[1469]Vell. ii. 20 “Itaque cum ita civitas Italiae data esset, ut in octo tribus contribuerentur novi cives, ne potentia eorum et multitudo veterum civium dignitatem frangeret plusque possent recepti in beneficium quam auctores beneficii, Cinna in omnibus tribubus eos se distributurum pollicitus est.” Appian (B.C.i. 49) seems to speak of the creation of ten new tribes (δεκατεύοντες ἀπέφηναν ἑτέρας ἐν αἷς ἐχειροτόνουν ἔσχατοι). The attempt to reconcile these accounts by supposing that they refer to different classes of allies or are the respective products of the two acts of legislation (KubitschekImp. Rom. trib. descr.; Belochder Italische Bund) receives some epigraphic support, but rests either on a correction of Appian’s text or on the assumption that his account refers to ten of theoldtribes.[1470]Liv.Ep.84 “Novis civibus senatus consulto suffragium datum est,” a careless phrase of the epitomiser or copyist for the distribution through the tribes (Drakenborch). Sulla, in spite of his rescission of the rights of certain rebel towns, did not disturb this arrangement.[1471]Augustus formed the plan of giving to the senates (decuriones) of the twenty-eight colonies which he founded in Italy the right of voting for the magistrates at Rome. They were to send their votes under seal (Suet.Aug.46).[1472]Liv. xxxviii. 36.[1473]Cicero says that his grandfather, in or just before the consulship of Scaurus (115B.C.), “restitit M. Gratidio ... ferenti legem tabellariam” (de Leg.iii. 16, 36).[1474]C.I.L.i. p. 163.[1475]A fragment of a constitution of Tarentum, dating apparently from a time not long subsequent to thelex Juliaof 90B.C., has been preserved (Fragmentum TarentinuminL’Année Épigraphique, 1896, pp. 30, 31). Arpinum was undergoing reorganisation in 46B.C.(Cic.ad Fam.xiii. 11, 3).[1476]Cic.in Verr.v. 13, 34 “unum illud, quod ita fuit illustre notumque omnibus, ut nemo tam rusticanus homo L. Lucullo et M. Cotta consulibus (74B.C.) Romam ex ullo municipio vadimonii causa venerit quin sciret jura omnia praetoris urbani nutu ... Chelidonis ... gubernari.”[1477]Ascon.in Pison.p. 8.[1478]This is proved both by the attempt of Crassus, as censor in 65B.C., to place the Transpadanes on the register of citizens (Dio Cass. xxxvii. 9), and by Cicero’s comment on Marcellus’ action in scourging a citizen of Novum Comum in 51B.C.(Cic.ad Att.v. 11, 2 “Marcellus foede in Comensi: etsi ille magistratum non gesserit, erat tamen Transpadanus”).[1479]Dio Cass. xli. 36.[1480]Cic.ad Att.v. 2, 3 “eratque rumor de Transpadanis, eos jussos IIIIviros creare. Quod si ita est, magnos motus timeo.”[1481]App.B.C.v. 3 τήν τε γὰρ Κελτικὴν τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων ἐδόκει Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦντος (i.e. Octavianus after Philippi) αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι, γνώμῃ τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος. Cf. iii. 30 and Dio Cass. xlviii. 12.[1482]The name given to the district in the lawGallia Cisalpeina,Gallia cis Alpeis(cc. 22 and 23) suits both epochs equally well, for Caesar had not made it a part of Italy. The fact that thepraetor urbanusis the central authority in jurisdiction (cc. 21 and 22) suits the Augustan epoch better.[1483]Lex Rubriacc. 21 and 22. For thevadimoniumcf. Cic.in Verr.v. 13, 34 (quoted p. 313).[1484]Generallyquattuorviri, this board being usually divided into two magistrates with higher jurisdiction (duumviri juri dicundo) and two police officials (duumviri aediles). Sometimes we findIIIIviri dicundo, perhaps a designation for the joint board, or, where the magistrates with aedilician power alone are referred to,IIIIviri aedilesoraedilicia potestate. See WilmannsIndexpp. 620-622.[1485]Lex Julia mun.l. 84. Cf. Cic.in Pis.22, 51 “neque enim regio ulla fuit, nec municipium neque praefectura aut colonia, ex qua non ad me publice venerint gratulatum.”[1486]WilmannsIndexp. 618.[1487]Sicily, Sardinia, Hither and Further Spain, Illyricum, Macedonia and Achaea (separated by Caesar), Africa, Asia, Gallia Narbonensis, Gallia Cisalpina, Bithynia, Cyrene with Crete, Cilicia and Syria.[1488]The number is given by Pliny (H.N.iii. 88). In Cicero’s time there was about this number. He speaks of the appointment of 130 censors (in Verr.ii. 55, 137), two for each state (ib. 53, 133).[1489]CassiodorusChron.adA.U.C.670 “Asiam inXLIIII.regiones Sulla distribuit.”[1490]Tac.Ann.iii. 44. This division may be the work of Augustus.[1491]pp. 244, 283.[1492]p. 245.[1493]Except that ownership of the soil is not always, as in Italy, the ground of exemption from taxation. On the free city of Termessus in Pisidia “free possession” is alone conferred.[1494]See thelex Antonia de Termessibus(71B.C.), especially the clause which confers autonomy “so far as is consistent with this charter” (i. l. 7 “eique legibus sueis ita utunto ... quod advorsus hanc legem non fiat”).[1495]Cic.de Prov. Cons.3, 6. For the weakening of this respect for αὐτονομία in the Ciceronian period and Caesar’s attempt to strengthen it by law (probably thelex Julia repetundarumof 59B.C.) see Cic.in Verr.iii 89, 207;in Pis.16, 37 (“lege Caesaris justissima atque optima populi liberi plane et vere erant liberi”).[1496]Festus p. 218.[1497]Cic.in Verr.ii. 13, 32; 15, 37; 16, 39; 24, 59.[1498]Liv. xlv. 17 and 32.[1499]Plin.ad Traj.79 (83), 1.[1500]As Cicero did in his government of Cilicia. Seead Att.vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt”; vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae (governor of Asiacirca98B.C.); in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur.”[1501]This we may gather from Cicero’s account of the proceedings of the native magistrates in Cilicia (ad Att.vi. 2, 5 “Mira erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui fecerant: quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum gesserant; aperte fatebantur”).[1502]On the conquest of Epirus in 167B.C., although all the Illyrians were declaredliberi, only some were pronounced “non solum liberi sed etiam immunes” (Liv. xlv. 26).[1503]Cf. Tac.Hist.iv. 74 “nam neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt.”[1504]Liv. xlv. 29.[1505]Cic.pro Leg. Man.6, 14 “ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta sunt ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contenti esse possimus, Asia vero tam opima est et fertile ut ... facile omnibus terris antecellat.”[1506]Gaius ii. 7 “in eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur.” The theory is perhaps as old as the Gracchan period. C. Gracchus’ association of the Asiatic taxes with the censor (cf. p. 231) must have done a good deal to develop it. It is no wonder that this theory led to the view that the provinces were “quasi quaedam praedia populi Romani” (Cic.in Verr.ii. 3, 7).[1507]These expressions are known only from the literature of the Empire; it may be a mere accident that in Republican literaturetributumseems never to be used of imperial taxation. The formstipendiumis preferred. In Liv. xxiii. 32 we have thetributumof Sardinia mentioned with reference to Republican times. Thevenditio tributorumand the ὠναί of Cilicia (Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 5;ad Att.v. 16, 2) probably refer to local taxes improperly sold topublicani.[1508]Liv. xliii. 2 “(Hispani) impetraverunt ne frumenti aestimationem magistratus Romanus haberet.”[1509]p. 319.[1510]Cic.in Verr.iii. 33, 77.[1511]ib. ii. 13, 32; 26, 63, etc.