Chapter 70

211See Gonner, Article “Bauernbefreiung in Grossbritannien” inHandwörterbuch, 2ndedition, II pp. 593, 594.↑212Inama-Sternegg, I pp. 110, 111, 163–165.↑213Ibid., pp. 81–83.↑214Ibid., pp. 72, 60, 70.↑215Ibid., pp. 147, 148, 165.↑216Ibid., pp. 119, 120.↑217Ibid., pp. 123, 124.↑218Ibid., pp. 207–217.↑219Ibid., pp. 220, 221, 279–281.↑220Ibid., pp. 382, 235, 236.↑221Ibid., pp. 226–257.↑222Ibid., pp. 237, 367–371, 381.↑223Ibid., pp. 236, 367.↑224Ibid., pp., 240, 241, 319, 355. Even in the Merovingian period there were already such people, according to him, see pp. 122, 124, 163.↑225Ibid., pp. 241, 382.↑226Ibid., p. 367.↑227Lamprecht, III pp. 56, 57. See also Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 70, 164, 285.↑228Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 115, 145, 84, 85, 207, 209.↑229Ibid., pp. 4–27. Similarly in France, in the 12thcentury, the landlords encouraged emigration to the outlying, newly reclaimed districts. Villeins who were willing to settle in these parts were granted special privileges, a house and land were given them at a nominal rent (Luchaire, in Lavisse, Vol. II Part. II p. 336.)↑230Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 36–38.↑231Ibid., pp. 70, 71, 63.↑232Ibid., p. 64.↑233Lamprecht, III p. 63.↑234Inama-Sternegg, III Part I pp. 394, 395.↑235Ibid., II pp. 203, 204.↑236Ibid., III Part I pp. 1–13.↑237Lamprecht, V Part I p. 82; Inama-Sternegg, l.c., p. 212.↑238Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 38, 214, 237, 285 sqq.↑239Ibid., pp. 366, 367.↑240Ibid., pp. 261–265.↑241Ibid., p. 220.↑242Ibid., pp. 176, 201, 249.↑243Ibid., pp. 202–205, 208–210, 225, 251, 255, 256, 277; Lamprecht, l.c., p. 82.↑244Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 46, 174, 175.↑245Ibid., pp. 48, 50, 51, 213, 223, 241, 282, 303–309, 314, 408, 413.↑246Lamprecht, l.c., p. 83; see also Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 54, 55, 420.↑247Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 56–61.↑248Ibid., p. 67.↑249Ibid., pp. 54, 398, 417, 419, 411.↑250Ibid., p. 420; see also p. 311.↑251Ashley, II pp. 281, 282; see also Inama-Sternegg, III Part II p. 201.↑252On the history of the rural classes in Eastern Germany, see Knapp,Die Bauernbefreiung.It may be of some interest to point out the great resemblance between the rise of Romancolonatusas described by Max Weber and the rise of serfdom in Eastern Germany. In both countries most of the peasants were originally free (Weber,Römische Agrargeschichte, p. 244; Knapp, I p. 32). The landlords, who formerly had passed most of their time outside their properties, when they lost their military function took the cultivation of their manors into their own hands (Weber, l.c., pp. 243, 244; Knapp, I p. 37). They soon acquired rights of jurisdiction over the peasants (Weber, l.c., p. 260; Knapp, I p. 33), and began to compel them to work on the demesne (Weber, l.c., p. 244; Knapp, I p. 40). The cultivators lost the right of emigrating (Weber, l.c., pp. 256–258; Knapp, I p. 42). Even theBauernlegen,i.e.the joining of a peasant’s holding to the demesne, occurred in Rome as well as in Eastern Germany (Weber, l. c, p. 247; Knapp, I pp. 50, 55). And it is most remarkable that in both countries the rise of serfdom took place at an advanced period of their history.This proves once more that the institutions of different countries may closely resemble[383]each other, even in many details, without the one country having derived its institutions from the other. For even the influence of Roman law cannot serve as an explanation of this resemblance, as Roman law takes little notice ofcolonatus(Weber l.c., p. 259).↑253We must admit that we are not sure whether the facts of Roman agrarian history agree with our theory. In Rome slavery prevailed to a large extent at a time when the relative scarcity of land gave rise to the difficulties about theager publicus.We shall not attempt to solve this question. We will only mention our impression, on reading Weber’sRömische Agrargeschichte, viz. that, even in the time of the Empire, though some land fetched a high price, all disposable land had not yet been appropriated, and therefore the want of servile labour remained. At the beginning of the Empire free labourers were very scarce, and could only be got to help the landlords in sowing and at harvest time on condition of receiving a pretty considerable part of the harvest (Weber, l.c., pp. 236–238). Under Augustus and Tiberius the procuring of slaves from abroad became very difficult, and this led to kidnapping of men by the landlords (Ibid., p. 242). In the boundary provinces, even in later centuries, barbarians were imported and becamecoloniattached to the soil (Ibid., pp. 259, 260).Slavery proper declined from the beginning of the Empire (Meyer,Altertum, p. 71); but thecoloni, who originally seem to have been free tenants, gradually lost the right of removing from the manor they inhabited (Weber, l.c., pp. 242, 248–250, 256–258).We must, however, bear in mind that the writers on the economic history of Rome still disagree very much, not only as to the explanation of the facts, but as to the facts themselves. See Max Weber’s article on “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, inHandwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, Vol. I.