INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 2.

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 2.Thefourteenth week of General Harrison's public receptions opened this date with the arrival of an enthusiastic Republican club from the distant city of Tower, Minn., most of whose members were engaged in the iron industry. They left a huge specimen of Vermilion range iron ore—weighing over 500 pounds—in the front yard of the Harrison residence. Prominent in the delegation were Dr. Fred Barnett, Capt. Elisha Marcom, S. F. White, Chas. R. Haines, John Owens, W. N. Shepard, N. H. Bassett, S. J. Noble, J. E. Bacon, J. B. Noble, Frank Burke, W. H. Wickes, Chas. L. White, A. Nichaud, D. McKinley, and Page Norris; also Geo. M. Smith and W. H. Cruikshank, of Duluth.Immediately following the reception of the Minnesota visitors came two large delegations from Fulton and Marshall counties, Indiana. The Fulton leaders were J. H. Bibler, Dr. W. S. Shafer, Dr. E. Z. Capell, Arthur Howard, Samuel Heftly, Henry Mow, C. D. Sisson, Arch Stinson, J. F. Collins, A. F. Bowers, W. J. Howard, and T. M. Bitters, of Rochester. M. L. Essick was their spokesman. Among the prominent members of the Marshall County delegation were M. W. Simons, John W. Parks, J. W. Siders, Edward McCoy, M. S. Smith, John V. Astley, Enoch Baker, I. H. Watson, and Abram Shafer, of Plymouth. H. G. Thayer delivered the address.General Harrison said:My Indiana Friends—This is a home company to-day. Usually our Indiana visitors have met here delegations from other States. I am sure you will understand that I place a special value upon these evidences of the interest Indiana Republicans are taking in the campaign. Whatever the fate of the battle may be elsewhere, it is always a source of pride to the soldier and to his leader that the part of the line confided to their care held fast. [Applause.] I feel that I ought also to acknowledge the friendliness and co-operation which has been already extended to us in this campaign bymany who have differed with us heretofore. [Applause.] It is encouraging to hear that the prosperous and intelligent farmers of Marshall and Fulton counties have not been misled by the attempt to separate the agricultural vote from the vote of the shop. It has seemed to me that the Mills bill was framed for the purpose of driving from the protection column the agricultural voters, not by showing them favor, but the reverse—by placing agricultural products on the free list, thus withdrawing from the farmer the direct benefits he is receiving from our tariff laws as affecting the products of his labor, hoping that the farmers might then be relied upon to pull down the rest of the structure. I am glad to believe that we have in Indiana a class of farmers too intelligent to be caught by these unfriendly and fallacious propositions. [Applause.] I had to-day a visit from twenty or more gentlemen who came from the town of Tower, in the most northern part of Minnesota, where, within the last four years, there has been discovered and developed a great deposit of iron ore especially adapted to the manufacture of steel. Within the four years since these mines were opened they tell me that about a million tons of ore have been mined and sent to the furnaces. They also mentioned the fact that arrangements are already being made to bring block coal of Indiana to the mouth of these iron mines, that the work of smelting may be done there. This is a good illustration of the interlocking of interests between widely separated States of the Union [applause]—a new market and a larger demand for Indiana coal.The attempt is often made to create the impression that only particular classes of workingmen are benefited by a protective tariff. There can be nothing more untrue. The wages of all labor—labor upon the farm, labor upon our streets—has a direct and essential relation to the scale of wages that is paid to skilled labor. [Applause.] One might as well say that you could bring down the price of a higher grade of cotton cloth without affecting the price of lower grades as to say that you can degrade the price of skilled labor without dragging down the wages of unskilled labor. [Applause.] This attempt to classify and schedule the men who are benefited by a protective tariff is utterly deceptive. [Applause.] The benefits are felt by all classes of our people—by the farmer as well as by the workmen in our mills; by the man who works on the street as well as the skilled laborer who works in the mill; by the women in the household, and by the children who are now in the schools and might otherwise be in the mills. [Applause.] It is a policy broad enough to embrace within the scope of its beneficent influence all our population. [Applause.] I thank you for your visit, and will be glad to meet any of you personally who desire to speak to me. [Applause.]

Thefourteenth week of General Harrison's public receptions opened this date with the arrival of an enthusiastic Republican club from the distant city of Tower, Minn., most of whose members were engaged in the iron industry. They left a huge specimen of Vermilion range iron ore—weighing over 500 pounds—in the front yard of the Harrison residence. Prominent in the delegation were Dr. Fred Barnett, Capt. Elisha Marcom, S. F. White, Chas. R. Haines, John Owens, W. N. Shepard, N. H. Bassett, S. J. Noble, J. E. Bacon, J. B. Noble, Frank Burke, W. H. Wickes, Chas. L. White, A. Nichaud, D. McKinley, and Page Norris; also Geo. M. Smith and W. H. Cruikshank, of Duluth.

Immediately following the reception of the Minnesota visitors came two large delegations from Fulton and Marshall counties, Indiana. The Fulton leaders were J. H. Bibler, Dr. W. S. Shafer, Dr. E. Z. Capell, Arthur Howard, Samuel Heftly, Henry Mow, C. D. Sisson, Arch Stinson, J. F. Collins, A. F. Bowers, W. J. Howard, and T. M. Bitters, of Rochester. M. L. Essick was their spokesman. Among the prominent members of the Marshall County delegation were M. W. Simons, John W. Parks, J. W. Siders, Edward McCoy, M. S. Smith, John V. Astley, Enoch Baker, I. H. Watson, and Abram Shafer, of Plymouth. H. G. Thayer delivered the address.

General Harrison said:

My Indiana Friends—This is a home company to-day. Usually our Indiana visitors have met here delegations from other States. I am sure you will understand that I place a special value upon these evidences of the interest Indiana Republicans are taking in the campaign. Whatever the fate of the battle may be elsewhere, it is always a source of pride to the soldier and to his leader that the part of the line confided to their care held fast. [Applause.] I feel that I ought also to acknowledge the friendliness and co-operation which has been already extended to us in this campaign bymany who have differed with us heretofore. [Applause.] It is encouraging to hear that the prosperous and intelligent farmers of Marshall and Fulton counties have not been misled by the attempt to separate the agricultural vote from the vote of the shop. It has seemed to me that the Mills bill was framed for the purpose of driving from the protection column the agricultural voters, not by showing them favor, but the reverse—by placing agricultural products on the free list, thus withdrawing from the farmer the direct benefits he is receiving from our tariff laws as affecting the products of his labor, hoping that the farmers might then be relied upon to pull down the rest of the structure. I am glad to believe that we have in Indiana a class of farmers too intelligent to be caught by these unfriendly and fallacious propositions. [Applause.] I had to-day a visit from twenty or more gentlemen who came from the town of Tower, in the most northern part of Minnesota, where, within the last four years, there has been discovered and developed a great deposit of iron ore especially adapted to the manufacture of steel. Within the four years since these mines were opened they tell me that about a million tons of ore have been mined and sent to the furnaces. They also mentioned the fact that arrangements are already being made to bring block coal of Indiana to the mouth of these iron mines, that the work of smelting may be done there. This is a good illustration of the interlocking of interests between widely separated States of the Union [applause]—a new market and a larger demand for Indiana coal.The attempt is often made to create the impression that only particular classes of workingmen are benefited by a protective tariff. There can be nothing more untrue. The wages of all labor—labor upon the farm, labor upon our streets—has a direct and essential relation to the scale of wages that is paid to skilled labor. [Applause.] One might as well say that you could bring down the price of a higher grade of cotton cloth without affecting the price of lower grades as to say that you can degrade the price of skilled labor without dragging down the wages of unskilled labor. [Applause.] This attempt to classify and schedule the men who are benefited by a protective tariff is utterly deceptive. [Applause.] The benefits are felt by all classes of our people—by the farmer as well as by the workmen in our mills; by the man who works on the street as well as the skilled laborer who works in the mill; by the women in the household, and by the children who are now in the schools and might otherwise be in the mills. [Applause.] It is a policy broad enough to embrace within the scope of its beneficent influence all our population. [Applause.] I thank you for your visit, and will be glad to meet any of you personally who desire to speak to me. [Applause.]

The attempt is often made to create the impression that only particular classes of workingmen are benefited by a protective tariff. There can be nothing more untrue. The wages of all labor—labor upon the farm, labor upon our streets—has a direct and essential relation to the scale of wages that is paid to skilled labor. [Applause.] One might as well say that you could bring down the price of a higher grade of cotton cloth without affecting the price of lower grades as to say that you can degrade the price of skilled labor without dragging down the wages of unskilled labor. [Applause.] This attempt to classify and schedule the men who are benefited by a protective tariff is utterly deceptive. [Applause.] The benefits are felt by all classes of our people—by the farmer as well as by the workmen in our mills; by the man who works on the street as well as the skilled laborer who works in the mill; by the women in the household, and by the children who are now in the schools and might otherwise be in the mills. [Applause.] It is a policy broad enough to embrace within the scope of its beneficent influence all our population. [Applause.] I thank you for your visit, and will be glad to meet any of you personally who desire to speak to me. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 3.ThePorter-Columbian Club, a local organization named in honor of Governor Porter, with a membership of 700 workingmen, paid their respects to General Harrison on this night, commanded by their President and founder, Marshall C. Woods, who delivered an address.General Harrison, in reply, said:Mr. Woods and my Friends—My voice is not in condition to speak at much length in this cool night air. I am very deeply grateful for this evidence of the respect of this large body of Indianapolis workingmen. I am glad to be assured by what has been said to me that you realize that this campaign has a special interest for the wage-earners of America. [Cries of "Good! Good!"]That is the first question in life with you, because it involves the subsistence and comfort of your families. I do not wonder then that, out of so many different associations in life, you have come together into this organization to express your determination to vote for the maintenance of the American system of protection. [Great cheering.]I think you can all understand that it is not good for American workingmen that the amount of work to be done in this country should be diminished by transferring some of it to foreign shops. [Applause.] Nor ought the wages paid for the work that is done here to be diminished by bringing you into competition with the underpaid labor of the old country. [Applause.]I am not speaking any new sentiment to-night. Many times before the Chicago convention I have, in public addresses, expressed the opinion that every workingman ought to have such wages as would not only yield him a decent and comfortable support for his family, and enable him to keep his children in school and out of the mill in their tender age, but would allow him to lay up against incapacity by sickness or accident, or for old age, some fund on which he could rely. These views I entertain to-night. I beg you to excuse further public speech and to allow me to receive personally such of you as care to speak to me. [Applause.]

ThePorter-Columbian Club, a local organization named in honor of Governor Porter, with a membership of 700 workingmen, paid their respects to General Harrison on this night, commanded by their President and founder, Marshall C. Woods, who delivered an address.

