FOOTNOTES

FOOTNOTES[149]Only one reference is to be found in the Annals. SeeAnnals of the Four Masters,A.D.728.[150]Eoin MacNeill: “The Norse Kingdom of the Hebrides” (Scottish Review, Vol. XXXIX., pp. 254-276).[151]It is interesting to recall that a new development in shipbuilding, probably due to the same causes, was taking place in England about the same time. TheAnglo-Saxon Chroniclefirst mentions a naval encounter with Vikings under the year 875, and some twenty years later describes the long ships, “shaped neither like the Frisian nor the Danish,” which Alfred had commanded to be built to oppose theoescs, or Danish ships.[152]Annals of Ulster,A.D.912.[153]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.939.[154]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.953 (= 955).Annals of Ulster,A.D.963.To this entry the annalist adds the following note: “Quod non factum est ab antiquis temporibus.”Cf.Three Fragments of Annals(A.D.873): “Bairith (O.N. Barthr), drew many ships from the sea westwards to Lough Ree…”[155]Ancient Norway was divided by Haakon into districts (Skipreithur) each of which had in wartime to equip and man a warship: the number of these districts was fixed by law.Gulathingslög, 10. Cf.The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, p. 151, n; etc. Cf.The Saga of Haakon the Good(Heimskr.), ch. 21.[156]The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, pp. 29, 86.[157]Ib., pp. 89-102.[158]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 109.[159]Ib., p. 133.[160]Ib., p. 137.[161]See A. Bugge:Norse Loan-words in Irish(Miscellany Presented to Kuno Meyer, p. 291 ff.).W. A. Craigie:Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog(Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi, X., 1894).C. Marstrander:Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland.K. Meyer: Revue Celtique, X., pp. 367-9, XI., pp. 493-5, XII., pp. 460-3.[162]Marstrander (op. cit., p. 21) suggests that the word is connected with the O.N. dialectal formberling, “a little stick or beam under the shallows in a boat.”[163]Cf. the list of authorities referred toante, pp. 38, 39.[164]The Norsemen sometimes adopted Irish fashions in their dress. The great Viking Magnus, who was killed in Ireland inA.D.1103, was usually called “barelegs” (O.N.berfaettr) because he always wore the Irish kilts; and his son, Harold Gilli, who could speak Irish better than Norse, “much wore the Irish raiment, being short-clad and light-clad.” It was probably from his Irishcuaran, or shoes of skin that Olaf Sihtricsson, the famous King of Dublin received his nickname.[165]In theAnnals of the Four Masters(A.D.960),lagmainnis the name given to certain chieftains from the Hebrides who plundered the southern and eastern coasts of Ireland.[166]The word occurs only once in Irish: cf.The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, p. 140.[167]The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 203, says that when the Norsemen were fleeing after the battle of Clontarf, Earl Broder, accompanied by two warriors, passed by the tent in which King Brian was. One of these men, who had been in Brian’s service, saw the King and cried “Cing, Cing” (This is the King). “No, no, acht prist, prist” said Broder (No, no, it is a priest, said Broder).[168]These annals state that on one occasion (A.D.869) Cennedigh of Leix, a brave Irish chieftain, was pursued by the Norsemen, who “blew their trumpets and raised angry barbarous shouts, many of them crying ‘nui, nui.’”[169]Marstrander (op. cit., p. 156) suggests, however, thatrothmay be an archaic form of the Irishruadh, ‘red.’[170]Cf. W. A. Craigie:Gaelic Words and Names in the Sagas and Landnámabók. (Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., pp. 439-454).A. Bugge:Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden, ch. 9. See especially pp. 358-359.