↑254The reader will remember that there are tribes among which land is abundant, but nobody can live upon land and human labour only: the possession of capital is necessary, and those destitute of capital have to apply to the owners for employment. The best instance is furnished by the pastoral tribes.We have purposely avoided speaking of countries in which all land has been appropriated[384]and capital also plays a great part, as it is the case in the manufacturing countries of modern Europe. Here the structure of society is very complicated and difficult to disentangle. We think, however, that here also the most important fact is the appropriation of the soil.↑255“The earth, as we have already seen, is not the only agent of nature, which has a productive power; but it is the only one, or nearly so, that one set of men take to themselves, to the exclusion of others; and of which, consequently, they can appropriate the benefits. The waters of rivers, and of the sea, by the power which they have of giving movement to our machines, carrying our boats, nourishing our fish, have also a productive power; the wind which turns our mills, and even the heat of the sun, work for us; but happily no one has yet been able to say, the wind and the sun are mine, and the service which they render must be paid for.” J. B. Say,Économie Politique, as quoted by Ricardo, p. 35.↑256This is the general rule. We are fully aware that there are exceptions due to secondary causes, internal and external. Moreover, open resources do not necessarily lead to slavery or serfdom: there are many simple societies in which there are no labouring, as opposed to ruling classes, everybody, or nearly everybody, working for his own wants (e.g.among many hunters, fishers, and hunting agriculturists).↑257Malthus (p. 453), speaking of war, says: “One of its first causes and most powerful impulses was undoubtedly an insufficiency of room and food”.↑258See Wakefield, pp. 126–134, on the happiness of settlers in new countries.↑259A good instance is afforded by the Angoni as describedbyWiese. Their king, he tells us, subjected neighbouring tribes and brought them to his own country. “He did not care for the territory deserted by these tribes. It was his chief aim to have the people; to landed property he attached little value” (Wiese, p. 197).↑260Lange,Die Arbeiterfrage, pp. 199, 334.↑261See Melching, p. 19.↑262Guppy, pp. 44, 45.↑263See above, p. 90.↑264Ribbe, pp. 100, 141.↑265Sorge, in Steinmetz’sRechtsverhältnisse, p. 399.↑266Somerville, New Hebrides, pp. 3, 5, 7, 4.↑267Hagen and Pineau, p. 331; see also Meinicke,Neue Hebriden, p. 340.↑268De Vaux, p. 330; Turner, Samoa, p. 341; Rochas, p. 229; see also Brainne, p. 248.↑269Parkinson,Im Bismarck-Archipel, pp. 98, 99, 101; Danks, pp. 294, 292, 293; See also Melching, pp. 43, 44.↑270Parkinson,Dreissig Jahre, p. 269.↑271Williams, p. 178; Pritchard, p. 372.↑272The condition of women is not, however, equally bad in all Melanesian islands. Among the Western Tribes of Torres Straits “the women appear to have had a good deal to say on most questions, and were by no means down-trodden or ill-used” (Haddon, p. 357; see also Meinicke,DieTorresstrasse, p. 115). And Somerville, speaking of New Georgia in the Solomon Islands, says: “In the eastern part the treatment of women is notably good. I have but rarely seen them at work” (Somerville, New Georgia, pp. 405, 406).↑273See the details given in Part I Chap. II § 5.↑274Cunningham (English Industry, I p. 77) justly remarks: “While there is no opportunity for exchange, it is not so well worth while for anyone to preserve a surplus; a very abundant harvest is more likely to be prodigally used within the year, and so with all other supplies; but the existence of opportunities for trade makes it well worth while to gather a store that far exceeds any prospective need and to stow in warehouses for sale all that need not be used by the producers to satisfy their immediate wants; the conditions are present whichstillfurther favour the accumulation of wealth.”↑275Kohler,Das Recht der Papuas, p. 364; Schmoller,Grundriss, I p. 243.↑276Cairnes, p. 50. In ancient Rome, at the end of the Republic, plantations of olives and vines were worked with slaves, whereas cereal crops were raised on lands leased tocoloni; see Weber, Article “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, inHandwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, vol. I p. 166.↑277Köler, pp. 84, 154.↑278Zündel, pp. 408, 409, 387.↑279Kingsley, West African studies, p. 427; see also De Cardi’s description of the slave system of Bonny, ibid., pp. 516 sqq.↑280Dalton, p. 58.↑281Thomson, New Zealand, pp. 150, 125.↑282Polack, II p. 53; Brown, New Zealand, p. 30.↑283Dalton, p. 58.↑284Colquhoun, p. 54.↑285Modigliani, Nias, p. 525.↑286Nieuwenhuis,Quer durch Borneo. I p. 66; II p. 96.↑287See above, p. 197, note 1.↑288Blumentritt,Conquista, p. 65.↑289Pogge, Muata Jamwo, p. 232.↑290Kerr, II p. 129.↑291Bérenger-Féraud, p. 59.↑292Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 484.↑293Madrolle, p. 92.↑294Arcin, p. 275.↑295Among the ancient Germans the bearing of arms was a sign of freedom (Amira, p. 129).↑296Martius, p. 71.↑297Azara, II pp. 109, 110.↑298Powell, On regimentation, p. CXII.↑299Among the Soninkays and Malinkays of French Guinea the slave warriors are the only force on which the chiefs can rely; for the freemen would not always readily answer to the appeal of their lords. Arcin, p. 275.↑300Ingram, p. 44.↑301Ibid., pp. 51, 52.↑302Ibid., pp. 52, 53.↑303Goldstein, p. 362.↑304Torday and Joyce, Congo Free State, p. 139.↑305Ingram, pp. 58, 59.↑