General Harrison, in reply, said:

Mr. Woods and my Friends—My voice is not in condition to speak at much length in this cool night air. I am very deeply grateful for this evidence of the respect of this large body of Indianapolis workingmen. I am glad to be assured by what has been said to me that you realize that this campaign has a special interest for the wage-earners of America. [Cries of "Good! Good!"]That is the first question in life with you, because it involves the subsistence and comfort of your families. I do not wonder then that, out of so many different associations in life, you have come together into this organization to express your determination to vote for the maintenance of the American system of protection. [Great cheering.]I think you can all understand that it is not good for American workingmen that the amount of work to be done in this country should be diminished by transferring some of it to foreign shops. [Applause.] Nor ought the wages paid for the work that is done here to be diminished by bringing you into competition with the underpaid labor of the old country. [Applause.]I am not speaking any new sentiment to-night. Many times before the Chicago convention I have, in public addresses, expressed the opinion that every workingman ought to have such wages as would not only yield him a decent and comfortable support for his family, and enable him to keep his children in school and out of the mill in their tender age, but would allow him to lay up against incapacity by sickness or accident, or for old age, some fund on which he could rely. These views I entertain to-night. I beg you to excuse further public speech and to allow me to receive personally such of you as care to speak to me. [Applause.]

That is the first question in life with you, because it involves the subsistence and comfort of your families. I do not wonder then that, out of so many different associations in life, you have come together into this organization to express your determination to vote for the maintenance of the American system of protection. [Great cheering.]

I think you can all understand that it is not good for American workingmen that the amount of work to be done in this country should be diminished by transferring some of it to foreign shops. [Applause.] Nor ought the wages paid for the work that is done here to be diminished by bringing you into competition with the underpaid labor of the old country. [Applause.]

I am not speaking any new sentiment to-night. Many times before the Chicago convention I have, in public addresses, expressed the opinion that every workingman ought to have such wages as would not only yield him a decent and comfortable support for his family, and enable him to keep his children in school and out of the mill in their tender age, but would allow him to lay up against incapacity by sickness or accident, or for old age, some fund on which he could rely. These views I entertain to-night. I beg you to excuse further public speech and to allow me to receive personally such of you as care to speak to me. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 4.ThreeStates did homage to the Republican nominee this date. From Grand Rapids and Muskegon, Mich., came 500 visitors, under the auspices of the Belknap Club of Grand Rapids. The wife of Governor Luce was a member of the delegation, accompanied by R. C. Luce and W. A. Davitt. Other prominent members were: Judge F. J. Russell, Hon. A. B. Turner, Col. C. T. Foote, J. B. Pantlind, Don J. Leathers, Col. E. S. Pierce, Wm. A. Gavett, H. J. Felker, D. G. Crotty, H. J. Stevens, Aldrich Tateum, Louis Kanitz, A. E. Yerex, and N. McGraft, of Grand Rapids; Thomas A. Parish and Geo. Turner, of Grand Haven; and John J. Cappon, of Holland. John Patton, Jr., of Grand Rapids, was orator.The Ohio visitors came from Tiffin, Seneca County, led by the venerable A. C. Baldwin, Capt. John McCormick, Albert Corthell, Capt. Edward Jones, Edward Naylor, and J. B. Rosenburger. The wife of Gen. Wm. H. Gibson was an honored guest of the delegation, accompanied by Mrs. Robert Lysle and Mrs. Root. J. K. Rohn was spokesman for the Ohio visitors.The third delegation comprised 1,200 voters from Jay County, Indiana, led by Gen. N. Shepherd, Theodore Bailey, Richard A. Green, John Geiger, E. J. Marsh, Frank H. Snyder, and M. V. Moudy, of Portland. Jesse M. La Follette was their speaker.To these several addresses General Harrison, in response, said:My Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana Friends—These cordial manifestations of your personal regard move me very deeply [applause], but I do not at all appropriate to myself the great expressions of popular interest of which this meeting is only one. I understand that my relation to these public questions and to the people is a representative one—that the interest which thus expresses itself is in principles of government rather than in men. [Cheers.] I am one of the oldest Republicans; my first presidential vote was givento the first Republican candidate for that office [applause], and it has always been a source of profound gratification to me that, in peace and war, a high spirit of patriotism and devotion to our country has always pervaded and dominated the party. [Cheers.] When, during the Civil War, the clouds hung low, disasters thickened, and the future was crowded with uncanny fears, never did any Republican convention assemble without declaring its faith in the ultimate triumph of our cause [great cheering]; and now, with a broad patriotism that embraces and regards the interests of all the States, it advocates policies that will develop and unite all our communities in the friendly and profitable interchange of commerce as well as in a lasting political union. [Applause.] These great Western States will not respond to the attempt to excite prejudice against New England. We advocate measures that are as broad as our national domain; that are calculated to distil their equal blessing upon all the land. [Cheers.] The people of the great West recognize and value the great contribution which those commonwealths about Plymouth Rock have made to the civilization, material growth, and manhood of our Western States. [Cheers.] We are not envious of the prosperity of New England; we rejoice in it. We believe that the protective policy developed her great manufacturing institutions and made her rich, and we do not doubt that a continuance of that policy will produce the same results in Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana. [Cheers.] We are not content to remain wholly agricultural States in our relations to either New England or old England. [Applause.] We believe that in all these great Western States there are minerals in the soil and energy and skill in the brains and arms of our people that will yet so multiply and develop our manufacturing industries as to give us a nearer home market for much of the products of our soil. [Cheers.] And for that great surplus which now and always, perhaps, we shall not consume at home we think a New England market better than a foreign market. [Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.] The issue upon this great industrial question is drawn as sharply as the lines were ever drawn between contending armies. Men are readjusting their party relations upon this great question. The appeal that is now made for the defence of our American system is finding its response, and many of those who are opposed to us upon other questions are committing such questions to the future for settlement, while they help us to settle now and for an indefinite future the great question of the preservation of our commercial independence. [Applause.] The Democratic party has challenged our protected industries to a fight of extermination.The wage-earners of our country have accepted the challenge. The issue of the contest will settle for many years our tariff policy. [Prolonged cheering.] The eloquent descriptions to which we have listened of the material wealth of the great State of Michigan have been full of interest to us as citizens of Indiana. We cannot doubt that the people of a State having such generous invitations to the developments of great home wealth in manufacturing and mining pursuits will understand the issue that is presented, and will cast their influence in favor of that policy which will make that development rapid and sure; and more than all, and better than all, will maintain in her communities a well-paid class of wage-workers. [Cheers.] Our wage-workers vote; they are American citizens, and it is essential that they be kept free from the slavery of want and the discontents bred of injustice. [Applause.]I thank my Michigan friends for these handsome specimens of the products of their mines and of their mills. I shall cherish them with grateful recollection of this pleasant visit. [Applause.]To my Indiana friends, always generous, I return my thanks for this new evidence of their esteem. [Cheers.]To my Ohio friends, who so often before have visited me with kind expressions of their regard, I return the thanks of a native-born Ohioan. [Prolonged cheers from the Ohio delegation.]Three great States are grouped here to-day. I remember at Resaca, when the field and staff of the regiments that were to make the assault were ordered to dismount, there was a Michigan officer too sick to go on foot and too proud to subject himself to the imputation of cowardice by staying behind.He rode alone, the one horseman in that desperate charge, and died on that bloody hillside rather than subject his State to the imputation that one of her sons had lingered when the enemy was to be engaged. He was a noble type of the brave men these great States gave to the country. [Cheers.]

ThreeStates did homage to the Republican nominee this date. From Grand Rapids and Muskegon, Mich., came 500 visitors, under the auspices of the Belknap Club of Grand Rapids. The wife of Governor Luce was a member of the delegation, accompanied by R. C. Luce and W. A. Davitt. Other prominent members were: Judge F. J. Russell, Hon. A. B. Turner, Col. C. T. Foote, J. B. Pantlind, Don J. Leathers, Col. E. S. Pierce, Wm. A. Gavett, H. J. Felker, D. G. Crotty, H. J. Stevens, Aldrich Tateum, Louis Kanitz, A. E. Yerex, and N. McGraft, of Grand Rapids; Thomas A. Parish and Geo. Turner, of Grand Haven; and John J. Cappon, of Holland. John Patton, Jr., of Grand Rapids, was orator.

The Ohio visitors came from Tiffin, Seneca County, led by the venerable A. C. Baldwin, Capt. John McCormick, Albert Corthell, Capt. Edward Jones, Edward Naylor, and J. B. Rosenburger. The wife of Gen. Wm. H. Gibson was an honored guest of the delegation, accompanied by Mrs. Robert Lysle and Mrs. Root. J. K. Rohn was spokesman for the Ohio visitors.

The third delegation comprised 1,200 voters from Jay County, Indiana, led by Gen. N. Shepherd, Theodore Bailey, Richard A. Green, John Geiger, E. J. Marsh, Frank H. Snyder, and M. V. Moudy, of Portland. Jesse M. La Follette was their speaker.

To these several addresses General Harrison, in response, said:

My Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana Friends—These cordial manifestations of your personal regard move me very deeply [applause], but I do not at all appropriate to myself the great expressions of popular interest of which this meeting is only one. I understand that my relation to these public questions and to the people is a representative one—that the interest which thus expresses itself is in principles of government rather than in men. [Cheers.] I am one of the oldest Republicans; my first presidential vote was givento the first Republican candidate for that office [applause], and it has always been a source of profound gratification to me that, in peace and war, a high spirit of patriotism and devotion to our country has always pervaded and dominated the party. [Cheers.] When, during the Civil War, the clouds hung low, disasters thickened, and the future was crowded with uncanny fears, never did any Republican convention assemble without declaring its faith in the ultimate triumph of our cause [great cheering]; and now, with a broad patriotism that embraces and regards the interests of all the States, it advocates policies that will develop and unite all our communities in the friendly and profitable interchange of commerce as well as in a lasting political union. [Applause.] These great Western States will not respond to the attempt to excite prejudice against New England. We advocate measures that are as broad as our national domain; that are calculated to distil their equal blessing upon all the land. [Cheers.] The people of the great West recognize and value the great contribution which those commonwealths about Plymouth Rock have made to the civilization, material growth, and manhood of our Western States. [Cheers.] We are not envious of the prosperity of New England; we rejoice in it. We believe that the protective policy developed her great manufacturing institutions and made her rich, and we do not doubt that a continuance of that policy will produce the same results in Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana. [Cheers.] We are not content to remain wholly agricultural States in our relations to either New England or old England. [Applause.] We believe that in all these great Western States there are minerals in the soil and energy and skill in the brains and arms of our people that will yet so multiply and develop our manufacturing industries as to give us a nearer home market for much of the products of our soil. [Cheers.] And for that great surplus which now and always, perhaps, we shall not consume at home we think a New England market better than a foreign market. [Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering.] The issue upon this great industrial question is drawn as sharply as the lines were ever drawn between contending armies. Men are readjusting their party relations upon this great question. The appeal that is now made for the defence of our American system is finding its response, and many of those who are opposed to us upon other questions are committing such questions to the future for settlement, while they help us to settle now and for an indefinite future the great question of the preservation of our commercial independence. [Applause.] The Democratic party has challenged our protected industries to a fight of extermination.The wage-earners of our country have accepted the challenge. The issue of the contest will settle for many years our tariff policy. [Prolonged cheering.] The eloquent descriptions to which we have listened of the material wealth of the great State of Michigan have been full of interest to us as citizens of Indiana. We cannot doubt that the people of a State having such generous invitations to the developments of great home wealth in manufacturing and mining pursuits will understand the issue that is presented, and will cast their influence in favor of that policy which will make that development rapid and sure; and more than all, and better than all, will maintain in her communities a well-paid class of wage-workers. [Cheers.] Our wage-workers vote; they are American citizens, and it is essential that they be kept free from the slavery of want and the discontents bred of injustice. [Applause.]I thank my Michigan friends for these handsome specimens of the products of their mines and of their mills. I shall cherish them with grateful recollection of this pleasant visit. [Applause.]To my Indiana friends, always generous, I return my thanks for this new evidence of their esteem. [Cheers.]To my Ohio friends, who so often before have visited me with kind expressions of their regard, I return the thanks of a native-born Ohioan. [Prolonged cheers from the Ohio delegation.]Three great States are grouped here to-day. I remember at Resaca, when the field and staff of the regiments that were to make the assault were ordered to dismount, there was a Michigan officer too sick to go on foot and too proud to subject himself to the imputation of cowardice by staying behind.He rode alone, the one horseman in that desperate charge, and died on that bloody hillside rather than subject his State to the imputation that one of her sons had lingered when the enemy was to be engaged. He was a noble type of the brave men these great States gave to the country. [Cheers.]