[171]There is an interesting account of thegeltin the Old NorseKonungs Skuggsjá(Speculum Regale):“It happens that when two hosts meet and are arranged in battle-array, and when the battle-cry is raised loudly on both sides, cowardly men run wild and lose their wits from the dread and fear which seize them. And they run into a wood away from other men, and live there like beasts and shun the meeting of men like wild beasts. And it is said of these men then when they have lived in the woods in that condition for twenty years, that feathers grew on their bodies like birds, whereby their bodies are protected against frost and cold…”Cf. Kuno Meyer:On the Irish Mirabilia in the Old Norse “Speculum Regale”(Eríu, Vol. IV., pp. 11-12).This bears a striking resemblance to a certain passage in the mediæval romanceCath Muighe Rath(Battle of Moy Rath, p. 232. Ed. by O’Donovan). It may also be compared with another romance, which probably dates from the same period, viz.,Buile Suibhne, (The Madness of Suibhne, ed. by J. G. O’Keefe for the Irish Texts Society). Cf. alsoHávamál(ed. Gering), str. 129, etc.[172]Vilbald, a descendant of Kjarval, King of Ossory, had a ship calledKuthi, cf.Landnámabók, IV., ch. II. Todd (War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 299, n.) suggests Ir.Cuthach.[173]According toJáns Saga hins Helga, ch. 14 (Biskupa SögurI., Kaupmannahófn, 1858) King Magnus Barelegs sent an Icelander with other hostages to King Myrkjartan of Connacht. When they arrived there, one of the Norsemen addressed the King in these words: “Male diarik,” to which the King replied “Olgeira ragall,”i.e., Ir.,olc aer adh ra gall, (it is a bad thing to be cursed by a Norseman.)[174]minnthakwas the name given by Hjorleif’s Irish thralls to the mixture of meal and butter which they compounded while on board ship on their way to Iceland. They said it was good for quenching thirst. Cf.Landnámabók, I., ch. 6.[175]Cf. Whitley Stokes,op. cit., pp. 186, 191.[176]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 13.Cf. alsoThree Fragments of Annals, p. 146: “In a battle fought between the Irish and the Norsemen the latter were driven to a small place surrounded by a wall. The druid Hona went up on the wall, and with his mouth open began to pray to the gods and to exercise his magic; he ordered the people to worship the gods…”[177]Cf.Thorfinssaga Karlsefnis, ch. 3;Vatnsdaela Saga, ch. 10;Tháttr af Nornagesti, ch. 11;Hrólfs Saga Kraka, ch. 3; etc.[178]e.g., C. Haliday:The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, p. 12 ff. Margaret Stokes,op. cit., pp. 96-98.[179]Cf.War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 8.[180]The expression used isquievit in Christoand occurs only inMS. A. As neitherMS. Bnor any of the other annals mention Ivárr’s conversion it may be that the scribe of the former has unintentionally slipped into using a formula which was customary in recording the death of a Christian.[181]Landnámabók, II., ch. 16.[182]Landnámabók, I., ch. 12.[183]Ib., V., ch. 15.[184]Ib., I., ch. 13.[185]Ib., I., ch. 15.[186]Ib., IV., ch. 11.[187]Njáls Saga, ch. 101.[188]Landnámabók, V., ch. 15.[189]Ib., III., ch. 12.[190]Ib., I., ch. 12.[191]Three Fragments of Annals, pp. 120-124.[192]Cf.Gylfaginning, chs. 51, 52.[193]Hýmiskvitha, pass.Cf. W. S. Calverley:The Ancient Crosses at Gosforth, p. 168.[194]P. M. C. Kermode:Manx Crosses, pp. 180-184.[195]Ib., pp. 170-179.[196]Ib., pp. 86-95, 195-199.[197]Ib., pp. 150-153.[198]Ib., pp. 203-205.[199]Ib., pp. 209-213.[200]Ib., p. 169.[201]Ib., pp. 212-213.[202]Annals of Ulster,A.D.919. The same source in recording Gothfrith’s death (A.D.933) speaks of him as “the most cruel of the Norsemen.”[203]Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,MS.D.,A.D.925.[204]Ib.,MSS. A., 942, D. 943.[205]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.979.[206]Ib.,A.D.1021.[207]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 207.[208]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.982.[209]Ib.,A.D.1011.[210]Ib.,A.D.994.[211]Eyrbyggja Saga, chs. 4 and 10;Kjalnesinga Saga, ch. 2; etc.[212]Cf.Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,MS.A.Annal,A.D.876,Kjalnesinga Saga, ch. 2; etc.[213]Landnámabók, II., ch. 12.[214]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, pp. 196, 198.[215]Annals of Tigernach,A.D.1028, 1036.[216]Ib.,A.D.1042.[217]The Whole Works of Sir James Ware Concerning Ireland, Vol I., p. 301. (Ware quotes from the Black Book of Christchurch Cathedral, Dublin.)[218]Ib., p. 306.[219]Ib., pp. 309-311.[220]Ib., pp. 525-6.[221]Ib., p. 504.Cf. J. MacCaffrey:The Black Book of Limerick. Introduction, chs. 5 and 7.[222]The History of Ireland, by Geoffrey Keating (ed. P. S. Dinneen). Vol. III., p. 298.[223]Ware,op. cit., p. 505.