211See Gonner, Article “Bauernbefreiung in Grossbritannien” inHandwörterbuch, 2ndedition, II pp. 593, 594.↑

212Inama-Sternegg, I pp. 110, 111, 163–165.↑

213Ibid., pp. 81–83.↑

214Ibid., pp. 72, 60, 70.↑

215Ibid., pp. 147, 148, 165.↑

216Ibid., pp. 119, 120.↑

217Ibid., pp. 123, 124.↑

218Ibid., pp. 207–217.↑

219Ibid., pp. 220, 221, 279–281.↑

220Ibid., pp. 382, 235, 236.↑

221Ibid., pp. 226–257.↑

222Ibid., pp. 237, 367–371, 381.↑

223Ibid., pp. 236, 367.↑

224Ibid., pp., 240, 241, 319, 355. Even in the Merovingian period there were already such people, according to him, see pp. 122, 124, 163.↑

225Ibid., pp. 241, 382.↑

226Ibid., p. 367.↑

227Lamprecht, III pp. 56, 57. See also Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 70, 164, 285.↑

228Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 115, 145, 84, 85, 207, 209.↑

229Ibid., pp. 4–27. Similarly in France, in the 12thcentury, the landlords encouraged emigration to the outlying, newly reclaimed districts. Villeins who were willing to settle in these parts were granted special privileges, a house and land were given them at a nominal rent (Luchaire, in Lavisse, Vol. II Part. II p. 336.)↑

