnite leader in the later struggle at the Colline gate (Vell. ii. 27), “eruendam delendamque urbem ... nunquam de futuros raptores Italicae libertatis lupos, nisi silva, in quam refugere solerent, esset excisa.” This, however, is an expression of Samnite rather than of Italian feeling.[1466]App.B.C.i. 49; Cic.pro Balbo8, 21.[1467]Only one clause of this law is known—that by which thecivitaswas granted toincolaeenrolled on the registers of federate communities; they were to have the citizenship, if they made profession to the praetor within sixty days (Cic.pro Arch.4, 7). It is difficult to believe that this cumbrous rule applied to the citizens of the towns.[1468]The gradual nature of the incorporation is attested by the expression of Velleius (ii. 16), “paulatim deinde recipiendo in civitatem, qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires refectae sunt.”

[1347]Cf. Sall.Cat.50 “consul ... convocato senatu refert quid de eis fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante frequens senatus judivcaerat contra rem publicam fecisse.”

[1348]Although theultimum senatus consultumhad not been passed against Ti. Gracchus, the condemnation of his adherents without appeal (Vell. ii. 7; Val. Max. iv. 7, 1) was the exercise of the jurisdiction of martial law. It was this jurisdiction which elicited theplebiscitumof C. Gracchus.

[1349]Cic.pro Rab.4, 12 “C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium Romanorum injussu vestro judicaretur.”

[1350]Schol. Ambros. p. 370 “Quia sententiam (wrongly for “legem”; see ZumptCriminalrechti. 2 p. 73) tulerat Gracchus ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem sententiam diceret.” Cf. Cic.pro Sest.28, 61 “Consule me, (Cato), cum esset designatus tribunus plebis, obtulit in discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam, cujus invidiam capitis periculo sibi praestandam videbat.” So Dio Cassius (xxxviii 14), in speaking of the first bill of Clodius against Cicero, says ἔφερε μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσαν τὴν βουλήν, ὅτι τοῖς τε ὑπάτοις τὴν φυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως ... προσετετάχει.

[1351]Plut.C. Gracch.4 τὸν δὲ (νόμον εἰσέφερε) εἴ τις ἄρχων ἄκριτον ἐκκεκηρύχοι πολίτην, κατ’ αὐτοῦ διδόντα κρίσιν τῷ δήμῳ. δῆμος here may mean eitherpopulusorplebs; but Gracchus, as tribune, put his own law into force against Popilius (Cic.pro Domo31, 82).

[1352]Cic.in Cat.iv. 5, 10 “At vero C. Caesar intelligit legem Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitutam; qui autem rei publicae sit hostis eum civem esse nullo modo posse.”

[1353]Cic.in Pis.4, 9;pro Sest.25, 55; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 13.

[1354]Cic.ad Q. fr.ii. 3, 5 (56B.C.) “senatus consultum factum est ut sodalitates decuriatique discederent lexque de iis ferretur ut, qui non discessissent, ea poena quae est de vi tenerentur.” Thesodalitateswere clubs of the type of the Greek ἑταιρεῖαι, thedecuriatiprobably electioneering associations.

[1355]Cic.ad Att.i. 16, 12 (61B.C.) “senatus consulta duo jam facta sunt odiosa ... unum, ut apud magistratus inquiri liceret, alterum, cujus domi divisores habitarent, adversus rem publicam.”

[1356]Liv. ix. 8-12; Plut.Ti. Gracch.7; Cic.de Off.iii. 30, 109; Sall.Jug.39.

[1357]Sall.Jug.39 “senatus ita, uti par fuerat, decernit suo atque populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri.”

[1358]Polyb. vi. 14 ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης οὗτος (ὁ δῆμος) βουλεύεται καὶ πολέμου. καὶ μὴν περὶ συμμαχίας καὶ διαλύσεως καὶ συνθηκῶν οὑτός ἐστιν ὁ βεβαιῶν ἕκαστα τούτων καὶ κύρια ποιῶν ἢ τοὐναντίον.