[1512]ib. iii. 6, 12 “inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias ... in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum ... aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.”[1513]Cf. Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 1, 11, 33 “nomen autem publicani aspernari non possunt, qui pendere ipsi vectigal sine publicano non potuerint, quod iis aequaliter Sulla discripserat.” The reference is to Sulla’s temporary abolition of the Gracchan principle of collection.[1514]App.B.C.v. 4; Dio Cass. xlii. 6.[1515]Nothing seems to be known about the conditions of sale of the provincialportoria, e.g. whether those of Asia were put up at Rome like thedecumae.[1516]Cic.in Verr.iii. cc. 81-96, 188-222.[1517]Cic.in Verr.iii. 70, 163. Cf. Liv. xxxvi. 2 “idem L. Oppio de alteris decumis exigendis in Sardinia imperatum.” Sometimes this enforced sale of corn (frumentum imperatum) was required from free cities such as Halaesa, Centuripae, and Messana in Sicily (Cic.in Verr.iii 73, 170; iv. 9, 20).[1518]pp. 201, 202.[1519]p. 201.[1520]Sall.Jug.27; Cic.de Prov. Cons.2, 3;pro Domo9, 24.[1521]Cic.ad Fam.i. 9, 25.[1522]Cf. Cic.de Prov. Cons.15, 87 (if the consul of 55B.C.succeeds Caesar on March 1, 54B.C.) “Fuerit toto in consulatu sine provincia, cui fuerit, antequam designatus est, decreta provincia? Sortietur, an non? Nam et non sortiri absurdum est, et quod sortitus sis non habere. Proficiscetur paludatus? Quo? Quo pervenire ante certam diem non licebit. Januario, Februario provinciam non habebit. Kalendis ei denique Martiis nascetur repente provincia.”[1523]Cic.ad Fam.i. 9, 25; xii. 4, 2.[1524]Cic.in Verr.i. 13, 34 “pecunia attributa, numerata est. Profectus est quaestor in provinciam (Verres). Venit exspectatus in Galliam ad exercitum consularem cum pecunia.”[1525]Rationes referre(Cic.in Verr.i. 13, 36). In accordance with alex Julia(perhapsrepetundarum) of Caesar’s, the accounts had to be deposited at theaerarium, and two copies in two cities of the province (Cic.ad Fam.v. 20, 2; Plut.Cato Min.38).[1526]p. 215.[1527]Cic.in Verr.iii. 58, 134 “Quaestores, legatos ... multi missos fecerunt et de provincia decedere jusserunt, quod illorum culpa se minus commode audire arbitrarentur aut quod peccare ipsos aliqua in re judicarent.”[1528]The transition is marked in 169B.C.(Liv. xliv. 18 “Senatus Cn. Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut is in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret”).[1529]Cicero delegates even jurisdiction to one of hiscomites, Volusius (ad Att.v. 21, 6). Other members of his retinue were his son Marcus and his brother Quintus. These intimates of the governor were spoken of ascontubernales,cohorsamicorum, even ascohors praetoria(Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 1, 4, 12), although this title was properly applied to the governor’s military guard.[1530]p. 319, note 2.[1531]Cic.in Verr.ii. 13, 32 “Siculi hoc jure sunt ut, quod civis cum cive agat, domi certet suis legibus.”[1532]ib. “quod Siculus cum Siculo non ejusdem civitatis (agat), ut de eo praetor judices ex P. Rupilii decreto ... sortiatur.”[1533]It is possible, however, that the principle here adopted was that thejudexshould be of the nationality of the defendant.[1534]Cic. l.c. “quod privatus a populo petit aut populus a privato, senatus ex aliqua civitate, qui judicet, datur, cum alternae civitates rejectae sunt.”[1535]ib. “quod civis Romanus a Siculo petit, Siculus judex datur, quod Siculus a civi Romano, civis Romanus datur.”[1536]ib. “ceterarum rerum selecti judices ex conventu civium Romanorum proponi solent.”[1537]Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae; in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur”;ad Att.vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt.”[1538]“Edictum Siciliense” (Cic.in Verr.i. 45, 117).[1539]Extreme changes might be made a ground of complaint by the departing governor. Thus Cicero writes from Cilicia (50B.C.) “Appius enim ad me ex itinere bis terve ... literas miserat, quod quaedam a se constituta rescinderem” (ad Att.vi. 1, 2).[1540]Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 4.[1541]Thus Cicero, governor of Cilicia, followed in some respects the edict of Mucius Scaevola, the former governor of Asia (Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15).[1542]Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15 “unum (genus) est provinciale, in quo est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis; in eodem omnia de publicanis. Alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode transigi non potest, de hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis vendendis, magistris faciendis: quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. Tertium, de reliquo jure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo genere mea decreta ad edicta urbana accommodaturum.”[1543]Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 6.[1544]Cic.ad Att.v. 21, 9.[1545]Cic.ad Att.v. 20, 1;ad Fam.iii. 8, 4 and 5.[1546]Suet.Caes.7 “Quaestori (Caesari) ulterior Hispania obvenit; ubi cum, mandatu praetoris, jure dicundo conventus circumiret, etc.” Quaestorian jurisdiction was more frequent in Sicily than in other provinces, on account of the presence of the second quaestor at Lilybaeum.[1547]Cic.ad Fam.xii. 30, 7 “Illud non nimium probo quod scribis ... te tuis etiam legatis lictores ademisse.”[1548]Thus Verres quashes either a decision, or the execution of a decision, given by his quaestor (Cic.Div. in Caec.17, 56 “Lilybaeum Verres venit postea: rem cognoscit: factum improbat: cogit quaestorem suum pecuniam ... adnumerare et reddere”).[1549]Possibly certain kinds of criminal jurisdiction were guaranteed to cities by thelex provinciae. The Senate of Catina in Sicily tried a slave (Cic.in Verr.iv. 45, 100).[1550]Cic.in Verr.i. 33, 84 (of anémeuteat Lampsacus) “Non te ad senatum causam deferre ... non eos homines, qui populum concitarant, consulum literis evocandos curare oportuit?”[1551]The council was not, however, legally necessary. Cf. Cic.in Verr.ii. 30, 75 “Reus plorare ... ut cum consilio cognosceret.”[1552]ib. ii. 29, 70; 30, 75.[1553]ib. ii. 30, 75 “hominem innocentem de sententia scribae, medici haruspicisque condemnat.”[1554]For the threat of capital punishment on a Roman citizen see Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 2, 5; for its apparent execution, Diod. xxxvii. 5, 2.[1555]Cic.in Verr.v. 66, 170 “Facinus est vincire civem Romanum; scelus, verberare: prope parricidium, necare: quid dicam in crucem tollere?” Cf.pro Rab.5, 17.[1556]See p. 285.[1557]Cic.de Rep.v. 6, 8 (ad Att.viii. 11, 1); v. 7, 9.[1558]p. 224.[1559]p. 314.[1560]Caesar reduced the number of the recipients of the corn-dole from 320,000 to 150,000 (Suet.Caes.41). In the Principate it stood at about 200,000. See MarquardtStaatsverw. ii. p. 118.[1561]p. 312.[1562]p. 311.[1563]It is true, however, that the Princeps was often made by an army, not bythearmy.[1564]Dio Cass. xlii. 20. The dictatorship of 49B.C.had been held only for eleven days and was probably conferred merelycomitiorum habendorum causa. See p. 193.[1565]Dio Cass. xliii. 14 and 33. It has been interpreted as a dictatorshiprei publicae constituendae causa.[1566]C.I.L.i. p. 452.[1567]Plut.Caes.61;Ant.12; Cic.Phil.ii. 34, 85.[1568]Cf. Cic.ad Fam.xi. 27, 8 “si Caesar rex fuerit ... quod mihi quidem videtur.”[1569]Dio Cass. xliii. 