I thank my Michigan friends for these handsome specimens of the products of their mines and of their mills. I shall cherish them with grateful recollection of this pleasant visit. [Applause.]

To my Indiana friends, always generous, I return my thanks for this new evidence of their esteem. [Cheers.]

To my Ohio friends, who so often before have visited me with kind expressions of their regard, I return the thanks of a native-born Ohioan. [Prolonged cheers from the Ohio delegation.]

Three great States are grouped here to-day. I remember at Resaca, when the field and staff of the regiments that were to make the assault were ordered to dismount, there was a Michigan officer too sick to go on foot and too proud to subject himself to the imputation of cowardice by staying behind.

He rode alone, the one horseman in that desperate charge, and died on that bloody hillside rather than subject his State to the imputation that one of her sons had lingered when the enemy was to be engaged. He was a noble type of the brave men these great States gave to the country. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 5.Wisconsinand Indiana were the States represented at this day's reception. The Wisconsin visitors came from Madison, Janesville, and Beloit. Prominent among them were General Atwood, editor WisconsinState Journal, Surgeon-General Palmer, W. T. Van Kirk, and T. G. Maudt. R. C. Spooner spoke for the Badgers.Fountain County, Indiana, sent 2,000 visitors, led by a club of Tippecanoe veterans. Among their representative men were H. La Tourette, W. W. Layton, John H. Spence, of Covington; A. H. Clark, and W. H. Malory, of Veedersburg; A. S. Peacock, H. C. Martin, and C. E. Holm, of Attica. Capt. Benj. Hegeler, of Attica, delivered the address on behalf of the Hoosiers.General Harrison responded as follows:My Wisconsin and my Indiana Friends—These great daily manifestations of the interest of great masses of our people in the principles represented by the Republican party are to me increasingly impressive. I am glad to-day that Indiana has opportunity to welcome a delegation from the magnificent State of Wisconsin. [Cheers.] It offers a fitting opportunity to acknowledge my personal obligation and the obligation of the Indiana Republicans for the early and constant support which Wisconsin gave to the efforts of the Indiana delegation in the Chicago convention. [Prolonged cheers.] To-day two States, not contiguous in territory, but touching in many interests, are met to express the fact that these great electoral contests affect all our people. It is not alone in the choice of Presidential electors that we have common interests. Our national Congress, though chosen in separate districts, legislates for all our people. Wisconsin has a direct interest that the ballot shall be free and pure in Indiana, and Wisconsin and Indiana have a direct interest that the ballot shall be free and pure in all the States. [Great cheering.] Therefore let no man say that it is none of our business how elections are conducted in other States. [Cheers.] I believe that this great question of a free ballot, so much disturbed by race questions in the South, would be settled this year if the men of the South who believe with us upon the great question of the protection of American industries would throw off old prejudices and vote their convictions upon that question. [Cheers and cries of "Good! Good!"] I believe there are indications that the independent manhood of the South will this year strongly manifest itself in this direction. Those intelligent and progressive citizens of the South who are seeking to build up within their own States diversified industries will not much longer be kept in bondage to the traditions of the days when the South was wholly a community of planters.When they assert their belief in a protective tariff, by supporting the only party that advocates that policy, the question of afree ballot, so far as it is a Southern question, will be settled forever, for they will have the power to insist that those who believe with them shall vote, and that their votes shall be counted. [Applause.] The protective policy, by developing a home supply and limiting importations, helps us to maintain the balance of trade upon our side in our dealings with the world. [Cheers.] Under the tariff of 1846 from the year 1850 to 1860 the balance of trade was continuously against us, aggregating in that period over three hundred millions of dollars. Under the influence of a protective tariff the balance of trade has been generally and largely with us, unless disturbed by special conditions. Instead of sending our gold abroad to pay a foreign balance we have usually been bringing foreign gold here to augment our store. [Cheers.] I will not detain you further. These daily demands upon me make it necessary that I shall speak briefly. Let me thank most profoundly those gentlemen and ladies from Wisconsin who have come so far to bring me this tribute of their respect. I very highly value it. These, my Indiana friends, unite with me in thanking you for your presence to-day. [Cheers from the Indianians.] To my nearer friends, my Fountain County friends, let me say I am profoundly grateful to you for this large and imposing demonstration and for the interest you are individually taking in this campaign. [Cheers.] I do not think of it as a personal campaign. It has always seemed to me to be altogether greater than that, and when I thank you for your interest and commend your zeal it is an interest in principles and a zeal for the truth that I approve. [Cheers.]

Wisconsinand Indiana were the States represented at this day's reception. The Wisconsin visitors came from Madison, Janesville, and Beloit. Prominent among them were General Atwood, editor WisconsinState Journal, Surgeon-General Palmer, W. T. Van Kirk, and T. G. Maudt. R. C. Spooner spoke for the Badgers.

Fountain County, Indiana, sent 2,000 visitors, led by a club of Tippecanoe veterans. Among their representative men were H. La Tourette, W. W. Layton, John H. Spence, of Covington; A. H. Clark, and W. H. Malory, of Veedersburg; A. S. Peacock, H. C. Martin, and C. E. Holm, of Attica. Capt. Benj. Hegeler, of Attica, delivered the address on behalf of the Hoosiers.

General Harrison responded as follows:

My Wisconsin and my Indiana Friends—These great daily manifestations of the interest of great masses of our people in the principles represented by the Republican party are to me increasingly impressive. I am glad to-day that Indiana has opportunity to welcome a delegation from the magnificent State of Wisconsin. [Cheers.] It offers a fitting opportunity to acknowledge my personal obligation and the obligation of the Indiana Republicans for the early and constant support which Wisconsin gave to the efforts of the Indiana delegation in the Chicago convention. [Prolonged cheers.] To-day two States, not contiguous in territory, but touching in many interests, are met to express the fact that these great electoral contests affect all our people. It is not alone in the choice of Presidential electors that we have common interests. Our national Congress, though chosen in separate districts, legislates for all our people. Wisconsin has a direct interest that the ballot shall be free and pure in Indiana, and Wisconsin and Indiana have a direct interest that the ballot shall be free and pure in all the States. [Great cheering.] Therefore let no man say that it is none of our business how elections are conducted in other States. [Cheers.] I believe that this great question of a free ballot, so much disturbed by race questions in the South, would be settled this year if the men of the South who believe with us upon the great question of the protection of American industries would throw off old prejudices and vote their convictions upon that question. [Cheers and cries of "Good! Good!"] I believe there are indications that the independent manhood of the South will this year strongly manifest itself in this direction. Those intelligent and progressive citizens of the South who are seeking to build up within their own States diversified industries will not much longer be kept in bondage to the traditions of the days when the South was wholly a community of planters.When they assert their belief in a protective tariff, by supporting the only party that advocates that policy, the question of afree ballot, so far as it is a Southern question, will be settled forever, for they will have the power to insist that those who believe with them shall vote, and that their votes shall be counted. [Applause.] The protective policy, by developing a home supply and limiting importations, helps us to maintain the balance of trade upon our side in our dealings with the world. [Cheers.] Under the tariff of 1846 from the year 1850 to 1860 the balance of trade was continuously against us, aggregating in that period over three hundred millions of dollars. Under the influence of a protective tariff the balance of trade has been generally and largely with us, unless disturbed by special conditions. Instead of sending our gold abroad to pay a foreign balance we have usually been bringing foreign gold here to augment our store. [Cheers.] I will not detain you further. These daily demands upon me make it necessary that I shall speak briefly. Let me thank most profoundly those gentlemen and ladies from Wisconsin who have come so far to bring me this tribute of their respect. I very highly value it. These, my Indiana friends, unite with me in thanking you for your presence to-day. [Cheers from the Indianians.] To my nearer friends, my Fountain County friends, let me say I am profoundly grateful to you for this large and imposing demonstration and for the interest you are individually taking in this campaign. [Cheers.] I do not think of it as a personal campaign. It has always seemed to me to be altogether greater than that, and when I thank you for your interest and commend your zeal it is an interest in principles and a zeal for the truth that I approve. [Cheers.]