[149]Only one reference is to be found in the Annals. SeeAnnals of the Four Masters,A.D.728.

[150]Eoin MacNeill: “The Norse Kingdom of the Hebrides” (Scottish Review, Vol. XXXIX., pp. 254-276).

[151]It is interesting to recall that a new development in shipbuilding, probably due to the same causes, was taking place in England about the same time. TheAnglo-Saxon Chroniclefirst mentions a naval encounter with Vikings under the year 875, and some twenty years later describes the long ships, “shaped neither like the Frisian nor the Danish,” which Alfred had commanded to be built to oppose theoescs, or Danish ships.

[152]Annals of Ulster,A.D.912.

[153]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.939.

[154]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.953 (= 955).Annals of Ulster,A.D.963.To this entry the annalist adds the following note: “Quod non factum est ab antiquis temporibus.”Cf.Three Fragments of Annals(A.D.873): “Bairith (O.N. Barthr), drew many ships from the sea westwards to Lough Ree…”

[154]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.953 (= 955).Annals of Ulster,A.D.963.

To this entry the annalist adds the following note: “Quod non factum est ab antiquis temporibus.”

Cf.Three Fragments of Annals(A.D.873): “Bairith (O.N. Barthr), drew many ships from the sea westwards to Lough Ree…”

[155]Ancient Norway was divided by Haakon into districts (Skipreithur) each of which had in wartime to equip and man a warship: the number of these districts was fixed by law.Gulathingslög, 10. Cf.The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, p. 151, n; etc. Cf.The Saga of Haakon the Good(Heimskr.), ch. 21.

[156]The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, pp. 29, 86.

[157]Ib., pp. 89-102.

[158]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 109.

[159]Ib., p. 133.

[160]Ib., p. 137.

[161]See A. Bugge:Norse Loan-words in Irish(Miscellany Presented to Kuno Meyer, p. 291 ff.).W. A. Craigie:Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog(Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi, X., 1894).C. Marstrander:Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland.K. Meyer: Revue Celtique, X., pp. 367-9, XI., pp. 493-5, XII., pp. 460-3.

[161]See A. Bugge:Norse Loan-words in Irish(Miscellany Presented to Kuno Meyer, p. 291 ff.).

W. A. Craigie:Oldnordiske Ord i de Gaeliske Sprog(Arkiv för Nordisk Filologi, X., 1894).

C. Marstrander:Bidrag til det Norske Sprogs Historie i Irland.

K. Meyer: Revue Celtique, X., pp. 367-9, XI., pp. 493-5, XII., pp. 460-3.

[162]Marstrander (op. cit., p. 21) suggests that the word is connected with the O.N. dialectal formberling, “a little stick or beam under the shallows in a boat.”

[163]Cf. the list of authorities referred toante, pp. 38, 39.

[164]The Norsemen sometimes adopted Irish fashions in their dress. The great Viking Magnus, who was killed in Ireland inA.D.1103, was usually called “barelegs” (O.N.berfaettr) because he always wore the Irish kilts; and his son, Harold Gilli, who could speak Irish better than Norse, “much wore the Irish raiment, being short-clad and light-clad.” It was probably from his Irishcuaran, or shoes of skin that Olaf Sihtricsson, the famous King of Dublin received his nickname.

[165]In theAnnals of the Four Masters(A.D.960),lagmainnis the name given to certain chieftains from the Hebrides who plundered the southern and eastern coasts of Ireland.

[166]The word occurs only once in Irish: cf.The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, p. 140.

[167]The War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 203, says that when the Norsemen were fleeing after the battle of Clontarf, Earl Broder, accompanied by two warriors, passed by the tent in which King Brian was. One of these men, who had been in Brian’s service, saw the King and cried “Cing, Cing” (This is the King). “No, no, acht prist, prist” said Broder (No, no, it is a priest, said Broder).

[168]These annals state that on one occasion (A.D.869) Cennedigh of Leix, a brave Irish chieftain, was pursued by the Norsemen, who “blew their trumpets and raised angry barbarous shouts, many of them crying ‘nui, nui.’”

[169]Marstrander (op. cit., p. 156) suggests, however, thatrothmay be an archaic form of the Irishruadh, ‘red.’

[170]Cf. W. A. Craigie:Gaelic Words and Names in the Sagas and Landnámabók. (Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., pp. 439-454).A. Bugge:Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden, ch. 9. See especially pp. 358-359.

[170]Cf. W. A. Craigie:Gaelic Words and Names in the Sagas and Landnámabók. (Zeitschrift für Celtische Philologie, Band I., pp. 439-454).