44. Caesar probably used it after his name and not as apraenomen, as stated by Suetonius (Caes.76). It became with him a kind ofcognomen, and Augustus, who inherited it, changed its position in the order of his names.[1570]Dio Cass. xliii. 14.[1571]Cic.ad Fam.xii. 1, 1 “nam, ut adhuc quidem actum est, non regno, sed rege liberati videmur.”[1572]Monumentum Ancyranumi. 8-9 “Populus ... me ... trium virum rei publicae constituendae creavit.”[1573]App.B.C.v. 95.[1574]Mon. Anc.vi. 13-15 “In consulatu sexto et septimo, bella ubi civilia exstinxeram, per consensum universorum potitus rerum omnium, rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus populique Romani arbitrium transtuli.”[1575]Dio Cass. xlix. 15.[1576]Tac.Ann.iii. 28 “sexto ... consulatu ... quae triumviratu jusserat abolevit.”[1577]Cf. Tac.Ann.i. 2 “posito triumviri nomine.”[1578]Mon. Anc.l.c.[1579]ib. vi. 16 (after the words on p. 338 note 4) “Quo pro merito meo senatus consulto Aug. appellatus sum.”[1580]Dio Cass. liii. 12. Augustus uses the expressionconsulare imperiumfor his position at this time (Mon. Anc.ii. 5, 8). It resembled a proconsular command, but was held within the city. Compare the position of Pompeius in 52B.C.[1581]Strabo p. 840 ἡ πατρὶς ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ τὴν προστασίαν τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης κατέστη κύριος διὰ βίου.[1582]In the Calendar we find for January 13 (the day of the settlement) “quod rem publicam P. R. restituit” (C.I.L.i. p. 312). Cf. OvidFastii. l. 589 “redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro”; Vell. ii. 89 “prisca illa et antiqua rei publicae forma revocata.”[1583]Dio Cass. lii. 1 ἐκ δὲ τούτου μοναρχεῖσθαι αὖθις ἀρκιβῶς ἤρξαντο. In theCenotaphia Pisana(A.D.2) ii. l. 12 Augustus is called “custos imperi Romani totiusque orbis terrarum praeses” (Wilmanns n. 883).[1584]Dio Cass. liii. 32.[1585]Dio Cass. liii. 32.[1586]Dio Cass. liv. 10.[1587]ib. liii 32.[1588]C.I.L.vi. n. 930. It describes itself as a law and is generally known as thelex de imperio Vespasiani. But its wording bears more analogy to that of asenatus consultum. See MommsenStaatsrechtii. p. 878.[1589]Vitae Macrini7;Alexandri8;Probi12;Maximi et Balbini8.[1590]“Dato imperio” (Vita Veri4), “accepit imperium” (Vita Alexandri1). It is possible, however, that these are references merely to the reception of the titleimperator; cf.Vita Juliani3 “imperator est appellatus”;Vita Probi12 “nomen imperatorium.” For the view that there was always alex de imperiosee KarlowaRömische Rechtsgeschichtei. pp. 493 ff.[1591]GaiusInst.i. 5 (on the imperialconstitutio) “nec unquam dubitatum est quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum ipse imperator per legem imperium accipiat”; Ulpian inDig.1, 4, 1 “Quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem: utpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio ejus lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat.” The view that these passages are interpolations is possible but hazardous. A genuine expression of belief in thelex regiaappears in Justinian (Cod.i. 17, l. 7).[1592]For the monopoly of thesacramentumpossessed by the Princeps compare the charge brought against Agrippina after her death (59A.D.), “Adiciebat crimina ... quod consortium imperii juraturasque in feminae verba praetorias cohortes ... speravisset” (Tac.Ann.xiv. 11).[1593]“Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques” (Tac.Ann.i. 7).[1594]Tac.Hist.i. 55 “Inferioris tamen Germaniae legiones sollemni Kalendarum Januariarum sacramento pro Galba adactae.” For the renewal of the oath on the anniversary of accession see Plin.ad Traj.52.[1595]Cf. Tac.Hist.iii. 58 (Vitellius) “vocari tribus jubet, dantes nomina sacramento adigit.”[1596]Lex de imp. Vesp.1 “foedusve cum quibus volet facere liceat.” These powers are summed up by Dio Cassius liii. 17 (as imperators the Emperors have the right) καταλόγους τε ποιεῖσθαι ... πολέμους τε ἀναιρεῖσθαι καὶ εἰρήνην σπένδεσθαι.[1597]p. 283.[1598]Dio Cass. lx. 23 (after Claudius’ conquest of Britain) ἐψηφίσθη τὰς συμβάσεις ἁπάσας, ὅσας ἂν ὁ Κλαύδιος ἢ καὶ οἱ ἀντιστράτηγοι αὐτοῦ πρός τινας ποιήσωνται, κυρίας, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν τόν τε δῆμον εἶναι.[1599]Lex de imp. Vesp.15 “utique ei fines pomerii proferre promovere cum ex republica censebit esse, liceat ita, uti licuit Ti. Claudio Caesari Aug(usto) Germanico.” Cf. Tac.Ann.xii. 23.[1600]p. 240.[1601]GaiusInst.i. 96.[1602]Gell. xvi. 13, 5.
[1469]Vell. ii. 20 “Itaque cum ita civitas Italiae data esset, ut in octo tribus contribuerentur novi cives, ne potentia eorum et multitudo veterum civium dignitatem frangeret plusque possent recepti in beneficium quam auctores beneficii, Cinna in omnibus tribubus eos se distributurum pollicitus est.” Appian (B.C.i. 49) seems to speak of the creation of ten new tribes (δεκατεύοντες ἀπέφηναν ἑτέρας ἐν αἷς ἐχειροτόνουν ἔσχατοι). The attempt to reconcile these accounts by supposing that they refer to different classes of allies or are the respective products of the two acts of legislation (KubitschekImp. Rom. trib. descr.; Belochder Italische Bund) receives some epigraphic support, but rests either on a correction of Appian’s text or on the assumption that his account refers to ten of theoldtribes.
[1469]Vell. ii. 20 “Itaque cum ita civitas Italiae data esset, ut in octo tribus contribuerentur novi cives, ne potentia eorum et multitudo veterum civium dignitatem frangeret plusque possent recepti in beneficium quam auctores beneficii, Cinna in omnibus tribubus eos se distributurum pollicitus est.” Appian (B.C.i. 49) seems to speak of the creation of ten new tribes (δεκατεύοντες ἀπέφηναν ἑτέρας ἐν αἷς ἐχειροτόνουν ἔσχατοι). The attempt to reconcile these accounts by supposing that they refer to different classes of allies or are the respective products of the two acts of legislation (KubitschekImp. Rom. trib. descr.; Belochder Italische Bund) receives some epigraphic support, but rests either on a correction of Appian’s text or on the assumption that his account refers to ten of theoldtribes.
[1470]Liv.Ep.84 “Novis civibus senatus consulto suffragium datum est,” a careless phrase of the epitomiser or copyist for the distribution through the tribes (Drakenborch). Sulla, in spite of his rescission of the rights of certain rebel towns, did not disturb this arrangement.
[1470]Liv.Ep.84 “Novis civibus senatus consulto suffragium datum est,” a careless phrase of the epitomiser or copyist for the distribution through the tribes (Drakenborch). Sulla, in spite of his rescission of the rights of certain rebel towns, did not disturb this arrangement.
[1471]Augustus formed the plan of giving to the senates (decuriones) of the twenty-eight colonies which he founded in Italy the right of voting for the magistrates at Rome. They were to send their votes under seal (Suet.Aug.46).
[1471]Augustus formed the plan of giving to the senates (decuriones) of the twenty-eight colonies which he founded in Italy the right of voting for the magistrates at Rome. They were to send their votes under seal (Suet.Aug.46).
[1472]Liv. xxxviii. 36.
[1472]Liv. xxxviii. 36.
[1473]Cicero says that his grandfather, in or just before the consulship of Scaurus (115B.C.), “restitit M. Gratidio ... ferenti legem tabellariam” (de Leg.iii. 16, 36).
[1473]Cicero says that his grandfather, in or just before the consulship of Scaurus (115B.C.), “restitit M. Gratidio ... ferenti legem tabellariam” (de Leg.iii. 16, 36).