When they assert their belief in a protective tariff, by supporting the only party that advocates that policy, the question of afree ballot, so far as it is a Southern question, will be settled forever, for they will have the power to insist that those who believe with them shall vote, and that their votes shall be counted. [Applause.] The protective policy, by developing a home supply and limiting importations, helps us to maintain the balance of trade upon our side in our dealings with the world. [Cheers.] Under the tariff of 1846 from the year 1850 to 1860 the balance of trade was continuously against us, aggregating in that period over three hundred millions of dollars. Under the influence of a protective tariff the balance of trade has been generally and largely with us, unless disturbed by special conditions. Instead of sending our gold abroad to pay a foreign balance we have usually been bringing foreign gold here to augment our store. [Cheers.] I will not detain you further. These daily demands upon me make it necessary that I shall speak briefly. Let me thank most profoundly those gentlemen and ladies from Wisconsin who have come so far to bring me this tribute of their respect. I very highly value it. These, my Indiana friends, unite with me in thanking you for your presence to-day. [Cheers from the Indianians.] To my nearer friends, my Fountain County friends, let me say I am profoundly grateful to you for this large and imposing demonstration and for the interest you are individually taking in this campaign. [Cheers.] I do not think of it as a personal campaign. It has always seemed to me to be altogether greater than that, and when I thank you for your interest and commend your zeal it is an interest in principles and a zeal for the truth that I approve. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 6.Saturday, October 6, was one of the great days of the campaign. The first delegation, numbering 2,000, came from Wells and Blackford counties, Indiana. Conspicuous in their ranks were two large uniformed clubs of ladies, one from Montpelier, and the Carrie Harrison Club of Bluffton. In the Wells County contingent were many 1840 veterans and 21 newly-converted Democrats. Their leaders were Asbury Duglay, D. H. Swaim, B. W. Bowman, Peter Ulmer, Silas Wisner, Joseph Milholland, J. C. Hatfield, and T. A. Doan. J. J. Todd was their spokesman. Prominent in the Blackford delegation were FrankGeisler, H. M. Campbell, W. L. Ritter, Eli Hamilton, R. V. Ervin, W. A. Williams, John Sipe, and John Cantwell, of Hartford City; J. C. Summerville, Wm. Pugh, J. H. Morrical, G. A. Mason, John G. Ward, and J. M. Tinsley, of Montpelier. Hon. B. G. Shinn delivered the address on behalf of the Blackford people.General Harrison confined his speech to State questions. He said:My Wells and Blackford County Friends—I am glad to meet you. It is extremely gratifying to be assured by your presence here this inclement day, and by the kind words which you have addressed to me through your representatives, that I have some part in your friendly regard as an individual. But individuals are not of the first importance. That man who thinks that the prosperity of this country or the right administration of its affairs is wholly dependent upon him grossly exaggerates his value. The essential things to us are the principles of government upon which our institutions were builded, and by and through which we make that symmetrical and safe growth which has characterized our Nation in the past, and which is yet to raise it to a higher place among the nations of the earth. [Applause.] We are Indianians—Hoosiers, if you please [cheers]—and are proud of the State of which we are citizens. Your spokesmen have referred with an honest pride to the counties from which you have come, and that is well. But I would like to suggest to you that every political community and neighborhood has a character of its own, a moral character, as well as every man and every woman, and it is exceedingly important, looked at even from the side of material advantage, that our communities should maintain a good reputation for social order, intelligence, virtue, and a faithful and willing obedience to law. [Applause.] It cannot be doubted that such a character possessed by any State or county attracts immigration and capital, advances its material development, and enhances the value of its farms. There has been much in the history of Indiana that is exceedingly creditable. There have been some things—there are some things to-day—that are exceedingly discreditable to us as a political community; things that I believe retard the advancement of our State and affect its material prosperity by degrading it in the estimation of right-thinking men. One of those things is this patent and open fact: that the great benevolent institutions of this State, instead of being operated upon the high plane that public charities should occupy, arebeing operated and managed upon the lowest plane of party purposes and advantage. [Cries of "That's so!"] Another such thing is of recent occurrence. In the campaign of 1886, after advising with the chief law officer of the State, a Democratic Governor declared to the people of this State that there was a vacancy in the office of Lieutenant-Governor which the people were entitled to fill at the ensuing general election. The Democratic party acted upon that advice, assembled in convention in this hall, and nominated John C. Nelson for Lieutenant-Governor. The Republican party followed with their convention, and placed in nomination that gallant soldier, Robert S. Robertson. [Cheers.] These two gentlemen went before the people of Indiana and made a public canvass for the office. The election was held, and Colonel Robertson was chosen by a majority of about 3,000. [Applause.] Is there a man in the State, Democratic or Republican, who doubts that if the choice had been otherwise, and Mr. Nelson had received a majority at the polls, the House of Representatives, which was Republican, would have met with the Democratic Senate in an orderly joint meeting, for canvassing the votes, and that Mr. Nelson would have been inaugurated as Lieutenant-Governor? [Cries of "No, no!"] But the result was otherwise; and the public fame, the good reputation of this State, was dishonored when, by force and brutal methods, the voice of the people was stifled, and the man they had chosen was excluded from the right to exercise the duties of the office of Lieutenant-Governor. [Cries of "Yes, yes!"] Do the people think that the attractiveness of Indiana as a home for Americans who believe in social order and popular government has been increased by this violent and disgraceful incident? Do our Democratic friends who have an honest State pride, who would like to maintain the honor and good reputation of the State, who would have the people of our sister States believe that we have a people who believe in a warm canvass but in a free ballot, and a manly and ready acquiescence in election results, intend to support their leaders in this violent exclusion from office of a duly chosen public officer? Do those who are Democrats from principle, and not for personal spoils, intend to support the men who have first prostituted our benevolent institutions to party and now to personal advantage? These things, if not reproved and corrected by our people, will not only disgrace us in the estimation of all good people, but will substantially retard the material development of the State. [Cheers.] I am not talking to-day of questions in which I have any other interest than that you have, my fellow-citizens. [Applause.] I believe the material prosperity of Indiana, much morethe honor, will be advanced if her people in this State election shall rebuke the shameless election frauds that have recently scandalized our State, the prostitution of our benevolent institutions, and the wanton violence that overturned the result of the popular election in 1886. [Great cheering.]

Saturday, October 6, was one of the great days of the campaign. The first delegation, numbering 2,000, came from Wells and Blackford counties, Indiana. Conspicuous in their ranks were two large uniformed clubs of ladies, one from Montpelier, and the Carrie Harrison Club of Bluffton. In the Wells County contingent were many 1840 veterans and 21 newly-converted Democrats. Their leaders were Asbury Duglay, D. H. Swaim, B. W. Bowman, Peter Ulmer, Silas Wisner, Joseph Milholland, J. C. Hatfield, and T. A. Doan. J. J. Todd was their spokesman. Prominent in the Blackford delegation were FrankGeisler, H. M. Campbell, W. L. Ritter, Eli Hamilton, R. V. Ervin, W. A. Williams, John Sipe, and John Cantwell, of Hartford City; J. C. Summerville, Wm. Pugh, J. H. Morrical, G. A. Mason, John G. Ward, and J. M. Tinsley, of Montpelier. Hon. B. G. Shinn delivered the address on behalf of the Blackford people.

General Harrison confined his speech to State questions. He said:

My Wells and Blackford County Friends—I am glad to meet you. It is extremely gratifying to be assured by your presence here this inclement day, and by the kind words which you have addressed to me through your representatives, that I have some part in your friendly regard as an individual. But individuals are not of the first importance. That man who thinks that the prosperity of this country or the right administration of its affairs is wholly dependent upon him grossly exaggerates his value. The essential things to us are the principles of government upon which our institutions were builded, and by and through which we make that symmetrical and safe growth which has characterized our Nation in the past, and which is yet to raise it to a higher place among the nations of the earth. [Applause.] We are Indianians—Hoosiers, if you please [cheers]—and are proud of the State of which we are citizens. Your spokesmen have referred with an honest pride to the counties from which you have come, and that is well. But I would like to suggest to you that every political community and neighborhood has a character of its own, a moral character, as well as every man and every woman, and it is exceedingly important, looked at even from the side of material advantage, that our communities should maintain a good reputation for social order, intelligence, virtue, and a faithful and willing obedience to law. [Applause.] It cannot be doubted that such a character possessed by any State or county attracts immigration and capital, advances its material development, and enhances the value of its farms. There has been much in the history of Indiana that is exceedingly creditable. There have been some things—there are some things to-day—that are exceedingly discreditable to us as a political community; things that I believe retard the advancement of our State and affect its material prosperity by degrading it in the estimation of right-thinking men. One of those things is this patent and open fact: that the great benevolent institutions of this State, instead of being operated upon the high plane that public charities should occupy, arebeing operated and managed upon the lowest plane of party purposes and advantage. [Cries of "That's so!"] Another such thing is of recent occurrence. In the campaign of 1886, after advising with the chief law officer of the State, a Democratic Governor declared to the people of this State that there was a vacancy in the office of Lieutenant-Governor which the people were entitled to fill at the ensuing general election. The Democratic party acted upon that advice, assembled in convention in this hall, and nominated John C. Nelson for Lieutenant-Governor. The Republican party followed with their convention, and placed in nomination that gallant soldier, Robert S. Robertson. [Cheers.] These two gentlemen went before the people of Indiana and made a public canvass for the office. The election was held, and Colonel Robertson was chosen by a majority of about 3,000. [Applause.] Is there a man in the State, Democratic or Republican, who doubts that if the choice had been otherwise, and Mr. Nelson had received a majority at the polls, the House of Representatives, which was Republican, would have met with the Democratic Senate in an orderly joint meeting, for canvassing the votes, and that Mr. Nelson would have been inaugurated as Lieutenant-Governor? [Cries of "No, no!"] But the result was otherwise; and the public fame, the good reputation of this State, was dishonored when, by force and brutal methods, the voice of the people was stifled, and the man they had chosen was excluded from the right to exercise the duties of the office of Lieutenant-Governor. [Cries of "Yes, yes!"] Do the people think that the attractiveness of Indiana as a home for Americans who believe in social order and popular government has been increased by this violent and disgraceful incident? Do our Democratic friends who have an honest State pride, who would like to maintain the honor and good reputation of the State, who would have the people of our sister States believe that we have a people who believe in a warm canvass but in a free ballot, and a manly and ready acquiescence in election results, intend to support their leaders in this violent exclusion from office of a duly chosen public officer? Do those who are Democrats from principle, and not for personal spoils, intend to support the men who have first prostituted our benevolent institutions to party and now to personal advantage? These things, if not reproved and corrected by our people, will not only disgrace us in the estimation of all good people, but will substantially retard the material development of the State. [Cheers.] I am not talking to-day of questions in which I have any other interest than that you have, my fellow-citizens. [Applause.] I believe the material prosperity of Indiana, much morethe honor, will be advanced if her people in this State election shall rebuke the shameless election frauds that have recently scandalized our State, the prostitution of our benevolent institutions, and the wanton violence that overturned the result of the popular election in 1886. [Great cheering.]