A. Bugge:Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes i Vikingetiden, ch. 9. See especially pp. 358-359.

[171]There is an interesting account of thegeltin the Old NorseKonungs Skuggsjá(Speculum Regale):“It happens that when two hosts meet and are arranged in battle-array, and when the battle-cry is raised loudly on both sides, cowardly men run wild and lose their wits from the dread and fear which seize them. And they run into a wood away from other men, and live there like beasts and shun the meeting of men like wild beasts. And it is said of these men then when they have lived in the woods in that condition for twenty years, that feathers grew on their bodies like birds, whereby their bodies are protected against frost and cold…”Cf. Kuno Meyer:On the Irish Mirabilia in the Old Norse “Speculum Regale”(Eríu, Vol. IV., pp. 11-12).This bears a striking resemblance to a certain passage in the mediæval romanceCath Muighe Rath(Battle of Moy Rath, p. 232. Ed. by O’Donovan). It may also be compared with another romance, which probably dates from the same period, viz.,Buile Suibhne, (The Madness of Suibhne, ed. by J. G. O’Keefe for the Irish Texts Society). Cf. alsoHávamál(ed. Gering), str. 129, etc.

[171]There is an interesting account of thegeltin the Old NorseKonungs Skuggsjá(Speculum Regale):

“It happens that when two hosts meet and are arranged in battle-array, and when the battle-cry is raised loudly on both sides, cowardly men run wild and lose their wits from the dread and fear which seize them. And they run into a wood away from other men, and live there like beasts and shun the meeting of men like wild beasts. And it is said of these men then when they have lived in the woods in that condition for twenty years, that feathers grew on their bodies like birds, whereby their bodies are protected against frost and cold…”

Cf. Kuno Meyer:On the Irish Mirabilia in the Old Norse “Speculum Regale”(Eríu, Vol. IV., pp. 11-12).

This bears a striking resemblance to a certain passage in the mediæval romanceCath Muighe Rath(Battle of Moy Rath, p. 232. Ed. by O’Donovan). It may also be compared with another romance, which probably dates from the same period, viz.,Buile Suibhne, (The Madness of Suibhne, ed. by J. G. O’Keefe for the Irish Texts Society). Cf. alsoHávamál(ed. Gering), str. 129, etc.

[172]Vilbald, a descendant of Kjarval, King of Ossory, had a ship calledKuthi, cf.Landnámabók, IV., ch. II. Todd (War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 299, n.) suggests Ir.Cuthach.

[173]According toJáns Saga hins Helga, ch. 14 (Biskupa SögurI., Kaupmannahófn, 1858) King Magnus Barelegs sent an Icelander with other hostages to King Myrkjartan of Connacht. When they arrived there, one of the Norsemen addressed the King in these words: “Male diarik,” to which the King replied “Olgeira ragall,”i.e., Ir.,olc aer adh ra gall, (it is a bad thing to be cursed by a Norseman.)

[174]minnthakwas the name given by Hjorleif’s Irish thralls to the mixture of meal and butter which they compounded while on board ship on their way to Iceland. They said it was good for quenching thirst. Cf.Landnámabók, I., ch. 6.

[175]Cf. Whitley Stokes,op. cit., pp. 186, 191.

[176]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 13.Cf. alsoThree Fragments of Annals, p. 146: “In a battle fought between the Irish and the Norsemen the latter were driven to a small place surrounded by a wall. The druid Hona went up on the wall, and with his mouth open began to pray to the gods and to exercise his magic; he ordered the people to worship the gods…”

[176]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 13.

Cf. alsoThree Fragments of Annals, p. 146: “In a battle fought between the Irish and the Norsemen the latter were driven to a small place surrounded by a wall. The druid Hona went up on the wall, and with his mouth open began to pray to the gods and to exercise his magic; he ordered the people to worship the gods…”

[177]Cf.Thorfinssaga Karlsefnis, ch. 3;Vatnsdaela Saga, ch. 10;Tháttr af Nornagesti, ch. 11;Hrólfs Saga Kraka, ch. 3; etc.

[178]e.g., C. Haliday:The Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, p. 12 ff. Margaret Stokes,op. cit., pp. 96-98.

[179]Cf.War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 8.

[180]The expression used isquievit in Christoand occurs only inMS. A. As neitherMS. Bnor any of the other annals mention Ivárr’s conversion it may be that the scribe of the former has unintentionally slipped into using a formula which was customary in recording the death of a Christian.

[181]Landnámabók, II., ch. 16.

[182]Landnámabók, I., ch. 12.

[183]Ib., V., ch. 15.

[184]Ib., I., ch. 13.

[185]Ib., I., ch. 15.

[186]Ib., IV., ch. 11.

[187]Njáls Saga, ch. 101.

[188]Landnámabók, V., ch. 15.

[189]Ib., III., ch. 12.

[190]Ib., I., ch. 12.

[191]Three Fragments of Annals, pp. 120-124.

[192]Cf.Gylfaginning, chs. 51, 52.

[193]Hýmiskvitha, pass.Cf. W. S. Calverley:The Ancient Crosses at Gosforth, p. 168.

[194]P. M. C. Kermode:Manx Crosses, pp. 180-184.

[195]Ib., pp. 170-179.

[196]Ib., pp. 86-95, 195-199.