[1474]C.I.L.i. p. 163.
[1474]C.I.L.i. p. 163.
[1475]A fragment of a constitution of Tarentum, dating apparently from a time not long subsequent to thelex Juliaof 90B.C., has been preserved (Fragmentum TarentinuminL’Année Épigraphique, 1896, pp. 30, 31). Arpinum was undergoing reorganisation in 46B.C.(Cic.ad Fam.xiii. 11, 3).
[1475]A fragment of a constitution of Tarentum, dating apparently from a time not long subsequent to thelex Juliaof 90B.C., has been preserved (Fragmentum TarentinuminL’Année Épigraphique, 1896, pp. 30, 31). Arpinum was undergoing reorganisation in 46B.C.(Cic.ad Fam.xiii. 11, 3).
[1476]Cic.in Verr.v. 13, 34 “unum illud, quod ita fuit illustre notumque omnibus, ut nemo tam rusticanus homo L. Lucullo et M. Cotta consulibus (74B.C.) Romam ex ullo municipio vadimonii causa venerit quin sciret jura omnia praetoris urbani nutu ... Chelidonis ... gubernari.”
[1476]Cic.in Verr.v. 13, 34 “unum illud, quod ita fuit illustre notumque omnibus, ut nemo tam rusticanus homo L. Lucullo et M. Cotta consulibus (74B.C.) Romam ex ullo municipio vadimonii causa venerit quin sciret jura omnia praetoris urbani nutu ... Chelidonis ... gubernari.”
[1477]Ascon.in Pison.p. 8.
[1477]Ascon.in Pison.p. 8.
[1478]This is proved both by the attempt of Crassus, as censor in 65B.C., to place the Transpadanes on the register of citizens (Dio Cass. xxxvii. 9), and by Cicero’s comment on Marcellus’ action in scourging a citizen of Novum Comum in 51B.C.(Cic.ad Att.v. 11, 2 “Marcellus foede in Comensi: etsi ille magistratum non gesserit, erat tamen Transpadanus”).
[1478]This is proved both by the attempt of Crassus, as censor in 65B.C., to place the Transpadanes on the register of citizens (Dio Cass. xxxvii. 9), and by Cicero’s comment on Marcellus’ action in scourging a citizen of Novum Comum in 51B.C.(Cic.ad Att.v. 11, 2 “Marcellus foede in Comensi: etsi ille magistratum non gesserit, erat tamen Transpadanus”).
[1479]Dio Cass. xli. 36.
[1479]Dio Cass. xli. 36.
[1480]Cic.ad Att.v. 2, 3 “eratque rumor de Transpadanis, eos jussos IIIIviros creare. Quod si ita est, magnos motus timeo.”
[1480]Cic.ad Att.v. 2, 3 “eratque rumor de Transpadanis, eos jussos IIIIviros creare. Quod si ita est, magnos motus timeo.”
[1481]App.B.C.v. 3 τήν τε γὰρ Κελτικὴν τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων ἐδόκει Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦντος (i.e. Octavianus after Philippi) αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι, γνώμῃ τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος. Cf. iii. 30 and Dio Cass. xlviii. 12.
[1481]App.B.C.v. 3 τήν τε γὰρ Κελτικὴν τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων ἐδόκει Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦντος (i.e. Octavianus after Philippi) αὐτόνομον ἀφιέναι, γνώμῃ τοῦ προτέρου Καίσαρος. Cf. iii. 30 and Dio Cass. xlviii. 12.
[1482]The name given to the district in the lawGallia Cisalpeina,Gallia cis Alpeis(cc. 22 and 23) suits both epochs equally well, for Caesar had not made it a part of Italy. The fact that thepraetor urbanusis the central authority in jurisdiction (cc. 21 and 22) suits the Augustan epoch better.
[1482]The name given to the district in the lawGallia Cisalpeina,Gallia cis Alpeis(cc. 22 and 23) suits both epochs equally well, for Caesar had not made it a part of Italy. The fact that thepraetor urbanusis the central authority in jurisdiction (cc. 21 and 22) suits the Augustan epoch better.
[1483]Lex Rubriacc. 21 and 22. For thevadimoniumcf. Cic.in Verr.v. 13, 34 (quoted p. 313).
[1483]Lex Rubriacc. 21 and 22. For thevadimoniumcf. Cic.in Verr.v. 13, 34 (quoted p. 313).
[1484]Generallyquattuorviri, this board being usually divided into two magistrates with higher jurisdiction (duumviri juri dicundo) and two police officials (duumviri aediles). Sometimes we findIIIIviri dicundo, perhaps a designation for the joint board, or, where the magistrates with aedilician power alone are referred to,IIIIviri aedilesoraedilicia potestate. See WilmannsIndexpp. 620-622.
[1484]Generallyquattuorviri, this board being usually divided into two magistrates with higher jurisdiction (duumviri juri dicundo) and two police officials (duumviri aediles). Sometimes we findIIIIviri dicundo, perhaps a designation for the joint board, or, where the magistrates with aedilician power alone are referred to,IIIIviri aedilesoraedilicia potestate. See WilmannsIndexpp. 620-622.
[1485]Lex Julia mun.l. 84. Cf. Cic.in Pis.22, 51 “neque enim regio ulla fuit, nec municipium neque praefectura aut colonia, ex qua non ad me publice venerint gratulatum.”
[1485]Lex Julia mun.l. 84. Cf. Cic.in Pis.22, 51 “neque enim regio ulla fuit, nec municipium neque praefectura aut colonia, ex qua non ad me publice venerint gratulatum.”
[1486]WilmannsIndexp. 618.
[1486]WilmannsIndexp. 618.
[1487]Sicily, Sardinia, Hither and Further Spain, Illyricum, Macedonia and Achaea (separated by Caesar), Africa, Asia, Gallia Narbonensis, Gallia Cisalpina, Bithynia, Cyrene with Crete, Cilicia and Syria.
[1487]Sicily, Sardinia, Hither and Further Spain, Illyricum, Macedonia and Achaea (separated by Caesar), Africa, Asia, Gallia Narbonensis, Gallia Cisalpina, Bithynia, Cyrene with Crete, Cilicia and Syria.
[1488]The number is given by Pliny (H.N.iii. 88). In Cicero’s time there was about this number. He speaks of the appointment of 130 censors (in Verr.ii. 55, 137), two for each state (ib. 53, 133).
[1488]The number is given by Pliny (H.N.iii. 88). In Cicero’s time there was about this number. He speaks of the appointment of 130 censors (in Verr.ii. 55, 137), two for each state (ib. 53, 133).
[1489]CassiodorusChron.adA.U.C.670 “Asiam inXLIIII.regiones Sulla distribuit.”
[1489]CassiodorusChron.adA.U.C.670 “Asiam inXLIIII.regiones Sulla distribuit.”
[1490]Tac.Ann.iii. 44. This division may be the work of Augustus.
[1490]Tac.Ann.iii. 44. This division may be the work of Augustus.
[1491]pp. 244, 283.
[1491]pp. 244, 283.
[1492]p. 245.
[1492]p. 245.
[1493]Except that ownership of the soil is not always, as in Italy, the ground of exemption from taxation. On the free city of Termessus in Pisidia “free possession” is alone conferred.
[1493]Except that ownership of the soil is not always, as in Italy, the ground of exemption from taxation. On the free city of Termessus in Pisidia “free possession” is alone conferred.
[1494]See thelex Antonia de Termessibus(71B.C.), especially the clause which confers autonomy “so far as is consistent with this charter” (i. l. 7 “eique legibus sueis ita utunto ... quod advorsus hanc legem non fiat”).
[1494]See thelex Antonia de Termessibus(71B.C.), especially the clause which confers autonomy “so far as is consistent with this charter” (i. l. 7 “eique legibus sueis ita utunto ... quod advorsus hanc legem non fiat”).