[1359]The Gaditani approach the Senate for the renovation of a treaty made with a pro-magistrate in 78B.C.Cicero questions its validity (pro Balbo15, 34) on the ground that the people was not consulted. The passage illustrates both the Senate’s exercise of this power and the continuance of a controversy as to its right.

[1360]Hence the institution of theGraecostasis. Varro (L.L.v. 165) describes it as “sub dextra hujus (the Rostra) a comitio locus substructus ubi nationum subsisterent legati, qui ad senatum essent missi; is Graecostasis appellatus a parte ut multa.”

[1361]So the Numantian envoys in 36B.C.are received ἔξω τοῦ τείχους (Diofr.79). As a rule the appeal was made to the nearestimperator, and his representations might accord such legati a reception within the city. See Momms.Staatsr.iii. 2 p. 1150.

[1362]Liv.Ep.xlvi. “in commune lex lata est ne cui regi Romam venire liceret.” Cf. Polyb. xxx. 17.

[1363]Cic.ad Q. fr.ii. 13, 3 “Appius interpretatur ... quod Gabinia sanctum sit, etiam cogi ex Kal. Febr. usque ad Kal. Mart. legatis senatum quotidie dare.”

[1364]Polyb. xxii. 24; Liv. xlv. 17.

[1365]For the attempt made by thelex Semproniato obviate this power see p. 201.

[1366]Cic.ad Fam.v. 2, 3 (to Metellus Celer, proconsul of Cisalpine Gaul, 62B.C.) “Nihil dico de sortitione vestra: tantum te suspicari volo nihil in ea re per collegam meum me insciente esse factum.” Cf.ad Att.i. 16, 8.

[1367]Liv. xlv. 13; Dittenberger n. 240. The Senate sometimes referred questions respecting the internal affairs of these states to Romanpatroni, with whom they had entered into relations of clientship (Liv. ix. 20; Cic.pro Sulla21, 60).

[1368]lex de Termessibusii. 6 “Nei quis magistratus ... meilites ... introducito ... nisei senatus nominatim ... decreverit.”

[1369]Sall.Jug.62 “Metellus propere cunctos senatorii ordinis ex hibernis accersi jubet: eorum et aliorum, quos idoneos ducebat, consilium habet.” Cf. c. 104 “Marius ... Sullam (the quaestor) ab Utica venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem, praeterea omnes undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit.”

[1370]Cic.ad Att.ii. 16, 4 “Illud tamen, quod scribit (Q. Cicero, governor of Asia) animadvertas velim, de portorio circumvectionis; ait se de consilii sententia rem ad senatum rejecisse.”

[1371]Cic.de Off.ii. 22, 76 “tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit (Paulus) ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum.” Cf. Plut.Paul.38.

[1372]Momms.Staatsr.iii. 2 pp. 1112-20.

[1373]Plut.Ti. Gracch.14 οὐδὲν ἔφη τῇ συγκλήτῳ βουλεύεσθαι προσήκειν, ἀλλὰ τῳ δήμῳ γνώμην αὐτὸς προθήσειν.

[1374]p. 229.

[1375]The Senate invalidated thelocationesof the censors of 184B.C.(Liv. xxxix. 44 “locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis publicanorum victus induci et de integro locari jussisset”). A vain appeal was made by thepublicaniof Asia to remit their contracts in 60B.C.(Cic.ad Att.i. 17, 9; cf. ii. 1, 8).

[1376]The business of draining the Pomptine marshes is entrusted to a consul (Liv.Ep.xlvi.), the building of an aqueduct to a praetor (Frontin.de Aquaed.7).

[1377]Cic.ad Att.iii. 24.

[1378]This was necessary when the supplies were destined for the army. See Sall.Jug.104 “(Rufus) qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat.” Compare the section on provincial government.

[1379]The phrase for opening this credit isattribuere. See Liv. xliv. 16 “ad opera publica facienda cum eis (censoribus) dimidium ex vectigalibus ejus anni (169B.C.) attributum ex senatus consulto a quaestoribus esset.”

[1380]p. 194.

[1381]Cic.ad Fam.i. 1 sq.