[197]Ib., pp. 150-153.

[198]Ib., pp. 203-205.

[199]Ib., pp. 209-213.

[200]Ib., p. 169.

[201]Ib., pp. 212-213.

[202]Annals of Ulster,A.D.919. The same source in recording Gothfrith’s death (A.D.933) speaks of him as “the most cruel of the Norsemen.”

[203]Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,MS.D.,A.D.925.

[204]Ib.,MSS. A., 942, D. 943.

[205]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.979.

[206]Ib.,A.D.1021.

[207]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, p. 207.

[208]Annals of the Four Masters,A.D.982.

[209]Ib.,A.D.1011.

[210]Ib.,A.D.994.

[211]Eyrbyggja Saga, chs. 4 and 10;Kjalnesinga Saga, ch. 2; etc.

[212]Cf.Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,MS.A.Annal,A.D.876,Kjalnesinga Saga, ch. 2; etc.

[213]Landnámabók, II., ch. 12.

[214]War of the Gaedhil with the Gaill, pp. 196, 198.

[215]Annals of Tigernach,A.D.1028, 1036.

[216]Ib.,A.D.1042.

[217]The Whole Works of Sir James Ware Concerning Ireland, Vol I., p. 301. (Ware quotes from the Black Book of Christchurch Cathedral, Dublin.)

[218]Ib., p. 306.

[219]Ib., pp. 309-311.

[220]Ib., pp. 525-6.

[221]Ib., p. 504.Cf. J. MacCaffrey:The Black Book of Limerick. Introduction, chs. 5 and 7.

[221]Ib., p. 504.

Cf. J. MacCaffrey:The Black Book of Limerick. Introduction, chs. 5 and 7.

[222]The History of Ireland, by Geoffrey Keating (ed. P. S. Dinneen). Vol. III., p. 298.

[223]Ware,op. cit., p. 505.

The most interesting branch of early Norse literature is the saga or prose story. Of these there are many varieties but the most distinctive are the following: (1) theÍslendinga Sögur, or stories relating to prominent Icelanders, (2)Konunga Sögur, or stories of Kings, chiefly of Norway; (3)Fornaldar Sögur, or stories about early times. All these are essentially Icelandic in origin; sagas having their origin in Norway are by no means unknown, but they are, as a rule, translated or derived from French and other foreign sources.[224]In their present form the sagas relating to the history of Iceland date for the most part from the thirteenth century, though some of them were probably committed to writing in the latter part of the twelfth.

The earliest Icelandic document of which we have any record is the original text of the Laws, said to have been written in the year 1181. Ari’sÍslendinga-Bók, containinga short account of the settlement of Iceland with notices of the more important events, and accounts of the succession of lawmen and bishops, was written a few years later, though the form in which it has come down to us is that of an abbreviated text written about the year 1130. This work, the foundation of all subsequent historical writing in Iceland, contains some short notices, which apparently had been handed down by tradition, but these stories, usually known as sagas, would seem to have been written down somewhat later. Indeed until the close of the twelfth century the language employed for historical writings in Iceland, as elsewhere, was for the most part Latin.

Though the writing of the sagas did not begin until the latter part of the twelfth century, sagas in some form or other must have been in existence much earlier, carried on from generation to generation by oral tradition. This faculty of reciting sagas was a special characteristic of the Icelanders, by whom it was carefully cultivated. In the preface to hisHistoria DanicaSaxo acknowledges his indebtedness to the “men of Thule,” who “account it a delight to learn and to consign to remembrance the history of all nations, deeming it as great a glory to set forth the excellence of others as to display their own. Their stores, which are stocked with attestations of historical events, I have examined somewhat closely and have woven together no small portion of the present work by following their narrative.”[225]

That the art of story-telling did not decline in Iceland even after the majority of the sagas were written down isattested bySturlunga Saga. Here we are told that when Sturla visited King Magnus’ court at Bergen in 1263 the king received him coldly, but afterwards allowed him to accompany the royal party on a voyage to the south of Norway. In the evening one of the sailors asked if there was anyone among them who could tell stories, but he received no answer. He turned to Sturla, “Sturla, the Icelander, will you entertain us?” “Willingly,” said Sturla. Then he related the story of Huld[226]better and with much more detail than any of those present had ever heard it told before. Then many men made their way to the deck so as to hear as clearly as possible, and there was a great crowd there. The queen asked: “What is that crowd on the deck?” A man answered, “Men who are listening to the tale the Icelander is telling.” “What story is that?” she asked. “It is about a great giantess; it is a good story and well told.” On the following day the queen sent for Sturla and asked him to come and bring with him the saga of the giantess.[227]So Sturla went aft to the quarterdeck and told the story over again. When he had finished, the queen and many of the listeners thanked him and took him to be a learned and wise man.[228]