230Inama-Sternegg, II pp. 36–38.↑

231Ibid., pp. 70, 71, 63.↑

232Ibid., p. 64.↑

233Lamprecht, III p. 63.↑

234Inama-Sternegg, III Part I pp. 394, 395.↑

235Ibid., II pp. 203, 204.↑

236Ibid., III Part I pp. 1–13.↑

237Lamprecht, V Part I p. 82; Inama-Sternegg, l.c., p. 212.↑

238Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 38, 214, 237, 285 sqq.↑

239Ibid., pp. 366, 367.↑

240Ibid., pp. 261–265.↑

241Ibid., p. 220.↑

242Ibid., pp. 176, 201, 249.↑

243Ibid., pp. 202–205, 208–210, 225, 251, 255, 256, 277; Lamprecht, l.c., p. 82.↑

244Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 46, 174, 175.↑

245Ibid., pp. 48, 50, 51, 213, 223, 241, 282, 303–309, 314, 408, 413.↑

246Lamprecht, l.c., p. 83; see also Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 54, 55, 420.↑

247Inama-Sternegg, l.c., pp. 56–61.↑

248Ibid., p. 67.↑

249Ibid., pp. 54, 398, 417, 419, 411.↑

250Ibid., p. 420; see also p. 311.↑

251Ashley, II pp. 281, 282; see also Inama-Sternegg, III Part II p. 201.↑

252On the history of the rural classes in Eastern Germany, see Knapp,Die Bauernbefreiung.It may be of some interest to point out the great resemblance between the rise of Romancolonatusas described by Max Weber and the rise of serfdom in Eastern Germany. In both countries most of the peasants were originally free (Weber,Römische Agrargeschichte, p. 244; Knapp, I p. 32). The landlords, who formerly had passed most of their time outside their properties, when they lost their military function took the cultivation of their manors into their own hands (Weber, l.c., pp. 243, 244; Knapp, I p. 37). They soon acquired rights of jurisdiction over the peasants (Weber, l.c., p. 260; Knapp, I p. 33), and began to compel them to work on the demesne (Weber, l.c., p. 244; Knapp, I p. 40). The cultivators lost the right of emigrating (Weber, l.c., pp. 256–258; Knapp, I p. 42). Even theBauernlegen,i.e.the joining of a peasant’s holding to the demesne, occurred in Rome as well as in Eastern Germany (Weber, l. c, p. 247; Knapp, I pp. 50, 55). And it is most remarkable that in both countries the rise of serfdom took place at an advanced period of their history.This proves once more that the institutions of different countries may closely resemble[383]each other, even in many details, without the one country having derived its institutions from the other. For even the influence of Roman law cannot serve as an explanation of this resemblance, as Roman law takes little notice ofcolonatus(Weber l.c., p. 259).↑

252On the history of the rural classes in Eastern Germany, see Knapp,Die Bauernbefreiung.

It may be of some interest to point out the great resemblance between the rise of Romancolonatusas described by Max Weber and the rise of serfdom in Eastern Germany. In both countries most of the peasants were originally free (Weber,Römische Agrargeschichte, p. 244; Knapp, I p. 32). The landlords, who formerly had passed most of their time outside their properties, when they lost their military function took the cultivation of their manors into their own hands (Weber, l.c., pp. 243, 244; Knapp, I p. 37). They soon acquired rights of jurisdiction over the peasants (Weber, l.c., p. 260; Knapp, I p. 33), and began to compel them to work on the demesne (Weber, l.c., p. 244; Knapp, I p. 40). The cultivators lost the right of emigrating (Weber, l.c., pp. 256–258; Knapp, I p. 42). Even theBauernlegen,i.e.the joining of a peasant’s holding to the demesne, occurred in Rome as well as in Eastern Germany (Weber, l. c, p. 247; Knapp, I pp. 50, 55). And it is most remarkable that in both countries the rise of serfdom took place at an advanced period of their history.