[1382]Cic.ad Q. fr.ii. 6, 4 and 5 (56B.C.) “consul est egregius Lentulus ... Dies comitiales exemit omnes. Nam etiam Latinae instaurantur: nec tamen deerant supplicationes. Sic legibus perniciosissimis obsistitur.”

[1383]In the later Republic these periods of thanksgiving had reached the inordinate length of fifteen, twenty, and even fifty days (Caes.Bell. Gall.ii. 35; iv. 38; Cic.Phil.xiv. 11, 29). At this period thesupplicatiowas considered the usual preliminary of a triumph; but Cato explains to Cicero that this was not always the case (ad Fam.xv. 5, 2 “Quodsi triumphi praerogativam putas supplicationem et idcirco casum potius quam te laudari mavis, neque supplicationem sequitur semper triumphus,” etc.).

[1384]Cic.pro Domo49, 127 “video ... esse legem veterem tribuniciam quae vetat injussu plebis aedes, terram, aram consecrari.” Thejussus plebisprobably implies that of thepopulusas well. See Momms.Staatsr.iii. 2 p. 1050.

[1385]The Senate alone is mentioned as decreeing the reception of theMagna Materin 205B.C., and as ordaining the erection of her temple (Liv. xxix. 10 and 11; xxxvi. 36).

[1386]See p. 56.

[1387]Dionys. ii. 72; Liv. i. 32; cf. Plin.H.N.xxii. 2.

[1388]Polyb. iii. 25; Liv. i. 24. Yet the ceremonies they describe are different. In that related by Polybius the stone has a passive signification; the priest hurls it from him and prays, “May I only be cast out, if I break my oath, as this stone is now.” In that described by Livy, “the pig represents the perjurer, the flint-knife the instrument of divine vengeance” (Strachan-Davidson’s Polybius,Proleg.viii.), and Jupiter is here to strike thepeoplethat fails in the compact. Possibly the two forms of ritual were used in different kinds of treaties; the first, perhaps, in commercial compacts, the second in agreements that closed a war.

[1389]Liv. iv. 17; MiddletonAncient Romei. p. 245.

[1390]Liv. v. 36.

[1391]See p. 283.

[1392]Liv. xxii. 61.

[1393]VarroL.L.v. 3 “multa verba aliud nunc ostendunt, aliud ante significabant, ut hostis: nam tum eo verbo dicebant peregrinum qui suis legibus uteretur, nunc dicunt eum quem tum dicebant perduellem.” Cf. Cic.de Off.i. 12, 37.

[1394]p. 284.

[1395]Polyb. iii. 22.

[1396]“Aeduos, fratres consanguineosque saepe numero a senatu appellatos” (Caes.B.G.i. 33).

[1397]Cf. p. 284 for this rule and for the exception to it made in 166B.C.

[1398]In the first treaty with Carthage two kinds of legal satisfaction are given to Roman traders. In Libya and Sardinia the state guarantees the debt; in the Sicilian cities under the Carthaginian protectorate Romans and Carthaginians are on an equal footing (Polyb. iii. 22).

[1399]Hartmann (O. E.)Der ordo judiciorum und die judicia extraordinaria der RömerThl. i. pp. 229 ff.

[1400]Festus p. 274 “Reciperatio est, ut ait Gallus Aelius, cum inter populum et reges nationesque et civitates peregrinas lex convenit quomodo per reciperatores reddantur res reciperenturque resque privatas inter se persequantur.” See KellerCivilprocessp. 36; RudorffRechtsgeschichteii. p. 34.

[1401]p. 207.

[1402]In the treaty supposed to be the work of Spurius Cassius and to date from 493B.C.the following clause was found: τῶν τ’ ἰδιωτικῶν συμβολαίων αἱ κρίσεις ἐν ἡμέραις γιγνέσθωσαν δέκα, παρ’ οἷς ἂν γένηται τὸ συμβόλαιον (Dionys. vi. 95).

[1403]Dionys. iii. 34, 51.

[1404]ib. vi. 95; Festus p. 241.

[1405]Dionys. viii. 70, 74.

[1406]p. 295.