[1495]Cic.de Prov. Cons.3, 6. For the weakening of this respect for αὐτονομία in the Ciceronian period and Caesar’s attempt to strengthen it by law (probably thelex Julia repetundarumof 59B.C.) see Cic.in Verr.iii 89, 207;in Pis.16, 37 (“lege Caesaris justissima atque optima populi liberi plane et vere erant liberi”).
[1495]Cic.de Prov. Cons.3, 6. For the weakening of this respect for αὐτονομία in the Ciceronian period and Caesar’s attempt to strengthen it by law (probably thelex Julia repetundarumof 59B.C.) see Cic.in Verr.iii 89, 207;in Pis.16, 37 (“lege Caesaris justissima atque optima populi liberi plane et vere erant liberi”).
[1496]Festus p. 218.
[1496]Festus p. 218.
[1497]Cic.in Verr.ii. 13, 32; 15, 37; 16, 39; 24, 59.
[1497]Cic.in Verr.ii. 13, 32; 15, 37; 16, 39; 24, 59.
[1498]Liv. xlv. 17 and 32.
[1498]Liv. xlv. 17 and 32.
[1499]Plin.ad Traj.79 (83), 1.
[1499]Plin.ad Traj.79 (83), 1.
[1500]As Cicero did in his government of Cilicia. Seead Att.vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt”; vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae (governor of Asiacirca98B.C.); in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur.”
[1500]As Cicero did in his government of Cilicia. Seead Att.vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt”; vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae (governor of Asiacirca98B.C.); in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur.”
[1501]This we may gather from Cicero’s account of the proceedings of the native magistrates in Cilicia (ad Att.vi. 2, 5 “Mira erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui fecerant: quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum gesserant; aperte fatebantur”).
[1501]This we may gather from Cicero’s account of the proceedings of the native magistrates in Cilicia (ad Att.vi. 2, 5 “Mira erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui fecerant: quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum gesserant; aperte fatebantur”).
[1502]On the conquest of Epirus in 167B.C., although all the Illyrians were declaredliberi, only some were pronounced “non solum liberi sed etiam immunes” (Liv. xlv. 26).
[1502]On the conquest of Epirus in 167B.C., although all the Illyrians were declaredliberi, only some were pronounced “non solum liberi sed etiam immunes” (Liv. xlv. 26).
[1503]Cf. Tac.Hist.iv. 74 “nam neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt.”
[1503]Cf. Tac.Hist.iv. 74 “nam neque quies gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine tributis haberi queunt.”
[1504]Liv. xlv. 29.
[1504]Liv. xlv. 29.
[1505]Cic.pro Leg. Man.6, 14 “ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta sunt ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contenti esse possimus, Asia vero tam opima est et fertile ut ... facile omnibus terris antecellat.”
[1505]Cic.pro Leg. Man.6, 14 “ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta sunt ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contenti esse possimus, Asia vero tam opima est et fertile ut ... facile omnibus terris antecellat.”
[1506]Gaius ii. 7 “in eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur.” The theory is perhaps as old as the Gracchan period. C. Gracchus’ association of the Asiatic taxes with the censor (cf. p. 231) must have done a good deal to develop it. It is no wonder that this theory led to the view that the provinces were “quasi quaedam praedia populi Romani” (Cic.in Verr.ii. 3, 7).
[1506]Gaius ii. 7 “in eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur.” The theory is perhaps as old as the Gracchan period. C. Gracchus’ association of the Asiatic taxes with the censor (cf. p. 231) must have done a good deal to develop it. It is no wonder that this theory led to the view that the provinces were “quasi quaedam praedia populi Romani” (Cic.in Verr.ii. 3, 7).
[1507]These expressions are known only from the literature of the Empire; it may be a mere accident that in Republican literaturetributumseems never to be used of imperial taxation. The formstipendiumis preferred. In Liv. xxiii. 32 we have thetributumof Sardinia mentioned with reference to Republican times. Thevenditio tributorumand the ὠναί of Cilicia (Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 5;ad Att.v. 16, 2) probably refer to local taxes improperly sold topublicani.
[1507]These expressions are known only from the literature of the Empire; it may be a mere accident that in Republican literaturetributumseems never to be used of imperial taxation. The formstipendiumis preferred. In Liv. xxiii. 32 we have thetributumof Sardinia mentioned with reference to Republican times. Thevenditio tributorumand the ὠναί of Cilicia (Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 5;ad Att.v. 16, 2) probably refer to local taxes improperly sold topublicani.
[1508]Liv. xliii. 2 “(Hispani) impetraverunt ne frumenti aestimationem magistratus Romanus haberet.”
[1508]Liv. xliii. 2 “(Hispani) impetraverunt ne frumenti aestimationem magistratus Romanus haberet.”
[1509]p. 319.
[1509]p. 319.
[1510]Cic.in Verr.iii. 33, 77.
[1510]Cic.in Verr.iii. 33, 77.
[1511]ib. ii. 13, 32; 26, 63, etc.
[1511]ib. ii. 13, 32; 26, 63, etc.
[1512]ib. iii. 6, 12 “inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias ... in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum ... aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.”
[1512]ib. iii. 6, 12 “inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias ... in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum ... aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.”
[1513]Cf. Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 1, 11, 33 “nomen autem publicani aspernari non possunt, qui pendere ipsi vectigal sine publicano non potuerint, quod iis aequaliter Sulla discripserat.” The reference is to Sulla’s temporary abolition of the Gracchan principle of collection.
[1513]Cf. Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 1, 11, 33 “nomen autem publicani aspernari non possunt, qui pendere ipsi vectigal sine publicano non potuerint, quod iis aequaliter Sulla discripserat.” The reference is to Sulla’s temporary abolition of the Gracchan principle of collection.
[1514]App.B.C.v. 4; Dio Cass. xlii. 6.
[1514]App.B.C.v. 4; Dio Cass. xlii. 6.
[1515]Nothing seems to be known about the conditions of sale of the provincialportoria, e.g. whether those of Asia were put up at Rome like thedecumae.
[1515]Nothing seems to be known about the conditions of sale of the provincialportoria, e.g. whether those of Asia were put up at Rome like thedecumae.
[1516]Cic.in Verr.iii. cc. 81-96, 188-222.
[1516]Cic.in Verr.iii. cc. 81-96, 188-222.
[1517]Cic.in Verr.iii. 70, 163. Cf. Liv. xxxvi. 2 “idem L. Oppio de alteris decumis exigendis in Sardinia imperatum.” Sometimes this enforced sale of corn (frumentum imperatum) was required from free cities such as Halaesa, Centuripae, and Messana in Sicily (Cic.in Verr.iii 73, 170; iv. 9, 20).
[1517]Cic.in Verr.iii. 70, 163. Cf. Liv. xxxvi. 2 “idem L. Oppio de alteris decumis exigendis in Sardinia imperatum.” Sometimes this enforced sale of corn (frumentum imperatum) was required from free cities such as Halaesa, Centuripae, and Messana in Sicily (Cic.in Verr.iii 73, 170; iv. 9, 20).
[1518]pp. 201, 202.
[1518]pp. 201, 202.
[1519]p. 201.
[1519]p. 201.
[1520]Sall.Jug.27; Cic.de Prov. Cons.2, 3;pro Domo9, 24.
[1520]Sall.Jug.27; Cic.de Prov. Cons.2, 3;pro Domo9, 24.
[1521]Cic.ad Fam.i. 9, 25.
[1521]Cic.ad Fam.i. 9, 25.
[1522]Cf. Cic.de Prov. Cons.15, 87 (if the consul of 55B.C.succeeds Caesar on March 1, 54B.C.) “Fuerit toto in consulatu sine provincia, cui fuerit, antequam designatus est, decreta provincia? Sortietur, an non? Nam et non sortiri absurdum est, et quod sortitus sis non habere. Proficiscetur paludatus? Quo? Quo pervenire ante certam diem non licebit. Januario, Februario provinciam non habebit. Kalendis ei denique Martiis nascetur repente provincia.”