THE CHICAGO VETERANS.Thegreat event of the day was the reception tendered the veterans and citizens from Chicago, Hyde Park, Pullman, South Chicago, and the town of Lake. They numbered over 3,000, and arrived in the evening, after stoppingen routeat Danville, Ill., and Crawfordsville, Ind., to participate in demonstrations. The Chicago contingent comprised 800 members of the Union Veteran Club, commanded by its President, Capt. John J. Healy; 600 members of the Veteran Union League, led by Capt. James J. Healy; the Blaine Club, Second Regiment Band, and many smaller clubs. Leaders in the delegation were Major McCarty, Col. Dan. W. Munn, Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, Jr., S. W. King, Charles H. Hann, and others. Hyde Park sent several hundred rolling-mill men; the city of Pullman 200 car-builders; the town of Lake—"the largest village in the world"—was represented by a flambeau club, the Lake View Screw Club, and numerous other organizations. Their leading representatives were Col. J. Hodgkins, Judge C. M. Hawley, Hon. John E. Cowells, Hon. B. E. Hoppin, Geo. C. Ingham, Judge Freen, Hon. L. D. Condee, Joseph Hardacre, Edward Maher, M. J. McGrath, A. G. Proctor, Frank I. Bennett, and Col. Foster.The visitors were met by about 10,000 citizens and escorted to Tomlinson Hall. When General Harrison appeared, accompanied by Judge E. B. Martindale, Chairman of the Reception Committee, there ensued a scene never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it. The 6,000people present arose to their chairs, surrounding the visiting veterans, all frantically waving flags and banners. The demonstration continued without abatement for ten minutes. General Harrison stood as if dazed by the spectacle. Finally ex-Governor Hamilton, of Illinois, secured quiet, and on behalf of the veterans addressed the gathering, followed by Judge E. W. Keightly on behalf of the Hyde Park visitors.General Harrison's response was by many regarded as his greatest speech of the campaign. He said:Comrades and Friends—It is a rare sight, and it is one very full of interest to us as citizens of Indiana, to see this great hall filled with the people of another State, come to evidence their interest in great principles of government. [Cheers.] I welcome to-night for myself and for our people this magnificent delegation from Chicago and Hyde Park. [Cheers.] We have not before in the procession of these great delegations seen its equal in numbers, enthusiasm, and cordiality. I thank you profoundly for whatever of personal respect there is in this demonstration [cheers]; but above all, as an American citizen, I rejoice in this convincing proof that our people realize the gravity and urgency of the issues involved in this campaign. [Cheers.] I am glad to know that this interest pervades all classes of our people. [Cheers.] This delegation, composed of the business men of Chicago and of the men who wield the hammer in the shops, shows a common interest in the right decision of these great questions. [Great cheers.]Our Government is not a government by classes or for classes of our fellow-citizens. [Cheers.] It is a government of the people and by the people. [Renewed cheering.] Its wise legislation distills its equal blessings upon the homes of the rich and the poor. [Cheers.] I am especially glad that these skilled, intelligent workmen coming out of your great workshops have manifested, by their coming, to their fellow-workmen throughout the country their appreciation of what is involved for them in this campaign. [Prolonged cheers.]May that God who has so long blessed us as a Nation long defer that evil day when penury shall be a constant guest in the homes of our working people, and long preserve to us that intelligent, thrifty and cheerful body of workmen that was our strength in war and is our guaranty of social order in time of peace! [Great cheering.] Comrades of the Civil War, it was true of the greatUnion army, as it is said to be of the kingdom of heaven—not many rich. [Cheers.] It was out of the homes of our working people the great army came. It was the strong arm inured to labor on the farm or in the shop that bore up the flag in the smoke of battle, carried it through storms of shell and shot, and lifted it again in honor over our national Capital. [Prolonged cheers.]After so many historical illustrations of the evil effects of abandoning the policy of protection for that of a revenue tariff, we are again confronted by the suggestion that the principle of protection shall be eliminated from our tariff legislation. Have we not had enough of such experiments? Does not the history of our tariff legislation tell us that every revenue tariff has been followed by business and industrial crashes, and that a return to the policy of protection has stimulated our industries and set our throbbing workshops again in motion? [Cheers.] And yet, again and again, the Democratic party comes forward with this pernicious proposition—for it has been from that party always that the proposition to abandon our protective policy and to substitute a revenue tariff has come. [Cries of "That's so!"]I had placed in my hands yesterday a copy of the London News for September 13. The editor says in substance that, judging the purposes of the Democratic party by the executive message of last December, the English people were justified in believing that party meant free trade; but if they were to accept the more recent utterances of its leader, protesting that that was not their purpose, then the editor thus states the issue presented by the Democratic party. I read but a single sentence: "It is, at any rate, a contest between protection and something that is not protection." [Prolonged and wild cheering.] It is not of the smallest interest to you what that other thing is. [Continued cheering.] It is enough to know that it is not protection. [Renewed cheering.] Those who defend the present Democratic policy declare that our people not only pay the tariff duty upon all imported goods, but that a corresponding amount is added to the price of every domestic competing article. That for every dollar that is paid into the Treasury in the form of a customs duty the people pay several dollars more in the enhanced cost of the domestic competing article. Those who honestly hold such doctrines cannot stop short of the absolute destruction of our protective system. [Cries of "No, no!"] The man who preaches such doctrines and denies that he is on the road to free trade is like the man who takes passage on a train scheduled from here to Cincinnati without a stop, and when the train is speeding on its way at the rate of forty miles an hour, denies that he is going toCincinnati. [Great laughter and cheering.] The impulse of such logic draws toward free trade as surely and swiftly as that engine pulls the train to its appointed destination. It inevitably brings us to the English rule of levying duties only upon such articles as we do not produce at home, such as tea and coffee. That is purely revenue tariff, and is practically free trade.Against this the Republican party proposes that our tariff duty shall be of an intelligent purpose, be levied chiefly upon competing articles. [Cheers.] That our American workmen shall have the benefit of discriminating duties upon the products of their labor. [Cheers.] The Democratic policy increases importation, and, by so much, diminishes the work to be done in America. It transfers work from the shops of South Chicago to Birmingham. [Cries of "Right you are!"] For, if a certain amount of any manufactured article is necessary for a year's supply to our people, and we increase the amount that is brought from abroad, by just so much we diminish the amount that is made at home, and in just that proportion we throw out of employment the men that are working here. And not only so, but when this equal competition is established between our shops and the foreign shops, there is not a man here who does not know that the only condition under which the American shop can run at all is that it shall reduce the wages of its employees to the level of the wages paid in the competing shops abroad. [Cheers.] This is, briefly, the whole story. I believe we should look after and protect our American workingmen; therefore I am a Republican. [Renewed enthusiastic cheering.]But I will not detain you longer. [Cries of "Go on!"] You must excuse me; I have been going on for three months. [A voice, "And you'll go on for four years!"] I am somewhat under restraint in what I can say, and others here are somewhat under restraint as to what they can appropriately say in my presence. I beg you therefore to allow me, after thanking you again for your kindness, to retire that others who are here may address you. [Great cheering.]

Thegreat event of the day was the reception tendered the veterans and citizens from Chicago, Hyde Park, Pullman, South Chicago, and the town of Lake. They numbered over 3,000, and arrived in the evening, after stoppingen routeat Danville, Ill., and Crawfordsville, Ind., to participate in demonstrations. The Chicago contingent comprised 800 members of the Union Veteran Club, commanded by its President, Capt. John J. Healy; 600 members of the Veteran Union League, led by Capt. James J. Healy; the Blaine Club, Second Regiment Band, and many smaller clubs. Leaders in the delegation were Major McCarty, Col. Dan. W. Munn, Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, Jr., S. W. King, Charles H. Hann, and others. Hyde Park sent several hundred rolling-mill men; the city of Pullman 200 car-builders; the town of Lake—"the largest village in the world"—was represented by a flambeau club, the Lake View Screw Club, and numerous other organizations. Their leading representatives were Col. J. Hodgkins, Judge C. M. Hawley, Hon. John E. Cowells, Hon. B. E. Hoppin, Geo. C. Ingham, Judge Freen, Hon. L. D. Condee, Joseph Hardacre, Edward Maher, M. J. McGrath, A. G. Proctor, Frank I. Bennett, and Col. Foster.

The visitors were met by about 10,000 citizens and escorted to Tomlinson Hall. When General Harrison appeared, accompanied by Judge E. B. Martindale, Chairman of the Reception Committee, there ensued a scene never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it. The 6,000people present arose to their chairs, surrounding the visiting veterans, all frantically waving flags and banners. The demonstration continued without abatement for ten minutes. General Harrison stood as if dazed by the spectacle. Finally ex-Governor Hamilton, of Illinois, secured quiet, and on behalf of the veterans addressed the gathering, followed by Judge E. W. Keightly on behalf of the Hyde Park visitors.

General Harrison's response was by many regarded as his greatest speech of the campaign. He said:

Comrades and Friends—It is a rare sight, and it is one very full of interest to us as citizens of Indiana, to see this great hall filled with the people of another State, come to evidence their interest in great principles of government. [Cheers.] I welcome to-night for myself and for our people this magnificent delegation from Chicago and Hyde Park. [Cheers.] We have not before in the procession of these great delegations seen its equal in numbers, enthusiasm, and cordiality. I thank you profoundly for whatever of personal respect there is in this demonstration [cheers]; but above all, as an American citizen, I rejoice in this convincing proof that our people realize the gravity and urgency of the issues involved in this campaign. [Cheers.] I am glad to know that this interest pervades all classes of our people. [Cheers.] This delegation, composed of the business men of Chicago and of the men who wield the hammer in the shops, shows a common interest in the right decision of these great questions. [Great cheers.]Our Government is not a government by classes or for classes of our fellow-citizens. [Cheers.] It is a government of the people and by the people. [Renewed cheering.] Its wise legislation distills its equal blessings upon the homes of the rich and the poor. [Cheers.] I am especially glad that these skilled, intelligent workmen coming out of your great workshops have manifested, by their coming, to their fellow-workmen throughout the country their appreciation of what is involved for them in this campaign. [Prolonged cheers.]May that God who has so long blessed us as a Nation long defer that evil day when penury shall be a constant guest in the homes of our working people, and long preserve to us that intelligent, thrifty and cheerful body of workmen that was our strength in war and is our guaranty of social order in time of peace! [Great cheering.] Comrades of the Civil War, it was true of the greatUnion army, as it is said to be of the kingdom of heaven—not many rich. [Cheers.] It was out of the homes of our working people the great army came. It was the strong arm inured to labor on the farm or in the shop that bore up the flag in the smoke of battle, carried it through storms of shell and shot, and lifted it again in honor over our national Capital. [Prolonged cheers.]After so many historical illustrations of the evil effects of abandoning the policy of protection for that of a revenue tariff, we are again confronted by the suggestion that the principle of protection shall be eliminated from our tariff legislation. Have we not had enough of such experiments? Does not the history of our tariff legislation tell us that every revenue tariff has been followed by business and industrial crashes, and that a return to the policy of protection has stimulated our industries and set our throbbing workshops again in motion? [Cheers.] And yet, again and again, the Democratic party comes forward with this pernicious proposition—for it has been from that party always that the proposition to abandon our protective policy and to substitute a revenue tariff has come. [Cries of "That's so!"]I had placed in my hands yesterday a copy of the London News for September 13. The editor says in substance that, judging the purposes of the Democratic party by the executive message of last December, the English people were justified in believing that party meant free trade; but if they were to accept the more recent utterances of its leader, protesting that that was not their purpose, then the editor thus states the issue presented by the Democratic party. I read but a single sentence: "It is, at any rate, a contest between protection and something that is not protection." [Prolonged and wild cheering.] It is not of the smallest interest to you what that other thing is. [Continued cheering.] It is enough to know that it is not protection. [Renewed cheering.] Those who defend the present Democratic policy declare that our people not only pay the tariff duty upon all imported goods, but that a corresponding amount is added to the price of every domestic competing article. That for every dollar that is paid into the Treasury in the form of a customs duty the people pay several dollars more in the enhanced cost of the domestic competing article. Those who honestly hold such doctrines cannot stop short of the absolute destruction of our protective system. [Cries of "No, no!"] The man who preaches such doctrines and denies that he is on the road to free trade is like the man who takes passage on a train scheduled from here to Cincinnati without a stop, and when the train is speeding on its way at the rate of forty miles an hour, denies that he is going toCincinnati. [Great laughter and cheering.] The impulse of such logic draws toward free trade as surely and swiftly as that engine pulls the train to its appointed destination. It inevitably brings us to the English rule of levying duties only upon such articles as we do not produce at home, such as tea and coffee. That is purely revenue tariff, and is practically free trade.Against this the Republican party proposes that our tariff duty shall be of an intelligent purpose, be levied chiefly upon competing articles. [Cheers.] That our American workmen shall have the benefit of discriminating duties upon the products of their labor. [Cheers.] The Democratic policy increases importation, and, by so much, diminishes the work to be done in America. It transfers work from the shops of South Chicago to Birmingham. [Cries of "Right you are!"] For, if a certain amount of any manufactured article is necessary for a year's supply to our people, and we increase the amount that is brought from abroad, by just so much we diminish the amount that is made at home, and in just that proportion we throw out of employment the men that are working here. And not only so, but when this equal competition is established between our shops and the foreign shops, there is not a man here who does not know that the only condition under which the American shop can run at all is that it shall reduce the wages of its employees to the level of the wages paid in the competing shops abroad. [Cheers.] This is, briefly, the whole story. I believe we should look after and protect our American workingmen; therefore I am a Republican. [Renewed enthusiastic cheering.]But I will not detain you longer. [Cries of "Go on!"] You must excuse me; I have been going on for three months. [A voice, "And you'll go on for four years!"] I am somewhat under restraint in what I can say, and others here are somewhat under restraint as to what they can appropriately say in my presence. I beg you therefore to allow me, after thanking you again for your kindness, to retire that others who are here may address you. [Great cheering.]