[1407]App.B.C.i. 23. Dionysius (viii. 72) speaks of the Latins and Hernicans exercising voting privileges (ψηφοφορία) in Rome in the year 486B.C.But it is impossible that they could have been enrolled in the centuries, which was a Roman army list, and no assembly of the tribes had yet received state recognition.

[1408]Dionys. viii. 69, 72, 74.

[1409]Livy, by attributingcivitasto Tusculum (vi. 26) and calling the Tusculanscives(vi. 36), seems to imply that they were full citizens. In this case the city could not have been from the first amunicipium, the name it bears later (“municipium antiquissimum” Cic.pro Planc.8, 19). Festus, however (p. 127), includes Tusculum amongst the states withcivitas sine suffragio, i.e. amongst the truemunicipia, and we know that Livy (x. 1) usescivitasforcivitas sine suffragio. The Satricani arecives Romaniin 319B.C.(Liv. ix. 16). Satricum had formerly belonged to the thirty Latin cities (Dionys. v. 61).

[1410]Liv. viii. 14 “Ceteris Latinis populis (i.e. other than those with whom special arrangements were made) conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt.”

[1411]Liv. ix. 43 “Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati, Verulano, Ferentinati, quia maluerunt quam civitatem, suae leges redditae; conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum. Anagninis, quique arma Romanis intulerant, civitas sine suffragii latione data: concilia conubiaque adempta, et magistratibus, praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum.”

[1412]p. 299.

[1413]Dionys. vii. 13; Plut.Cor.13.

[1414]Hyginus p. 176 “cum signis et aquila et primis ordinibus ac tribunis deducebantur”; Tac.Ann.xiv. 27 “non enim, ut olim, universae legiones deducebantur cum tribunis et centurionibus et sui cujusque ordinis militibus.”

[1415]VarroL.L.v. 143; Serv. adAen.v. 755.

[1416]Liv. xxvii. 38 (207B.C.) “colonos etiam maritimos, qui sacrosanctam vacationem dicebantur habere, dare milites cogebant”; xxxvi. 3 (191B.C.) “contentio orta cum colonis maritimis ... nam, cum cogerentur in classem, tribunos plebei appellarunt.”

[1417]Cic.pro Balbo11, 28;pro Caec.34, 100.

[1418]p. 203.

[1419]Festus p. 233 “Praefecturae eae appellabantur in Italia, in quibus et jus dicebatur et nundinae agebantur; et erat quaedam earum res publica, neque tamen magistratus suos habebant; in quas legibus praefecti mittebantur quodannis, qui jus dicerent. Quarum genera fuerunt duo: alterum, in quas solebant ire praefecti quattuor, [qui] viginti sex virum numero populi suffragio creati erant ... alterum, in quas ibant quos praetor urbanus quodannis in quaeque loca miserat legibus.” Amongst thepraefecturaewhich he enumerates are the Roman colonies of Volturnum, Liternum, Puteoli, and Saturnia.

[1420]Liv. viii. 14 “Campanis ... Fundanisque et Formianis ... civitas sine suffragio data. Cumanos Suessulanosque ejusdem juris conditionisque, cujus Capuam, esse placuit.” For Atella and Calatia see Festus pp. 131, 233.

[1421]Liv. x. 1.

[1422]ib. ix. 43, quoted p. 299.

[1423]Festus p. 131 “municipes erant qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam venissent, quibus non licebat magistratum capere sed tantum muneris partem, ut fuerunt Cumani, Acerrani, Atellani, qui et cives Romani erant et in legione merebant, sed dignitates non capiebant”; cf. p. 127 “participes ... fuerunt omnium rerum ad munus fungendum una cum Romanis civibus praeterquam de suffragio ferendo aut magistratu capiendo.” The words “qui ex aliis civitatibus Romam venissent” in the first definition do not describe themunicipesof historical times; they suggest a possible origin for the institution. These rights were first conditioned by domicile in Rome, but the condition was subsequently removed.

[1424]p. 235.

[1425]Festus p. 233, quoted p. 302.

[1426]Liv. viii. 14.

[1427]ib. xxiv. 19; xxvi. 6.