[1522]Cf. Cic.de Prov. Cons.15, 87 (if the consul of 55B.C.succeeds Caesar on March 1, 54B.C.) “Fuerit toto in consulatu sine provincia, cui fuerit, antequam designatus est, decreta provincia? Sortietur, an non? Nam et non sortiri absurdum est, et quod sortitus sis non habere. Proficiscetur paludatus? Quo? Quo pervenire ante certam diem non licebit. Januario, Februario provinciam non habebit. Kalendis ei denique Martiis nascetur repente provincia.”
[1523]Cic.ad Fam.i. 9, 25; xii. 4, 2.
[1523]Cic.ad Fam.i. 9, 25; xii. 4, 2.
[1524]Cic.in Verr.i. 13, 34 “pecunia attributa, numerata est. Profectus est quaestor in provinciam (Verres). Venit exspectatus in Galliam ad exercitum consularem cum pecunia.”
[1524]Cic.in Verr.i. 13, 34 “pecunia attributa, numerata est. Profectus est quaestor in provinciam (Verres). Venit exspectatus in Galliam ad exercitum consularem cum pecunia.”
[1525]Rationes referre(Cic.in Verr.i. 13, 36). In accordance with alex Julia(perhapsrepetundarum) of Caesar’s, the accounts had to be deposited at theaerarium, and two copies in two cities of the province (Cic.ad Fam.v. 20, 2; Plut.Cato Min.38).
[1525]Rationes referre(Cic.in Verr.i. 13, 36). In accordance with alex Julia(perhapsrepetundarum) of Caesar’s, the accounts had to be deposited at theaerarium, and two copies in two cities of the province (Cic.ad Fam.v. 20, 2; Plut.Cato Min.38).
[1526]p. 215.
[1526]p. 215.
[1527]Cic.in Verr.iii. 58, 134 “Quaestores, legatos ... multi missos fecerunt et de provincia decedere jusserunt, quod illorum culpa se minus commode audire arbitrarentur aut quod peccare ipsos aliqua in re judicarent.”
[1527]Cic.in Verr.iii. 58, 134 “Quaestores, legatos ... multi missos fecerunt et de provincia decedere jusserunt, quod illorum culpa se minus commode audire arbitrarentur aut quod peccare ipsos aliqua in re judicarent.”
[1528]The transition is marked in 169B.C.(Liv. xliv. 18 “Senatus Cn. Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut is in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret”).
[1528]The transition is marked in 169B.C.(Liv. xliv. 18 “Senatus Cn. Servilio consuli negotium dedit, ut is in Macedoniam, quos L. Aemilio videretur, legaret”).
[1529]Cicero delegates even jurisdiction to one of hiscomites, Volusius (ad Att.v. 21, 6). Other members of his retinue were his son Marcus and his brother Quintus. These intimates of the governor were spoken of ascontubernales,cohorsamicorum, even ascohors praetoria(Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 1, 4, 12), although this title was properly applied to the governor’s military guard.
[1529]Cicero delegates even jurisdiction to one of hiscomites, Volusius (ad Att.v. 21, 6). Other members of his retinue were his son Marcus and his brother Quintus. These intimates of the governor were spoken of ascontubernales,cohorsamicorum, even ascohors praetoria(Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 1, 4, 12), although this title was properly applied to the governor’s military guard.
[1530]p. 319, note 2.
[1530]p. 319, note 2.
[1531]Cic.in Verr.ii. 13, 32 “Siculi hoc jure sunt ut, quod civis cum cive agat, domi certet suis legibus.”
[1531]Cic.in Verr.ii. 13, 32 “Siculi hoc jure sunt ut, quod civis cum cive agat, domi certet suis legibus.”
[1532]ib. “quod Siculus cum Siculo non ejusdem civitatis (agat), ut de eo praetor judices ex P. Rupilii decreto ... sortiatur.”
[1532]ib. “quod Siculus cum Siculo non ejusdem civitatis (agat), ut de eo praetor judices ex P. Rupilii decreto ... sortiatur.”
[1533]It is possible, however, that the principle here adopted was that thejudexshould be of the nationality of the defendant.
[1533]It is possible, however, that the principle here adopted was that thejudexshould be of the nationality of the defendant.
[1534]Cic. l.c. “quod privatus a populo petit aut populus a privato, senatus ex aliqua civitate, qui judicet, datur, cum alternae civitates rejectae sunt.”
[1534]Cic. l.c. “quod privatus a populo petit aut populus a privato, senatus ex aliqua civitate, qui judicet, datur, cum alternae civitates rejectae sunt.”
[1535]ib. “quod civis Romanus a Siculo petit, Siculus judex datur, quod Siculus a civi Romano, civis Romanus datur.”
[1535]ib. “quod civis Romanus a Siculo petit, Siculus judex datur, quod Siculus a civi Romano, civis Romanus datur.”
[1536]ib. “ceterarum rerum selecti judices ex conventu civium Romanorum proponi solent.”
[1536]ib. “ceterarum rerum selecti judices ex conventu civium Romanorum proponi solent.”
[1537]Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae; in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur”;ad Att.vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt.”
[1537]Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15 “multaque sum secutus Scaevolae; in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus ... Graeci vero exsultant quod peregrinis judicibus utuntur”;ad Att.vi. 2, 4 “omnes (civitates), suis legibus et judiciis usae, αὐτονομίαν adeptae, revixerunt.”
[1538]“Edictum Siciliense” (Cic.in Verr.i. 45, 117).
[1538]“Edictum Siciliense” (Cic.in Verr.i. 45, 117).
[1539]Extreme changes might be made a ground of complaint by the departing governor. Thus Cicero writes from Cilicia (50B.C.) “Appius enim ad me ex itinere bis terve ... literas miserat, quod quaedam a se constituta rescinderem” (ad Att.vi. 1, 2).
[1539]Extreme changes might be made a ground of complaint by the departing governor. Thus Cicero writes from Cilicia (50B.C.) “Appius enim ad me ex itinere bis terve ... literas miserat, quod quaedam a se constituta rescinderem” (ad Att.vi. 1, 2).
[1540]Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 4.
[1540]Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 4.
[1541]Thus Cicero, governor of Cilicia, followed in some respects the edict of Mucius Scaevola, the former governor of Asia (Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15).
[1541]Thus Cicero, governor of Cilicia, followed in some respects the edict of Mucius Scaevola, the former governor of Asia (Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15).
[1542]Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15 “unum (genus) est provinciale, in quo est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis; in eodem omnia de publicanis. Alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode transigi non potest, de hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis vendendis, magistris faciendis: quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. Tertium, de reliquo jure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo genere mea decreta ad edicta urbana accommodaturum.”
[1542]Cic.ad Att.vi. 1, 15 “unum (genus) est provinciale, in quo est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis; in eodem omnia de publicanis. Alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode transigi non potest, de hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis vendendis, magistris faciendis: quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. Tertium, de reliquo jure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo genere mea decreta ad edicta urbana accommodaturum.”
[1543]Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 6.
[1543]Cic.ad Fam.iii. 8, 6.
[1544]Cic.ad Att.v. 21, 9.
[1544]Cic.ad Att.v. 21, 9.
[1545]Cic.ad Att.v. 20, 1;ad Fam.iii. 8, 4 and 5.
[1545]Cic.ad Att.v. 20, 1;ad Fam.iii. 8, 4 and 5.
[1546]Suet.Caes.7 “Quaestori (Caesari) ulterior Hispania obvenit; ubi cum, mandatu praetoris, jure dicundo conventus circumiret, etc.” Quaestorian jurisdiction was more frequent in Sicily than in other provinces, on account of the presence of the second quaestor at Lilybaeum.
[1546]Suet.Caes.7 “Quaestori (Caesari) ulterior Hispania obvenit; ubi cum, mandatu praetoris, jure dicundo conventus circumiret, etc.” Quaestorian jurisdiction was more frequent in Sicily than in other provinces, on account of the presence of the second quaestor at Lilybaeum.
[1547]Cic.ad Fam.xii. 30, 7 “Illud non nimium probo quod scribis ... te tuis etiam legatis lictores ademisse.”