Our Government is not a government by classes or for classes of our fellow-citizens. [Cheers.] It is a government of the people and by the people. [Renewed cheering.] Its wise legislation distills its equal blessings upon the homes of the rich and the poor. [Cheers.] I am especially glad that these skilled, intelligent workmen coming out of your great workshops have manifested, by their coming, to their fellow-workmen throughout the country their appreciation of what is involved for them in this campaign. [Prolonged cheers.]

May that God who has so long blessed us as a Nation long defer that evil day when penury shall be a constant guest in the homes of our working people, and long preserve to us that intelligent, thrifty and cheerful body of workmen that was our strength in war and is our guaranty of social order in time of peace! [Great cheering.] Comrades of the Civil War, it was true of the greatUnion army, as it is said to be of the kingdom of heaven—not many rich. [Cheers.] It was out of the homes of our working people the great army came. It was the strong arm inured to labor on the farm or in the shop that bore up the flag in the smoke of battle, carried it through storms of shell and shot, and lifted it again in honor over our national Capital. [Prolonged cheers.]

After so many historical illustrations of the evil effects of abandoning the policy of protection for that of a revenue tariff, we are again confronted by the suggestion that the principle of protection shall be eliminated from our tariff legislation. Have we not had enough of such experiments? Does not the history of our tariff legislation tell us that every revenue tariff has been followed by business and industrial crashes, and that a return to the policy of protection has stimulated our industries and set our throbbing workshops again in motion? [Cheers.] And yet, again and again, the Democratic party comes forward with this pernicious proposition—for it has been from that party always that the proposition to abandon our protective policy and to substitute a revenue tariff has come. [Cries of "That's so!"]

I had placed in my hands yesterday a copy of the London News for September 13. The editor says in substance that, judging the purposes of the Democratic party by the executive message of last December, the English people were justified in believing that party meant free trade; but if they were to accept the more recent utterances of its leader, protesting that that was not their purpose, then the editor thus states the issue presented by the Democratic party. I read but a single sentence: "It is, at any rate, a contest between protection and something that is not protection." [Prolonged and wild cheering.] It is not of the smallest interest to you what that other thing is. [Continued cheering.] It is enough to know that it is not protection. [Renewed cheering.] Those who defend the present Democratic policy declare that our people not only pay the tariff duty upon all imported goods, but that a corresponding amount is added to the price of every domestic competing article. That for every dollar that is paid into the Treasury in the form of a customs duty the people pay several dollars more in the enhanced cost of the domestic competing article. Those who honestly hold such doctrines cannot stop short of the absolute destruction of our protective system. [Cries of "No, no!"] The man who preaches such doctrines and denies that he is on the road to free trade is like the man who takes passage on a train scheduled from here to Cincinnati without a stop, and when the train is speeding on its way at the rate of forty miles an hour, denies that he is going toCincinnati. [Great laughter and cheering.] The impulse of such logic draws toward free trade as surely and swiftly as that engine pulls the train to its appointed destination. It inevitably brings us to the English rule of levying duties only upon such articles as we do not produce at home, such as tea and coffee. That is purely revenue tariff, and is practically free trade.

Against this the Republican party proposes that our tariff duty shall be of an intelligent purpose, be levied chiefly upon competing articles. [Cheers.] That our American workmen shall have the benefit of discriminating duties upon the products of their labor. [Cheers.] The Democratic policy increases importation, and, by so much, diminishes the work to be done in America. It transfers work from the shops of South Chicago to Birmingham. [Cries of "Right you are!"] For, if a certain amount of any manufactured article is necessary for a year's supply to our people, and we increase the amount that is brought from abroad, by just so much we diminish the amount that is made at home, and in just that proportion we throw out of employment the men that are working here. And not only so, but when this equal competition is established between our shops and the foreign shops, there is not a man here who does not know that the only condition under which the American shop can run at all is that it shall reduce the wages of its employees to the level of the wages paid in the competing shops abroad. [Cheers.] This is, briefly, the whole story. I believe we should look after and protect our American workingmen; therefore I am a Republican. [Renewed enthusiastic cheering.]

But I will not detain you longer. [Cries of "Go on!"] You must excuse me; I have been going on for three months. [A voice, "And you'll go on for four years!"] I am somewhat under restraint in what I can say, and others here are somewhat under restraint as to what they can appropriately say in my presence. I beg you therefore to allow me, after thanking you again for your kindness, to retire that others who are here may address you. [Great cheering.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 11.Inpoint of numbers the greatest day of the Indiana campaign was Thursday, October 11, when over 50,000 visitors arrived from all points in Indiana and along the border counties of Ohio to participate in the greeting to the Hon. James G. Blaine, who was the guest of General Harrison.From the balcony of the New-Denison Hotel General and Mrs. Harrison, accompanied by Mr. Blaine, Gen. Adam King, of Baltimore; Col. A. L. Snowden and Gen. D. H. Hastings, of Pennsylvania; Col. M. J. Murray, of Massachusetts; Gen. W. C. Plummer, of Dakota; Corporal James Tanner, of New York; ex-Senator Ferry, of Michigan; Hon. R. W. Thompson, ex-Governor A. G. Porter, Hon. J. N. Huston, Gen. A. P. Hovey, and Ira J. Chase, reviewed probably the greatest political parade ever witnessed in this country outside of the city of New York. Twenty-five thousand men constituted the marching column, in nine great divisions, commanded by Col. Charles S. Millard, Chief Marshal, with Gen. James S. Carnahan, Chief of Staff, and 200 aids. The division commanders and principal aids were:First Division, Gen. N. R. Ruckle, of Indianapolis. Chief of Staff, Charles J. Many, of Indianapolis.Second Division, Capt. H. M. Caylor, of Noblesville. Chief of Staff, Major J. M. Watt, of Delphi.Third Division, John W. Lovett, of Anderson. Chief of Staff, Col. George Parker.Fourth Division, Gen. Tom Bennett, of Richmond. Chief of Staff, Capt. Ira B. Myers, of Peru.Fifth Division, Col. T. C. Burnside, of Liberty. Chief of Staff, J. W. Ream, of Muncie.Sixth Division, Col. J. M. Story, of Franklin. Chief of Staff, Capt. David Wilson, of Martinsville.Seventh Division, Col. W. R. McClellen, of Danville. Chief of Staff, Capt. W. H. Armstrong, of Terre Haute.Eighth Division, Capt. T. H. B. McCain, of Crawfordsville. Chief of Staff, Edward Watson, of Brazil.Ninth Division, Capt. J. O. Pedigo, of Lebanon. Chief of Staff, C. C. Shirley, of Kokomo.Mr. Blaine visited the Exposition grounds in the afternoon, where Major W. H. Calkins introduced him to an audience of about 30,000, to whom he addressed a few words. At night Mr. Blaine delivered one of his masterly speeches at Tomlinson Hall to an audience of 6,000. At the close of the Blaine meeting General Harrison received a delegation from Cincinnati, consisting of A. B. Horton, H. D. Emerson, Wm. Fredberger, James A. Graff, H. R. Probasco, Dr. M. T. Carey, Abram Myer, Fred Pryor, and Walter Hartpense, who called to invite him to attend the Cincinnati Exposition on "Republican Day." A St. Louis delegation, members of the Loyal Legion, also paid their respects. Among them were Col. R. C. Kerens, Col. Nelson Cole, Col. J. S. Butler, Major W. R. Hodges, Captain Gleason, G. B. Adams, H. L. Morrill, C. H. Sampson, and W. B. Gates.On October 18 a party of distinguished railroad magnates visited General Harrison. They were Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, J. D. Layng, H. W. Webb, Sam'l Barton, Seward C. Webb, and C. F. Cox, of New York; J. De Koven, of Chicago; S. M. Beach, of Cleveland, and J. Q. Van Winkle, of St. Louis.On October 19 General Harrison received informally 150 survivors of the Eleventh Indiana Regiment, headed by their first colonel, Gen. Lew Wallace, and General McGinnis.

Inpoint of numbers the greatest day of the Indiana campaign was Thursday, October 11, when over 50,000 visitors arrived from all points in Indiana and along the border counties of Ohio to participate in the greeting to the Hon. James G. Blaine, who was the guest of General Harrison.