[1428]The language of Livy makes it doubtful whether he conceives thefoedusto have continued after thecivitashad been conferred. They are different stages of rights, but he may mean them to be cumulative. In xxxi. 31 we read “cum ... ipsos (Campanos) foedere primum, deinde conubio atque cognationibus, postremo civitate nobis conjunxissemus” (cf. xxiii. 5). Thecivitashere is probably the full citizenship conferred on individual Capuans. They are spoken of associiin 216B.C.(xxiii. 5), and though the word is sometimes loosely used, it harmonises in its literal sense with the great constitutional privileges of the town.

[1429]As at Arpinum (Cic.ad Fam.xiii. 11, 3).

[1430]Festus p. 127 “quorum civitas universa in civitatem Romanam venit.”

[1431]It did not possess any magistracy for secular purposes (Liv. ix. 43 “magistratibus, praeterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum”).

[1432]“in ditionem” (Liv. xxxvii. 45), “in potestatem” (xxxix. 54).

[1433]“in fidem” (ib. viii. 2).

[1434]Polyb. xx. 9, 12 παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἰσοδυναμεῖ τό τε εἰς τὴν πίστιν αὑτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι καὶ τὸ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν δοῦναι περὶ αὑτοῦ τῷ κρατοῦντι.

[1435]Gell. x. 3, 19.

[1436]Dig.49, 15, 7, 1 “liber populus est is qui nullius alterius populi potestati est subjectus.”

[1437]Lex Antonia de Termessibusi. 8.

[1438]Plin.Ep. ad Traj.92 (93).

[1439]Cic.in Verr.iii. 6, 13; cf. App.B.C.i. 102 (ἐπὶ συνθήκαις ἔνορκοι).

[1440]Dig.49, 15, 7, 1 “hoc adjicitur, ut intellegatur alterum populum superiorem esse, non ut intellegatur alterum non esse liberum.” Cf. Cic.pro Balbo16, 35 “Id habet hanc vim, ut sit ille in foedere inferior.”

[1441]Dig.l.c. “is foederatus est item sive aequo foedere in amicitiam venit sive foedere comprehensum est ut is populus alterius populi majestatem comiter conservaret.”

[1442]Lex Agraria1. 21 “socii nominisve Latini, quibus ex formula togatorum [milites in terra Italia inperare solent].”

[1443]Liv. xxii. 57; xxvii. 10 “milites ex formula paratos esse.”

[1444]The number of troops required was decreed every year by the Senate (Liv. xli. 5 etc.), the consuls fixing the amount which each state was to send in proportion to its fighting strength.

[1445]Cic.pro Balbo9, 24.

[1446]Cic.pro Balbo8, 21 “innumerabiles aliae leges de civili jure sunt latae; quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt.”

[1447]Liv. xxxv. 7 (193B.C.) “M. Sempronius tribunus plebis ... plebem rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset.” The enactment was produced by the discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using Italians as their agents.

[1448]Macrob.Sat.iii. 17, 6.

[1449]Cic.pro Balbo8, 20 “foederatos populos fieri fundos oportere ... non magis est proprium foederatorum quam omnium liberorum.” For the formula of acceptance (“fundi—i.e. auctores—facti sunt”) cf. Festus p. 89.

[1450]Cic.pro Balbo24, 54 “Latinis, id est foederatis.”

[1451]The distinction is expressed in the familiarsocii ac nominis Latini(Liv. xli. 8),socii et Latium(Sall.Hist.i. 17), and perhaps insocii Latini nominis, if this last expression is to be regarded as an asyndeton.

[1452]These twelve colonies, with the dates of their foundations, are—Ariminum (268B.C.), Beneventum (268), Firmum (264), Aesernia (263), Brundisium (244), Spoletium (241), Cremona and Placentia (218), Copia (193), Valentia (192), Bononia (189), Aquileia (181).