[1547]Cic.ad Fam.xii. 30, 7 “Illud non nimium probo quod scribis ... te tuis etiam legatis lictores ademisse.”
[1548]Thus Verres quashes either a decision, or the execution of a decision, given by his quaestor (Cic.Div. in Caec.17, 56 “Lilybaeum Verres venit postea: rem cognoscit: factum improbat: cogit quaestorem suum pecuniam ... adnumerare et reddere”).
[1548]Thus Verres quashes either a decision, or the execution of a decision, given by his quaestor (Cic.Div. in Caec.17, 56 “Lilybaeum Verres venit postea: rem cognoscit: factum improbat: cogit quaestorem suum pecuniam ... adnumerare et reddere”).
[1549]Possibly certain kinds of criminal jurisdiction were guaranteed to cities by thelex provinciae. The Senate of Catina in Sicily tried a slave (Cic.in Verr.iv. 45, 100).
[1549]Possibly certain kinds of criminal jurisdiction were guaranteed to cities by thelex provinciae. The Senate of Catina in Sicily tried a slave (Cic.in Verr.iv. 45, 100).
[1550]Cic.in Verr.i. 33, 84 (of anémeuteat Lampsacus) “Non te ad senatum causam deferre ... non eos homines, qui populum concitarant, consulum literis evocandos curare oportuit?”
[1550]Cic.in Verr.i. 33, 84 (of anémeuteat Lampsacus) “Non te ad senatum causam deferre ... non eos homines, qui populum concitarant, consulum literis evocandos curare oportuit?”
[1551]The council was not, however, legally necessary. Cf. Cic.in Verr.ii. 30, 75 “Reus plorare ... ut cum consilio cognosceret.”
[1551]The council was not, however, legally necessary. Cf. Cic.in Verr.ii. 30, 75 “Reus plorare ... ut cum consilio cognosceret.”
[1552]ib. ii. 29, 70; 30, 75.
[1552]ib. ii. 29, 70; 30, 75.
[1553]ib. ii. 30, 75 “hominem innocentem de sententia scribae, medici haruspicisque condemnat.”
[1553]ib. ii. 30, 75 “hominem innocentem de sententia scribae, medici haruspicisque condemnat.”
[1554]For the threat of capital punishment on a Roman citizen see Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 2, 5; for its apparent execution, Diod. xxxvii. 5, 2.
[1554]For the threat of capital punishment on a Roman citizen see Cic.ad Q. fr.i. 2, 5; for its apparent execution, Diod. xxxvii. 5, 2.
[1555]Cic.in Verr.v. 66, 170 “Facinus est vincire civem Romanum; scelus, verberare: prope parricidium, necare: quid dicam in crucem tollere?” Cf.pro Rab.5, 17.
[1555]Cic.in Verr.v. 66, 170 “Facinus est vincire civem Romanum; scelus, verberare: prope parricidium, necare: quid dicam in crucem tollere?” Cf.pro Rab.5, 17.
[1556]See p. 285.
[1556]See p. 285.
[1557]Cic.de Rep.v. 6, 8 (ad Att.viii. 11, 1); v. 7, 9.
[1557]Cic.de Rep.v. 6, 8 (ad Att.viii. 11, 1); v. 7, 9.
[1558]p. 224.
[1558]p. 224.
[1559]p. 314.
[1559]p. 314.
[1560]Caesar reduced the number of the recipients of the corn-dole from 320,000 to 150,000 (Suet.Caes.41). In the Principate it stood at about 200,000. See MarquardtStaatsverw. ii. p. 118.
[1560]Caesar reduced the number of the recipients of the corn-dole from 320,000 to 150,000 (Suet.Caes.41). In the Principate it stood at about 200,000. See MarquardtStaatsverw. ii. p. 118.
[1561]p. 312.
[1561]p. 312.
[1562]p. 311.
[1562]p. 311.
[1563]It is true, however, that the Princeps was often made by an army, not bythearmy.
[1563]It is true, however, that the Princeps was often made by an army, not bythearmy.
[1564]Dio Cass. xlii. 20. The dictatorship of 49B.C.had been held only for eleven days and was probably conferred merelycomitiorum habendorum causa. See p. 193.
[1564]Dio Cass. xlii. 20. The dictatorship of 49B.C.had been held only for eleven days and was probably conferred merelycomitiorum habendorum causa. See p. 193.
[1565]Dio Cass. xliii. 14 and 33. It has been interpreted as a dictatorshiprei publicae constituendae causa.
[1565]Dio Cass. xliii. 14 and 33. It has been interpreted as a dictatorshiprei publicae constituendae causa.
[1566]C.I.L.i. p. 452.
[1566]C.I.L.i. p. 452.
[1567]Plut.Caes.61;Ant.12; Cic.Phil.ii. 34, 85.
[1567]Plut.Caes.61;Ant.12; Cic.Phil.ii. 34, 85.
[1568]Cf. Cic.ad Fam.xi. 27, 8 “si Caesar rex fuerit ... quod mihi quidem videtur.”
[1568]Cf. Cic.ad Fam.xi. 27, 8 “si Caesar rex fuerit ... quod mihi quidem videtur.”
[1569]Dio Cass. xliii. 44. Caesar probably used it after his name and not as apraenomen, as stated by Suetonius (Caes.76). It became with him a kind ofcognomen, and Augustus, who inherited it, changed its position in the order of his names.
[1569]Dio Cass. xliii. 44. Caesar probably used it after his name and not as apraenomen, as stated by Suetonius (Caes.76). It became with him a kind ofcognomen, and Augustus, who inherited it, changed its position in the order of his names.
[1570]Dio Cass. xliii. 14.
[1570]Dio Cass. xliii. 14.
[1571]Cic.ad Fam.xii. 1, 1 “nam, ut adhuc quidem actum est, non regno, sed rege liberati videmur.”
[1571]Cic.ad Fam.xii. 1, 1 “nam, ut adhuc quidem actum est, non regno, sed rege liberati videmur.”
[1572]Monumentum Ancyranumi. 8-9 “Populus ... me ... trium virum rei publicae constituendae creavit.”
[1572]Monumentum Ancyranumi. 8-9 “Populus ... me ... trium virum rei publicae constituendae creavit.”
[1573]App.B.C.v. 95.
[1573]App.B.C.v. 95.
[1574]Mon. Anc.vi. 13-15 “In consulatu sexto et septimo, bella ubi civilia exstinxeram, per consensum universorum potitus rerum omnium, rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus populique Romani arbitrium transtuli.”
[1574]Mon. Anc.vi. 13-15 “In consulatu sexto et septimo, bella ubi civilia exstinxeram, per consensum universorum potitus rerum omnium, rem publicam ex mea potestate in senatus populique Romani arbitrium transtuli.”
[1575]Dio Cass. xlix. 15.
[1575]Dio Cass. xlix. 15.
[1576]Tac.Ann.iii. 28 “sexto ... consulatu ... quae triumviratu jusserat abolevit.”
[1576]Tac.Ann.iii. 28 “sexto ... consulatu ... quae triumviratu jusserat abolevit.”
[1577]Cf. Tac.Ann.i. 2 “posito triumviri nomine.”
[1577]Cf. Tac.Ann.i. 2 “posito triumviri nomine.”
[1578]Mon. Anc.l.c.
[1578]Mon. Anc.l.c.
[1579]ib. vi. 16 (after the words on p. 338 note 4) “Quo pro merito meo senatus consulto Aug. appellatus sum.”
[1579]ib. vi. 16 (after the words on p. 338 note 4) “Quo pro merito meo senatus consulto Aug. appellatus sum.”
[1580]Dio Cass. liii. 12. Augustus uses the expressionconsulare imperiumfor his position at this time (Mon. Anc.ii. 5, 8). It resembled a proconsular command, but was held within the city. Compare the position of Pompeius in 52B.C.
[1580]Dio Cass. liii. 12. Augustus uses the expressionconsulare imperiumfor his position at this time (Mon. Anc.ii. 5, 8). It resembled a proconsular command, but was held within the city. Compare the position of Pompeius in 52B.C.