A much earlier reference to the recitation, and indeed the composition of sagas is found inThorgils Saga ok Haflitha, in which there is an account of a wedding-feast at Reykholar in 1119:

“There was fun and merriment and great festivity, and all kinds of amusements, such as dancing, wrestling and story-telling… Hrólfr of Skalmarnes told a story about Hrongvithr the Viking, and Olaf ‘the sailor’s king,’ and about the rifling of the barrow of Thrainn the berserkr, and about Hrómundr Gripsson, and he included many verses in his story. King Sverrir used to be entertained with this story, and he declared that fictitious stories like these were the most entertaining of any; and yet there are men who can trace their ancestry to Hrómundr Gripsson. Hrólfr had put this saga together. Ingimundr the priest told the story of Ormr, the poet of Barrey and included many verses in it, besides a good poem which Ingimundr had composed, therefore many learned men regard this saga as true.”[229]

The former of these stories is theHrómundra Sagawhich belongs to the class commonly calledFornaldar Sögur.[230]

Still further back in the reign of Harald Hardradith (1047-1066) we have a most important allusion to the art of story-telling. According to the saga[231]a young Icelander came one summer to King Harald seeking his protection. The king received him into his court on the understanding that he should entertain the household during the winter. He soon became very popular, and received gifts from members of the household and from the king himself. Just before Christmas the king noticed that the Icelander seemed dejected, and he asked the reason. The Icelander replied that it was because of his ‘uncertain temper.’

“That is not so,” said the king…“I think your stock of sagas must be exhausted, because you have entertained us all through the winter, whenever you were called upon to do so. Now you are worried because your sagas have come to an end at Christmas time, and you do not wish to tell the same over again.”

“You have guessed rightly,” said the Icelander. “I know only one more saga, but I dare not tell it here, because it is the story of your adventures abroad.”

“That is the saga I particularly want to hear,” said the king, and he asked the Icelander to begin it on Christmas Day and tell a part of it every day. During the Christmas season there was a good deal of discussion about the entertainment. Some said it was presumption on the part of the Icelander to tell the saga and they wondered how the king would like it; others thought it was well told, but others again thought less of it. When the saga was finished, the king, who had listened attentively throughout, turned to the story-teller and said: “Are you not curious to know, Icelander, how I like the saga?”

“I am afraid to ask,” replied the story-teller.

The king said: “I think you have told it very well. Where did you get the material for it, and who taught it to you?”

The Icelander answered: “When in Iceland I used to go every summer to theThing, and each summer I learned a portion of the saga from Halldór Snorrason.”

“Then it is not surprising that you know it so well, since you have learned it from him,” said the king.

We may in fact see the origin of theÍslendinga Sögurin certain passages of the sagas themselves. InFóstbroethra Saga, for instance, the story is told of an Icelander named Thormóthr, who went to Greenland in order to avenge the death of his foster-brother Thorgeirr. On one occasion he fell asleep in his booth, and when he awoke some time later he found, to his surprise, that the place was quite deserted. Then his servant Egill “the foolish” came to him andsaid: “You are too far off from a great entertainment.”

Thormóthr asked: “Where have you come from and what is the entertainment?”

Egill replied: “I have been to Thorgrímr Einarsson’s booth and most of the people who are attending theThingare there now.”

Thormóthr asked: “What form of amusement have they?”

Egill answered: “Thorgrímr is telling a saga.”

“About whom is the saga?” asked Thormóthr.

“That I do not know clearly,” replied Egill, “but I know that he tells it well and in an interesting manner. He is sitting on a chair outside his booth and the people are all around him listening to the saga.”

Thormóthr said: “But you must know the name of some man who is mentioned in the saga, especially since you think it so entertaining.”

Egill replied: “A certain Thorgeirr was a great hero in the saga, and I think that Thorgrímr himself must have had some connection with it, and played a brave part in it, as is most likely. I wish you would go there and listen to the entertainment.”[232]

Then Thormóthr and Egill went to Thorgrímr’s booth and stood close by listening to the saga, but they could not hear it very distinctly. Thormóthr had, however, understood from Egill’s remarks that this was the same Thorgrímr who had slain his foster-brother and was now recounting his exploits for the amusement of the crowd.

More famous is the scene inNjáls Sagawhere Gunnar Lambi’s son, who has just arrived at Earl Sigurthr’s palace in the Orkneys is called upon to tell the story of the burning of Njáll’s homestead.

“The men were so pleased that King Sigtryggr [of Dublin] sat on a high seat in the middle, but on either side of the king sat one of the earls… Now King Sitryggr and Earl Gille wished to hear of these tidings which had happened at the burning, and so, also, what had befallen since.