[1453]The later Latin colonists have of right noconubiumwith Rome (Ulp.Reg.v. 4 “Conubium habent cives Romani cum civibus Romanis; cum Latinis autem et peregrinis ita si concessum sit”). The change may have come with this last outburst of Latin colonisation in Italy; but it may be as late as the extension oflatinitasto the provinces. For the right ofcommerciumpossessed by these colonies see Cic.pro Caec.35, 102 “jubet enim (Sulla Volaterranos) eodem jure esse quo fuerint Ariminenses, quos quis ignorat duodecim coloniarum fuisse et a civibus Romanis hereditates capere potuisse?”

[1454]Appian (B.C.i. 23), speaking of C. Gracchus’ proposal to extend the citizenship, suggests a Latin right ψῆφον ἐν ταῖς Ῥωμαίων χειροτονίαις φέρειν. Livy, with reference to the year 212B.C., speaks of thesortitioas to the tribe or tribes in which the Latins should vote (xxv. 3, in the trial of Postumius “sitella ... lata est ut sortirentur ubi Latini suffragium ferrent”).

[1455]Liv. xli. 8 “Lex sociis ac nominis Latini, qui stirpem ex sese domi relinquerent, dabat ut cives Romani fierent.”

[1456]This was thelatinitasgiven to Cisalpine Gaul in 89B.C.by a law of the consul Cn. Pompeius Strabo. Ascon.in Pison.p. 3 “Pompeius enim non novis colonis eas (Transpadanas colonias) constituit, sed veteribus incolis manentibus jus dedit Latii, ut possent habere jus quod ceterae Latinae coloniae, id est ut gerendo magistratus civitatem Romanam adipiscerentur.” Consequently when Caesar refounded Comum in this district, in accordance with thelex Vatinia(59B.C.), the newcivitaspossessed this right (App.B.C.ii. 26).

[1457]Lex Acilial. 77; Cic.pro Balbo24, 54. The probable dates of these laws are 122 and 111B.C.respectively.

[1458]The allies before the social war reckon as their chief grievance “per omnes annos atque omnia bella duplici numero se militum equitumque fungi” (Vell. ii. 15).

[1459]Liv. xlii. 1 “(L. Postumius Albinus) ... literas Praeneste misit, ut sibi magistratus obviam exiret, locum publice pararet, ubi deverteretur, jumentaque, cum exiret inde, praesto essent. Ante hunc consulem nemo unquam sociis in ulla re oneri aut sumptui fuit ... Injuria consulis ... et silentium ... Praenestinorum jus, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.”

[1460]C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3, 3.

[1461]App.B.C.i. 21 and 34. According to Valerius Maximus (ix. 5, 1) Flaccus proposed to give theprovocatioto those “qui civitatem mutare noluissent.”

[1462]App.B.C.i. 23. Plutarch makes it a simple proposal of citizenship for the allies (C. Gracch.5). The geographical limits of these proposed extensions are unknown. Velleius (ii. 6) remarks vaguely, with respect to the Gracchan law, “dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis, extendebat eam paene usque Alpis.”

[1463]App.B.C.i. 35; he promised to reintroduce the law περὶ τῆς πολιτείας. Liv.Ep.lxxi. “socios et Italicos populos spe civitatis Romanae sollicitavit”; Vell. ii. 14 “Tum conversus Drusi animus ... ad dandam civitatem Italiae.”

[1464]Diod. xxxvii. 2.

[1465]Cf. the words of Pontius Telesinus, the Samnite leader in the later struggle at the Colline gate (Vell. ii. 27), “eruendam delendamque urbem ... nunquam de futuros raptores Italicae libertatis lupos, nisi silva, in quam refugere solerent, esset excisa.” This, however, is an expression of Samnite rather than of Italian feeling.

[1466]App.B.C.i. 49; Cic.pro Balbo8, 21.

[1467]Only one clause of this law is known—that by which thecivitaswas granted toincolaeenrolled on the registers of federate communities; they were to have the citizenship, if they made profession to the praetor within sixty days (Cic.pro Arch.4, 7). It is difficult to believe that this cumbrous rule applied to the citizens of the towns.

[1468]The gradual nature of the incorporation is attested by the expression of Velleius (ii. 16), “paulatim deinde recipiendo in civitatem, qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires refectae sunt.”

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