[1581]Strabo p. 840 ἡ πατρὶς ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ τὴν προστασίαν τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης κατέστη κύριος διὰ βίου.
[1581]Strabo p. 840 ἡ πατρὶς ἐπέτρεψεν αὐτῷ τὴν προστασίαν τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ πολέμου καὶ εἰρήνης κατέστη κύριος διὰ βίου.
[1582]In the Calendar we find for January 13 (the day of the settlement) “quod rem publicam P. R. restituit” (C.I.L.i. p. 312). Cf. OvidFastii. l. 589 “redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro”; Vell. ii. 89 “prisca illa et antiqua rei publicae forma revocata.”
[1582]In the Calendar we find for January 13 (the day of the settlement) “quod rem publicam P. R. restituit” (C.I.L.i. p. 312). Cf. OvidFastii. l. 589 “redditaque est omnis populo provincia nostro”; Vell. ii. 89 “prisca illa et antiqua rei publicae forma revocata.”
[1583]Dio Cass. lii. 1 ἐκ δὲ τούτου μοναρχεῖσθαι αὖθις ἀρκιβῶς ἤρξαντο. In theCenotaphia Pisana(A.D.2) ii. l. 12 Augustus is called “custos imperi Romani totiusque orbis terrarum praeses” (Wilmanns n. 883).
[1583]Dio Cass. lii. 1 ἐκ δὲ τούτου μοναρχεῖσθαι αὖθις ἀρκιβῶς ἤρξαντο. In theCenotaphia Pisana(A.D.2) ii. l. 12 Augustus is called “custos imperi Romani totiusque orbis terrarum praeses” (Wilmanns n. 883).
[1584]Dio Cass. liii. 32.
[1584]Dio Cass. liii. 32.
[1585]Dio Cass. liii. 32.
[1585]Dio Cass. liii. 32.
[1586]Dio Cass. liv. 10.
[1586]Dio Cass. liv. 10.
[1587]ib. liii 32.
[1587]ib. liii 32.
[1588]C.I.L.vi. n. 930. It describes itself as a law and is generally known as thelex de imperio Vespasiani. But its wording bears more analogy to that of asenatus consultum. See MommsenStaatsrechtii. p. 878.
[1588]C.I.L.vi. n. 930. It describes itself as a law and is generally known as thelex de imperio Vespasiani. But its wording bears more analogy to that of asenatus consultum. See MommsenStaatsrechtii. p. 878.
[1589]Vitae Macrini7;Alexandri8;Probi12;Maximi et Balbini8.
[1589]Vitae Macrini7;Alexandri8;Probi12;Maximi et Balbini8.
[1590]“Dato imperio” (Vita Veri4), “accepit imperium” (Vita Alexandri1). It is possible, however, that these are references merely to the reception of the titleimperator; cf.Vita Juliani3 “imperator est appellatus”;Vita Probi12 “nomen imperatorium.” For the view that there was always alex de imperiosee KarlowaRömische Rechtsgeschichtei. pp. 493 ff.
[1590]“Dato imperio” (Vita Veri4), “accepit imperium” (Vita Alexandri1). It is possible, however, that these are references merely to the reception of the titleimperator; cf.Vita Juliani3 “imperator est appellatus”;Vita Probi12 “nomen imperatorium.” For the view that there was always alex de imperiosee KarlowaRömische Rechtsgeschichtei. pp. 493 ff.
[1591]GaiusInst.i. 5 (on the imperialconstitutio) “nec unquam dubitatum est quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum ipse imperator per legem imperium accipiat”; Ulpian inDig.1, 4, 1 “Quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem: utpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio ejus lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat.” The view that these passages are interpolations is possible but hazardous. A genuine expression of belief in thelex regiaappears in Justinian (Cod.i. 17, l. 7).
[1591]GaiusInst.i. 5 (on the imperialconstitutio) “nec unquam dubitatum est quin id legis vicem obtineat, cum ipse imperator per legem imperium accipiat”; Ulpian inDig.1, 4, 1 “Quod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem: utpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio ejus lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat.” The view that these passages are interpolations is possible but hazardous. A genuine expression of belief in thelex regiaappears in Justinian (Cod.i. 17, l. 7).
[1592]For the monopoly of thesacramentumpossessed by the Princeps compare the charge brought against Agrippina after her death (59A.D.), “Adiciebat crimina ... quod consortium imperii juraturasque in feminae verba praetorias cohortes ... speravisset” (Tac.Ann.xiv. 11).
[1592]For the monopoly of thesacramentumpossessed by the Princeps compare the charge brought against Agrippina after her death (59A.D.), “Adiciebat crimina ... quod consortium imperii juraturasque in feminae verba praetorias cohortes ... speravisset” (Tac.Ann.xiv. 11).
[1593]“Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques” (Tac.Ann.i. 7).
[1593]“Romae ruere in servitium consules, patres, eques” (Tac.Ann.i. 7).
[1594]Tac.Hist.i. 55 “Inferioris tamen Germaniae legiones sollemni Kalendarum Januariarum sacramento pro Galba adactae.” For the renewal of the oath on the anniversary of accession see Plin.ad Traj.52.
[1594]Tac.Hist.i. 55 “Inferioris tamen Germaniae legiones sollemni Kalendarum Januariarum sacramento pro Galba adactae.” For the renewal of the oath on the anniversary of accession see Plin.ad Traj.52.
[1595]Cf. Tac.Hist.iii. 58 (Vitellius) “vocari tribus jubet, dantes nomina sacramento adigit.”
[1595]Cf. Tac.Hist.iii. 58 (Vitellius) “vocari tribus jubet, dantes nomina sacramento adigit.”
[1596]Lex de imp. Vesp.1 “foedusve cum quibus volet facere liceat.” These powers are summed up by Dio Cassius liii. 17 (as imperators the Emperors have the right) καταλόγους τε ποιεῖσθαι ... πολέμους τε ἀναιρεῖσθαι καὶ εἰρήνην σπένδεσθαι.
[1596]Lex de imp. Vesp.1 “foedusve cum quibus volet facere liceat.” These powers are summed up by Dio Cassius liii. 17 (as imperators the Emperors have the right) καταλόγους τε ποιεῖσθαι ... πολέμους τε ἀναιρεῖσθαι καὶ εἰρήνην σπένδεσθαι.
[1597]p. 283.
[1597]p. 283.
[1598]Dio Cass. lx. 23 (after Claudius’ conquest of Britain) ἐψηφίσθη τὰς συμβάσεις ἁπάσας, ὅσας ἂν ὁ Κλαύδιος ἢ καὶ οἱ ἀντιστράτηγοι αὐτοῦ πρός τινας ποιήσωνται, κυρίας, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν τόν τε δῆμον εἶναι.
[1598]Dio Cass. lx. 23 (after Claudius’ conquest of Britain) ἐψηφίσθη τὰς συμβάσεις ἁπάσας, ὅσας ἂν ὁ Κλαύδιος ἢ καὶ οἱ ἀντιστράτηγοι αὐτοῦ πρός τινας ποιήσωνται, κυρίας, ὡς καὶ πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν τόν τε δῆμον εἶναι.
[1599]Lex de imp. Vesp.15 “utique ei fines pomerii proferre promovere cum ex republica censebit esse, liceat ita, uti licuit Ti. Claudio Caesari Aug(usto) Germanico.” Cf. Tac.Ann.xii. 23.
[1599]Lex de imp. Vesp.15 “utique ei fines pomerii proferre promovere cum ex republica censebit esse, liceat ita, uti licuit Ti. Claudio Caesari Aug(usto) Germanico.” Cf. Tac.Ann.xii. 23.
[1600]p. 240.
[1600]p. 240.
[1601]GaiusInst.i. 96.
[1601]GaiusInst.i. 96.
[1602]Gell. xvi. 13, 5.
[1602]Gell. xvi. 13, 5.