“Then Gunnarr Lambi’s son, who had taken part in the burning was got to tell the tale, and a stool was set for him to sit upon…

“Now King Sigtryggr asked: “How did Skarphethinn bear the burning?”

““Well at first for a long time,” said Gunnarr, “but still the end of it was that he wept.” And so he went on giving an unfair bias to his story, but every now and then he laughed aloud.

“Kári (Kjall’s friend who was listening outside) could not stand this and he then ran in with his sword drawn… and smote Gunnarr Lambi’s son on the neck with such a smart blow that his head spun off on to the board before the king and the earls.

“… Now Flosi undertook to tell the story of the Burning and he was fair to all, and therefore what he said was believed.”[233]

For the way in which such stories were preserved from generation to generation we may refer to the end ofDroplaugarsona Saga(Ljósvetninga): “Thorvaldr (born c. 1006) son of Grímr”—one of the chief actors in the story—“had a son called Ingjaldr. His son was named Thorvaldr, and he it was who told the story.”[234]

The passage quoted fromNjála SagaandFóstbroethra Sagaseem to show that the art of story-telling was already developed at the beginning of the eleventh century. In theseinstances, it is true, we have only the records of events given by the actors themselves or by eyewitnesses, and we cannot be certain that such stories had assumed anything like a fixed form. Far more important is the passage fromHaralds Saga Hardrada,[235]for there the story-teller was not an eyewitness, but had obtained the story, or the material for it, from Halldór Snorrason, an Icelandic follower of King Harald. From what is said about the length of the saga, there can be no doubt that it had been worked up in a very elaborate way. For such elaborate secondhand stories we have no other definite evidence, but again, considering the time which the recital is said to have occupied, it would be unwise to conclude that this later form of the art was entirely new.

We have, therefore, clearly to distinguish two stages in the history of the oral saga; (i) the story as told by someone who had taken part in the events described; (ii) the secondhand story. The story was soon embellished, especially in the second stage, not merely with such devices as the records of conversation, but even by the introduction of imaginary adventures. Indeed we need not assume that even in the first stage the stories were told in strict accordance with fact. Reference may be made, for instance, to the passage quoted above fromNjáls Saga, where Gunnarr Lambi’s son is said to have told the story of the burning unfairly. Even in theÍslendingaandKonunga Sögurfiction forms a not inconsiderable element: in theFornaldar Sögurit is obviously much greater.

Yet there is good reason for believing that in the main theÍslendingaandKonunga Sögurare historical. This may be seen by the general agreement between the varioussagas, since the same characters constantly reappear, and there is little inconsistency with regard to their circumstances or personal traits. Again, the description of houses, ships, weapons, and other articles seems generally to correspond to those known to date from the period to which the stories refer. There is, moreover, one feature which points to a more or less fixed tradition dating from the closing years of the tenth century, namely, the attitude towards those characters who figured prominently in the struggle between Christianity and heathenism. Thus there are indications that the rather unsympathetic representation of Harold Greycloak and his brothers may be due to the fact that they were Christians. Still more significant is the attitude of the sagas towards Haakon the Bad, whose character seems to undergo a great change—probably a reflection of the change in the popular opinion of Christianity.

Sagas like those of Egill and Kormak relating to the middle or first part of the twelfth century are few in number and usually contain a considerable amount of poetry; in fact, the prose is not infrequently based upon the poetry. Stories dealing with early Icelandic history fromA.D.874 onwards and Norwegian history of the same period are much less full. In general they appear to be trustworthy, but the details are such as might have been preserved by local or family tradition without the special faculty which is characteristic of the sagas.

Of a totally different character are the sagas relating to times before the settlement of Iceland (A.D.874). Some of these, such asVölsunga SagaandHervarar Saga, deal with events as far back as the fifth century, and are, to a great extent, paraphrases of poems, many of which have come down to us. Very frequently, too, whether based on poems or not, the narrative bears the stamp of fiction.[236]

Conditions in Iceland were especially favourable to the development of the art of story-telling, owing partly to the isolated position of the country itself and to the difficulties of communication across the wide tracts of land separating the various settlements within it, partly also to the love of travel which characterised its inhabitants. In Icelandic literature the recital of stories is mentioned in connection with public meetings—such as the annual general assembly (Althingi)—and with social gatherings at the “winter-nights,” the chief season for hospitality in Iceland, when travellers had returned from abroad.