This proves once more that the institutions of different countries may closely resemble[383]each other, even in many details, without the one country having derived its institutions from the other. For even the influence of Roman law cannot serve as an explanation of this resemblance, as Roman law takes little notice ofcolonatus(Weber l.c., p. 259).↑

253We must admit that we are not sure whether the facts of Roman agrarian history agree with our theory. In Rome slavery prevailed to a large extent at a time when the relative scarcity of land gave rise to the difficulties about theager publicus.We shall not attempt to solve this question. We will only mention our impression, on reading Weber’sRömische Agrargeschichte, viz. that, even in the time of the Empire, though some land fetched a high price, all disposable land had not yet been appropriated, and therefore the want of servile labour remained. At the beginning of the Empire free labourers were very scarce, and could only be got to help the landlords in sowing and at harvest time on condition of receiving a pretty considerable part of the harvest (Weber, l.c., pp. 236–238). Under Augustus and Tiberius the procuring of slaves from abroad became very difficult, and this led to kidnapping of men by the landlords (Ibid., p. 242). In the boundary provinces, even in later centuries, barbarians were imported and becamecoloniattached to the soil (Ibid., pp. 259, 260).Slavery proper declined from the beginning of the Empire (Meyer,Altertum, p. 71); but thecoloni, who originally seem to have been free tenants, gradually lost the right of removing from the manor they inhabited (Weber, l.c., pp. 242, 248–250, 256–258).We must, however, bear in mind that the writers on the economic history of Rome still disagree very much, not only as to the explanation of the facts, but as to the facts themselves. See Max Weber’s article on “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, inHandwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, Vol. I.↑

We shall not attempt to solve this question. We will only mention our impression, on reading Weber’sRömische Agrargeschichte, viz. that, even in the time of the Empire, though some land fetched a high price, all disposable land had not yet been appropriated, and therefore the want of servile labour remained. At the beginning of the Empire free labourers were very scarce, and could only be got to help the landlords in sowing and at harvest time on condition of receiving a pretty considerable part of the harvest (Weber, l.c., pp. 236–238). Under Augustus and Tiberius the procuring of slaves from abroad became very difficult, and this led to kidnapping of men by the landlords (Ibid., p. 242). In the boundary provinces, even in later centuries, barbarians were imported and becamecoloniattached to the soil (Ibid., pp. 259, 260).

Slavery proper declined from the beginning of the Empire (Meyer,Altertum, p. 71); but thecoloni, who originally seem to have been free tenants, gradually lost the right of removing from the manor they inhabited (Weber, l.c., pp. 242, 248–250, 256–258).

We must, however, bear in mind that the writers on the economic history of Rome still disagree very much, not only as to the explanation of the facts, but as to the facts themselves. See Max Weber’s article on “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, inHandwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, Vol. I.↑

254The reader will remember that there are tribes among which land is abundant, but nobody can live upon land and human labour only: the possession of capital is necessary, and those destitute of capital have to apply to the owners for employment. The best instance is furnished by the pastoral tribes.We have purposely avoided speaking of countries in which all land has been appropriated[384]and capital also plays a great part, as it is the case in the manufacturing countries of modern Europe. Here the structure of society is very complicated and difficult to disentangle. We think, however, that here also the most important fact is the appropriation of the soil.↑

We have purposely avoided speaking of countries in which all land has been appropriated[384]and capital also plays a great part, as it is the case in the manufacturing countries of modern Europe. Here the structure of society is very complicated and difficult to disentangle. We think, however, that here also the most important fact is the appropriation of the soil.↑

255“The earth, as we have already seen, is not the only agent of nature, which has a productive power; but it is the only one, or nearly so, that one set of men take to themselves, to the exclusion of others; and of which, consequently, they can appropriate the benefits. The waters of rivers, and of the sea, by the power which they have of giving movement to our machines, carrying our boats, nourishing our fish, have also a productive power; the wind which turns our mills, and even the heat of the sun, work for us; but happily no one has yet been able to say, the wind and the sun are mine, and the service which they render must be paid for.” J. B. Say,Économie Politique, as quoted by Ricardo, p. 35.↑

256This is the general rule. We are fully aware that there are exceptions due to secondary causes, internal and external. Moreover, open resources do not necessarily lead to slavery or serfdom: there are many simple societies in which there are no labouring, as opposed to ruling classes, everybody, or nearly everybody, working for his own wants (e.g.among many hunters, fishers, and hunting agriculturists).↑

257Malthus (p. 453), speaking of war, says: “One of its first causes and most powerful impulses was undoubtedly an insufficiency of room and food”.↑