The Icelanders were famous, too, for the cultivation of poetry. This art was evidently much practised in Norway in early times, but we hear of hardly any Norwegian poets after Eyvindr (c. 980), whereas in Iceland poetry flourished for a considerable period after this. Icelandic poets were received with favour not only in Norway, but elsewhere, for instance, in England and Ireland. It has been stated that sagas dealing with the early part of the tenth century owe a good deal to poetry, while stories relating to times earlier than the settlement of Iceland are often almost entirely dependent on poetic sources. Moreover, the cultivation of poetry probably contributed very largely to the development of the faculty of story-telling, and the two arts may have been practised by the same person. On this point, however, we have no precise information.

Yet the remarkable fact that this faculty of story-telling was peculiar to the Icelanders alone among the Teutonic peoples still remains to be explained. It can hardly be without significance that the only parallel in Europe for such a form of literature is to be found in Ireland.

From the allusions to this type of composition in oldIrish literature it would seem to have existed at a very early period; so early, that its very origin is obscure. There is, for example, mention of a king’s “company of story tellers” in the eight lines of satirical verse, said to have been composed by the poet Cairbre on Bress, the niggardly king of the Formorians.[237]

Story-telling was one of the many attractions of the greataonachsor fairs which played the same part in the national life of Ireland as thethingsor popular assemblies in Iceland. From the poem on the ancient fair of Carman preserved in theBook of Ballymote, we can form an idea of the entertainment provided by the professional story-teller:—

“The tales of Fianna of Erin, a never-wearying entertainment: stories of destructions, cattle-preys, courtships, rhapsodies, battle-odes, royal precepts and the truthful instructions of Fithil the sage: the wide precepts of Coirfic and Cormac.”[238]

TheBook of Leinsterstates that the poet who hadattained the rank ofollamhwas bound to know for recital to kings and chieftains two hundred and fifty tales of prime importance (prím-scéla), and one hundred secondary ones.[239]The same source gives the names of one hundred and eighty-seven of these tales, the majority of which have not come down to us. These include stories from the three great cycles of legend, viz., that relating to the gods; to Cuchulain and the warriors of the Red Branch, and to Finn and Fianna. A number of stories relating to the kings of Ireland mentioned in this list have an historical basis; while there are others purporting to deal with kings as far back as 1000B.C., which are no doubt partly imaginary, and were invented to arouse popular interest in the past history of the country.

We know of several stories and poems about kings and chieftains who played a prominent part in the wars against the Vikings. The list inThe Book of Leinstermentions only one,The Love of Gormflaith for Nialli.e., Niall Glundubh (d. 919), a summary of which is contained in the mediæval English translation ofThe Annals of Clonmacnois. In the case ofThe Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, it is difficult to say whether this was originally an oral narrative committed to writing for the first time in the fifteenth century, or whether it was copied from an older manuscript, now lost. Brian Borumha and his sons are the principal characters inThe Leeching of Cian’s Leg, a tale preserved in a sixteenth century manuscript.[240]It is interesting to note here the presence of astrong folk element which would seem to point towards a popular, not a literary origin.

At the close of the tenth century story-telling was in high favour in Ireland, and the professional story-teller was able not only to recite any one of the great historical tales, but to improvise, if the occasion arose. Mac Coisse, the poet attached to the court of Maelsechnaill II., tells in an interesting prose work how his castle at Clartha (Co. Westmeath) was once plundered by the O’Neills of Ulster. He immediately set out for Aileach in order to obtain compensation from the head of the clan, King Domhnall O’Neill (d. 978). On his arrival, he was received with great honour and brought into the king’s presence. In response to Domhnall’s request for a story, Mac Coisse mentioned the names of a large number of tales including one calledThe Plunder of the Castle of Maelmilscotach. This was the only one with which the king was unfamiliar, so he asked the story-teller to relate it. In it Mac Coisse described, under the form of an allegory, the plundering of his castle by the king’s kinsmen. When he had finished he confessed that he himself was Maelmilscotach[241], and he begged the king to grant him full restitution of his property. This the king agreed to do, and the grateful poet then recited a poem of eighteen stanzas which he had composed about the king and his family.[242]

The resemblance which we have noted between Icelandic and Irish customs seem to justify us in suggesting that they may be due in part to some influence exercised by the one people upon the other. There is in fact a certain amount of evidence which renders such influence probable. We know that Irish poets and story-tellers were welcome guests at the court of the Scandinavian kings in Ireland. In an elegy on Mathgamain, Brian’s brother,[243]one of the Munster bards, says he finds it difficult to reproach the foreigners because of his friendship with Dubhcena, Ivarr’s son.[244]And during the lifetime of Brian, Mac Liag, Brian’s chief poet, and Mac Coisse, poet and story-teller to Maelsechnaill II., visited the court of Sigtryggr and remained there for a whole year. On their departure they gave expression to their feelings of regret in a poetical dialogue:—

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