258See Wakefield, pp. 126–134, on the happiness of settlers in new countries.↑

259A good instance is afforded by the Angoni as describedbyWiese. Their king, he tells us, subjected neighbouring tribes and brought them to his own country. “He did not care for the territory deserted by these tribes. It was his chief aim to have the people; to landed property he attached little value” (Wiese, p. 197).↑

260Lange,Die Arbeiterfrage, pp. 199, 334.↑

261See Melching, p. 19.↑

262Guppy, pp. 44, 45.↑

263See above, p. 90.↑

264Ribbe, pp. 100, 141.↑

265Sorge, in Steinmetz’sRechtsverhältnisse, p. 399.↑

266Somerville, New Hebrides, pp. 3, 5, 7, 4.↑

267Hagen and Pineau, p. 331; see also Meinicke,Neue Hebriden, p. 340.↑

268De Vaux, p. 330; Turner, Samoa, p. 341; Rochas, p. 229; see also Brainne, p. 248.↑

269Parkinson,Im Bismarck-Archipel, pp. 98, 99, 101; Danks, pp. 294, 292, 293; See also Melching, pp. 43, 44.↑

270Parkinson,Dreissig Jahre, p. 269.↑

271Williams, p. 178; Pritchard, p. 372.↑

272The condition of women is not, however, equally bad in all Melanesian islands. Among the Western Tribes of Torres Straits “the women appear to have had a good deal to say on most questions, and were by no means down-trodden or ill-used” (Haddon, p. 357; see also Meinicke,DieTorresstrasse, p. 115). And Somerville, speaking of New Georgia in the Solomon Islands, says: “In the eastern part the treatment of women is notably good. I have but rarely seen them at work” (Somerville, New Georgia, pp. 405, 406).↑

273See the details given in Part I Chap. II § 5.↑

274Cunningham (English Industry, I p. 77) justly remarks: “While there is no opportunity for exchange, it is not so well worth while for anyone to preserve a surplus; a very abundant harvest is more likely to be prodigally used within the year, and so with all other supplies; but the existence of opportunities for trade makes it well worth while to gather a store that far exceeds any prospective need and to stow in warehouses for sale all that need not be used by the producers to satisfy their immediate wants; the conditions are present whichstillfurther favour the accumulation of wealth.”↑

275Kohler,Das Recht der Papuas, p. 364; Schmoller,Grundriss, I p. 243.↑

276Cairnes, p. 50. In ancient Rome, at the end of the Republic, plantations of olives and vines were worked with slaves, whereas cereal crops were raised on lands leased tocoloni; see Weber, Article “Agrarverhältnisse im Altertum”, inHandwörterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, 3rd edition, vol. I p. 166.↑

277Köler, pp. 84, 154.↑

278Zündel, pp. 408, 409, 387.↑

279Kingsley, West African studies, p. 427; see also De Cardi’s description of the slave system of Bonny, ibid., pp. 516 sqq.↑

280Dalton, p. 58.↑

281Thomson, New Zealand, pp. 150, 125.↑

282Polack, II p. 53; Brown, New Zealand, p. 30.↑

283Dalton, p. 58.↑

284Colquhoun, p. 54.↑

285Modigliani, Nias, p. 525.↑

286Nieuwenhuis,Quer durch Borneo. I p. 66; II p. 96.↑

287See above, p. 197, note 1.↑

288Blumentritt,Conquista, p. 65.↑

289Pogge, Muata Jamwo, p. 232.↑

290Kerr, II p. 129.↑

291Bérenger-Féraud, p. 59.↑

292Munzinger, Ostafr. Stud., p. 484.↑

293Madrolle, p. 92.↑

294Arcin, p. 275.↑

295Among the ancient Germans the bearing of arms was a sign of freedom (Amira, p. 129).↑

296Martius, p. 71.↑

297Azara, II pp. 109, 110.↑

298Powell, On regimentation, p. CXII.↑

299Among the Soninkays and Malinkays of French Guinea the slave warriors are the only force on which the chiefs can rely; for the freemen would not always readily answer to the appeal of their lords. Arcin, p. 275.↑

300Ingram, p. 44.↑

301Ibid., pp. 51, 52.↑

302Ibid., pp. 52, 53.↑

303Goldstein, p. 362.↑

304Torday and Joyce, Congo Free State, p. 139.↑

305Ingram, pp. 58, 59.↑

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