From the balcony of the New-Denison Hotel General and Mrs. Harrison, accompanied by Mr. Blaine, Gen. Adam King, of Baltimore; Col. A. L. Snowden and Gen. D. H. Hastings, of Pennsylvania; Col. M. J. Murray, of Massachusetts; Gen. W. C. Plummer, of Dakota; Corporal James Tanner, of New York; ex-Senator Ferry, of Michigan; Hon. R. W. Thompson, ex-Governor A. G. Porter, Hon. J. N. Huston, Gen. A. P. Hovey, and Ira J. Chase, reviewed probably the greatest political parade ever witnessed in this country outside of the city of New York. Twenty-five thousand men constituted the marching column, in nine great divisions, commanded by Col. Charles S. Millard, Chief Marshal, with Gen. James S. Carnahan, Chief of Staff, and 200 aids. The division commanders and principal aids were:

First Division, Gen. N. R. Ruckle, of Indianapolis. Chief of Staff, Charles J. Many, of Indianapolis.

Second Division, Capt. H. M. Caylor, of Noblesville. Chief of Staff, Major J. M. Watt, of Delphi.

Third Division, John W. Lovett, of Anderson. Chief of Staff, Col. George Parker.

Fourth Division, Gen. Tom Bennett, of Richmond. Chief of Staff, Capt. Ira B. Myers, of Peru.

Fifth Division, Col. T. C. Burnside, of Liberty. Chief of Staff, J. W. Ream, of Muncie.

Sixth Division, Col. J. M. Story, of Franklin. Chief of Staff, Capt. David Wilson, of Martinsville.

Seventh Division, Col. W. R. McClellen, of Danville. Chief of Staff, Capt. W. H. Armstrong, of Terre Haute.

Eighth Division, Capt. T. H. B. McCain, of Crawfordsville. Chief of Staff, Edward Watson, of Brazil.

Ninth Division, Capt. J. O. Pedigo, of Lebanon. Chief of Staff, C. C. Shirley, of Kokomo.

Mr. Blaine visited the Exposition grounds in the afternoon, where Major W. H. Calkins introduced him to an audience of about 30,000, to whom he addressed a few words. At night Mr. Blaine delivered one of his masterly speeches at Tomlinson Hall to an audience of 6,000. At the close of the Blaine meeting General Harrison received a delegation from Cincinnati, consisting of A. B. Horton, H. D. Emerson, Wm. Fredberger, James A. Graff, H. R. Probasco, Dr. M. T. Carey, Abram Myer, Fred Pryor, and Walter Hartpense, who called to invite him to attend the Cincinnati Exposition on "Republican Day." A St. Louis delegation, members of the Loyal Legion, also paid their respects. Among them were Col. R. C. Kerens, Col. Nelson Cole, Col. J. S. Butler, Major W. R. Hodges, Captain Gleason, G. B. Adams, H. L. Morrill, C. H. Sampson, and W. B. Gates.

On October 18 a party of distinguished railroad magnates visited General Harrison. They were Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, J. D. Layng, H. W. Webb, Sam'l Barton, Seward C. Webb, and C. F. Cox, of New York; J. De Koven, of Chicago; S. M. Beach, of Cleveland, and J. Q. Van Winkle, of St. Louis.

On October 19 General Harrison received informally 150 survivors of the Eleventh Indiana Regiment, headed by their first colonel, Gen. Lew Wallace, and General McGinnis.

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 13.Twolarge and influential organizations visited General Harrison on October 13. From Milwaukee came 400 members of the Young Men's Republican Club—Paul D. Carpenter, President; George Russell, Secretary. Among other prominent members were Samuel Chandler, who organized the pilgrimage, and Walter W. Pollock. President Carpenter—son of the late Senator Matt Carpenter—and C. S. Otjen, a wage-worker, were spokesmen for the club.The second and largest delegation was the Chicago German-American Republican Club—Franz Amberg, President; F. J. Buswick, Secretary. Accompanying them was the Excelsior Band and sixteen voices from the Orpheus Maennerchor Society of Chicago. Among the widely known members with the club were Hon. Chris. Mamer, Louis Huck, Peter Hand, Edward Bert, Peter Mahr, Henry Wulf, City Treasurer Plantz, N. F. Plotke, and Alderman Tiedemann. As General Harrison entered the hall the reception exercises were opened by the Maennerchor Society with the inspiring hymn—"This is the Lord's own day." Addresses on behalf of the visitors were made by Hon. Wm. Vocke, Henry Greenbaum, and Andrew Soehngen; also, General Fred Knefler for the German Republicans of Indiana, and Hon A. B. Ward, of Dakota.General Harrison, responding to both visiting delegations, said:My Friends of the German-American Republican Club of Chicago, and of the Club of Milwaukee, and my Home German Friends—I am very grateful for the kind words you have addressed to me. The long journey most of you have taken upon this inclement day to tender your respects to me as the candidate of the Republican party is very convincing evidence that you believe this civil contest to be no mock tournament, but a very real and a very decisive battle for great principles. [Cheers]. My German-American friends, you are a home-loving people; father, mother, wife, childare words that to you have a very full and a very tender meaning. [Cheers.] The old father and mother never outlive the veneration and love of the children in a German household. [Cheers.] You have come from the fatherland in families, and have set up again here the old hearth-stones. Out of this love of home there is naturally born a love of country—it is only the widening of the family circle—and so our fellow-citizens of German birth and descent did not fail to respond with alacrity and enthusiasm to the call of their adopted country when armies were mustered for the defence of the Union. [Cheers.] The people of Indiana will long remember the veteran Willich and the Thirty-second Regiment of Indiana Volunteers (or First German), which he took into the field in 1861. The repulse by this regiment alone of an attacking force under General Hindman of 1,100 infantry, a battalion of Texas Rangers, and four pieces of artillery at Rowlett's Station, in December, 1861, filled our people with enthusiasm and pride. Again and again the impetuous Texas horsemen threw themselves with baffled fury upon that square of brave hearts. No bayonet point was lowered, no skulker broke the wall of safety that enclosed the flag. [Cheers.]Your people are industrious, thrifty, and provident. To lay by something is one of life's earliest lessons in a German home. These national traits naturally drew your people to the support of the Republican party when it declared for freedom and free homes in the Territories. [Cheers.] They secured your adherence to the cause of the Union in the Civil War. They gave us your help in the long struggle for resumption and an honest currency, and I do not doubt that they will now secure our sympathy and help in this great contest in behalf of our American homes. Your people are largely wage-earners. They have prospered under a protective tariff, and will not, I am sure, vote for such a change in our tariff policy as will cut them off from their wages that margin which they are now able to lay aside for old age and for their children.And now a word to my young friends from Wisconsin. You have come into the possession of the suffrage at an important, if not critical, time in our public affairs. The Democratic party out of power was a party of negations. It did not secure its present lease of power upon the platform or the policies it now supports and advocates. [Cheers.] The campaign of 1884 was not made upon the platform of a tariff for revenue only. Our workingmen were soothed with phrases that implied some regard to their interests, and Democrats who believed in a protective tariff were admitted to the party councils and gladly heard in public debate. [Cheers.] But four years of power have changed all this. Democrats whothought they could be protectionists and still maintain their party standing have been silenced or their opinions coerced. The issue is now distinctly made between "protection and something that is not protection." [Cheers.] The Republican party fearlessly accepts the issue and places itself upon the side of the American home and the American workingman. [Cheers.] We invite these young men who were too young to share the glory of the struggle for our political unity to a part in this contest for the preservation of our commercial independence. [Cheers.]And now to these friends who are the bearers of gifts, one word of thanks. I especially value this cane as a token of the confidence and respect of the workingmen of Bay View. [Cheers.] I accept their gift with gratitude, and would wish you, sir, to bear in return my most friendly regards and good wishes to every one of them. I do not need to lean on this beautiful cane, but I do feel like resting upon the intelligent confidence of the men who sent it. [Great cheering.] I am glad to know that they have not stumbled over the simple problem that is presented for their consideration in this campaign. They know that an increase of importation means diminished work in American shops. [Cheers.] To my friend who brings this beautiful specimen of American workmanship, this commonly accepted token of good luck, I give my thanks. But we will not trust wholly in this symbol of good luck. The earnest individual effort of the American people only can make the result of this contest so decisive, so emphatic, that we shall not for a generation hear any party contest the principle that our tariff laws shall adequately protect our own workingmen. [Great cheering.]

Twolarge and influential organizations visited General Harrison on October 13. From Milwaukee came 400 members of the Young Men's Republican Club—Paul D. Carpenter, President; George Russell, Secretary. Among other prominent members were Samuel Chandler, who organized the pilgrimage, and Walter W. Pollock. President Carpenter—son of the late Senator Matt Carpenter—and C. S. Otjen, a wage-worker, were spokesmen for the club.

The second and largest delegation was the Chicago German-American Republican Club—Franz Amberg, President; F. J. Buswick, Secretary. Accompanying them was the Excelsior Band and sixteen voices from the Orpheus Maennerchor Society of Chicago. Among the widely known members with the club were Hon. Chris. Mamer, Louis Huck, Peter Hand, Edward Bert, Peter Mahr, Henry Wulf, City Treasurer Plantz, N. F. Plotke, and Alderman Tiedemann. As General Harrison entered the hall the reception exercises were opened by the Maennerchor Society with the inspiring hymn—"This is the Lord's own day." Addresses on behalf of the visitors were made by Hon. Wm. Vocke, Henry Greenbaum, and Andrew Soehngen; also, General Fred Knefler for the German Republicans of Indiana, and Hon A. B. Ward, of Dakota.

General Harrison, responding to both visiting delegations, said:

My Friends of the German-American Republican Club of Chicago, and of the Club of Milwaukee, and my Home German Friends—I am very grateful for the kind words you have addressed to me. The long journey most of you have taken upon this inclement day to tender your respects to me as the candidate of the Republican party is very convincing evidence that you believe this civil contest to be no mock tournament, but a very real and a very decisive battle for great principles. [Cheers]. My German-American friends, you are a home-loving people; father, mother, wife, childare words that to you have a very full and a very tender meaning. [Cheers.] The old father and mother never outlive the veneration and love of the children in a German household. [Cheers.] You have come from the fatherland in families, and have set up again here the old hearth-stones. Out of this love of home there is naturally born a love of country—it is only the widening of the family circle—and so our fellow-citizens of German birth and descent did not fail to respond with alacrity and enthusiasm to the call of their adopted country when armies were mustered for the defence of the Union. [Cheers.] The people of Indiana will long remember the veteran Willich and the Thirty-second Regiment of Indiana Volunteers (or First German), which he took into the field in 1861. The repulse by this regiment alone of an attacking force under General Hindman of 1,100 infantry, a battalion of Texas Rangers, and four pieces of artillery at Rowlett's Station, in December, 1861, filled our people with enthusiasm and pride. Again and again the impetuous Texas horsemen threw themselves with baffled fury upon that square of brave hearts. No bayonet point was lowered, no skulker broke the wall of safety that enclosed the flag. [Cheers.]Your people are industrious, thrifty, and provident. To lay by something is one of life's earliest lessons in a German home. These national traits naturally drew your people to the support of the Republican party when it declared for freedom and free homes in the Territories. [Cheers.] They secured your adherence to the cause of the Union in the Civil War. They gave us your help in the long struggle for resumption and an honest currency, and I do not doubt that they will now secure our sympathy and help in this great contest in behalf of our American homes. Your people are largely wage-earners. They have prospered under a protective tariff, and will not, I am sure, vote for such a change in our tariff policy as will cut them off from their wages that margin which they are now able to lay aside for old age and for their children.And now a word to my young friends from Wisconsin. You have come into the possession of the suffrage at an important, if not critical, time in our public affairs. The Democratic party out of power was a party of negations. It did not secure its present lease of power upon the platform or the policies it now supports and advocates. [Cheers.] The campaign of 1884 was not made upon the platform of a tariff for revenue only. Our workingmen were soothed with phrases that implied some regard to their interests, and Democrats who believed in a protective tariff were admitted to the party councils and gladly heard in public debate. [Cheers.] But four years of power have changed all this. Democrats whothought they could be protectionists and still maintain their party standing have been silenced or their opinions coerced. The issue is now distinctly made between "protection and something that is not protection." [Cheers.] The Republican party fearlessly accepts the issue and places itself upon the side of the American home and the American workingman. [Cheers.] We invite these young men who were too young to share the glory of the struggle for our political unity to a part in this contest for the preservation of our commercial independence. [Cheers.]And now to these friends who are the bearers of gifts, one word of thanks. I especially value this cane as a token of the confidence and respect of the workingmen of Bay View. [Cheers.] I accept their gift with gratitude, and would wish you, sir, to bear in return my most friendly regards and good wishes to every one of them. I do not need to lean on this beautiful cane, but I do feel like resting upon the intelligent confidence of the men who sent it. [Great cheering.] I am glad to know that they have not stumbled over the simple problem that is presented for their consideration in this campaign. They know that an increase of importation means diminished work in American shops. [Cheers.] To my friend who brings this beautiful specimen of American workmanship, this commonly accepted token of good luck, I give my thanks. But we will not trust wholly in this symbol of good luck. The earnest individual effort of the American people only can make the result of this contest so decisive, so emphatic, that we shall not for a generation hear any party contest the principle that our tariff laws shall adequately protect our own workingmen. [Great cheering.]

Your people are industrious, thrifty, and provident. To lay by something is one of life's earliest lessons in a German home. These national traits naturally drew your people to the support of the Republican party when it declared for freedom and free homes in the Territories. [Cheers.] They secured your adherence to the cause of the Union in the Civil War. They gave us your help in the long struggle for resumption and an honest currency, and I do not doubt that they will now secure our sympathy and help in this great contest in behalf of our American homes. Your people are largely wage-earners. They have prospered under a protective tariff, and will not, I am sure, vote for such a change in our tariff policy as will cut them off from their wages that margin which they are now able to lay aside for old age and for their children.

And now a word to my young friends from Wisconsin. You have come into the possession of the suffrage at an important, if not critical, time in our public affairs. The Democratic party out of power was a party of negations. It did not secure its present lease of power upon the platform or the policies it now supports and advocates. [Cheers.] The campaign of 1884 was not made upon the platform of a tariff for revenue only. Our workingmen were soothed with phrases that implied some regard to their interests, and Democrats who believed in a protective tariff were admitted to the party councils and gladly heard in public debate. [Cheers.] But four years of power have changed all this. Democrats whothought they could be protectionists and still maintain their party standing have been silenced or their opinions coerced. The issue is now distinctly made between "protection and something that is not protection." [Cheers.] The Republican party fearlessly accepts the issue and places itself upon the side of the American home and the American workingman. [Cheers.] We invite these young men who were too young to share the glory of the struggle for our political unity to a part in this contest for the preservation of our commercial independence. [Cheers.]

And now to these friends who are the bearers of gifts, one word of thanks. I especially value this cane as a token of the confidence and respect of the workingmen of Bay View. [Cheers.] I accept their gift with gratitude, and would wish you, sir, to bear in return my most friendly regards and good wishes to every one of them. I do not need to lean on this beautiful cane, but I do feel like resting upon the intelligent confidence of the men who sent it. [Great cheering.] I am glad to know that they have not stumbled over the simple problem that is presented for their consideration in this campaign. They know that an increase of importation means diminished work in American shops. [Cheers.] To my friend who brings this beautiful specimen of American workmanship, this commonly accepted token of good luck, I give my thanks. But we will not trust wholly in this symbol of good luck. The earnest individual effort of the American people only can make the result of this contest so decisive, so emphatic, that we shall not for a generation hear any party contest the principle that our tariff laws shall adequately protect our own workingmen. [Great cheering.]

INDIANAPOLIS, OCTOBER 17.Ohio'schief executive, Gov. Joseph B. Foraker, escorted by the Garfield Club and the Fourteenth Regiment Band of Columbus, made a pilgrimage to the Republican Mecca on October 17. The widely known Columbus Glee Club accompanied them. Among the prominent Republicans with the delegation were Auditor of State Poe, Adjutant-General Axline, Hon. Estes G. Rathbone, C. L. Kurtz, D. W. Brown, C. E. Prior, L. D. Hogerty, J. W. Firestone, and Ira H. Crum. Escorted by the ColumbiaClub, the Buckeyes marched to the residence of General Harrison and were introduced by Governor Foraker.In response to their greeting General Harrison said:Gentlemen—It was very appropriate that these representative Ohio Republicans should accompany to the State of Indiana your distinguished Governor, whose presence among us to-day is so welcome to our people. We know his story as the young Ohio volunteer, the fearless champion of Republican principles in public debate, and the resolute, courageous, and sagacious executive of the great State of Ohio. [Applause.] We welcome him and we welcome you. The fame of this magnificent glee club has preceded them. We are glad to have an opportunity to hear you.To these members of the Garfield Club I return my thanks for this friendly call. You bear an honored name. I look back with pleasure to the small contribution I was able to make in Indiana toward securing the electoral vote of this State to that great son of Ohio, whose tragic death spread gloom and disappointment over our land. I welcome you as citizens of my native State—a State I shall always love, because all of my early associations are with it. In this State, to which I came in my earliest manhood, the Republicans are as staunch and true, as valorous and resolute, as can be found in any of the States. You have no advantage of us except in numbers. We welcome you all as Republicans. [A voice, "That's what we are!"] We believe that our party now advocates another great principle that needs to be established—made fast—put where it shall be beyond assault. It is a principle which has wrought marvellously in the development of our country since the war. It has enabled us to handle a great national debt, which our desponding Democratic friends said would inevitably sink our country into bankruptcy, so that we are not troubled about getting the money to pay our maturing bonds, but are getting it faster than our bonds mature. We need to establish this principle of protection, the defence of our American workers against the degrading and unfriendly competition of pauper labor in all other countries [cheers], so unmistakably that it shall not again be assailed. [A voice, "Amen!"] Our Democratic friends in previous campaigns have deceived the people upon this great question by uncertain and evasive utterances. We are glad to know that now they have drawn the issue clearly; we accept it. [Applause.] If we shall be able in this campaign, as I believe we will, to arouse our people to the importance of maintaining our defences against unfair foreign competition, we shall administer those who believe in revenue tariffs and in progressive free trade a wholesome lesson—one that will last them a lifetime. [Cheers.]I had resolutely determined when I came upon these steps not to make a speech. [Laughter and cries of "Go on!"] I am absolutely determined to stop now. [Laughter.] I shall be glad to meet the members of these escort clubs personally in my house. [Three cheers.]Later in the day about 100 survivors of the Seventy-ninth Indiana Regiment, led by their first colonel, General Fred Knefler, called on General Harrison, and were presented by their leader in a brief speech, in response to which General Harrison, speaking from his doorway, said:General Knefler and Comrades—I am always deeply touched when my comrades visit me and offer their kindly greetings. I have no higher ambition than to stand well in the estimation of my comrades of the old Union army. I will not speak of any political topic. These men who stand before me gave the supreme evidence of their love and devotion to their country. No man could give more than they offered. The perpetuity of our institutions, the honor of what General Sherman so felicitously called the "old glory," demand the country shall always and in every appropriate way honor and reward the men who kept it a Nation. Whatever may be said of our great prosperity since the war, and it can scarcely be exaggerated, if we look for the cause under God, is it not found in the stout hearts of these men? They have opened this wide avenue of prosperity and honor in which we are moving. It will be a shame if our people do not in every way properly recognize that debt and properly honor the men who gave this supreme evidence of their devotion to the country and its institutions. Thanking you again for this visit, I will be glad if you will enter my house and let me meet you personally.

Ohio'schief executive, Gov. Joseph B. Foraker, escorted by the Garfield Club and the Fourteenth Regiment Band of Columbus, made a pilgrimage to the Republican Mecca on October 17. The widely known Columbus Glee Club accompanied them. Among the prominent Republicans with the delegation were Auditor of State Poe, Adjutant-General Axline, Hon. Estes G. Rathbone, C. L. Kurtz, D. W. Brown, C. E. Prior, L. D. Hogerty, J. W. Firestone, and Ira H. Crum. Escorted by the ColumbiaClub, the Buckeyes marched to the residence of General Harrison and were introduced by Governor Foraker.

In response to their greeting General Harrison said:

Gentlemen—It was very appropriate that these representative Ohio Republicans should accompany to the State of Indiana your distinguished Governor, whose presence among us to-day is so welcome to our people. We know his story as the young Ohio volunteer, the fearless champion of Republican principles in public debate, and the resolute, courageous, and sagacious executive of the great State of Ohio. [Applause.] We welcome him and we welcome you. The fame of this magnificent glee club has preceded them. We are glad to have an opportunity to hear you.To these members of the Garfield Club I return my thanks for this friendly call. You bear an honored name. I look back with pleasure to the small contribution I was able to make in Indiana toward securing the electoral vote of this State to that great son of Ohio, whose tragic death spread gloom and disappointment over our land. I welcome you as citizens of my native State—a State I shall always love, because all of my early associations are with it. In this State, to which I came in my earliest manhood, the Republicans are as staunch and true, as valorous and resolute, as can be found in any of the States. You have no advantage of us except in numbers. We welcome you all as Republicans. [A voice, "That's what we are!"] We believe that our party now advocates another great principle that needs to be established—made fast—put where it shall be beyond assault. It is a principle which has wrought marvellously in the development of our country since the war. It has enabled us to handle a great national debt, which our desponding Democratic friends said would inevitably sink our country into bankruptcy, so that we are not troubled about getting the money to pay our maturing bonds, but are getting it faster than our bonds mature. We need to establish this principle of protection, the defence of our American workers against the degrading and unfriendly competition of pauper labor in all other countries [cheers], so unmistakably that it shall not again be assailed. [A voice, "Amen!"] Our Democratic friends in previous campaigns have deceived the people upon this great question by uncertain and evasive utterances. We are glad to know that now they have drawn the issue clearly; we accept it. [Applause.] If we shall be able in this campaign, as I believe we will, to arouse our people to the importance of maintaining our defences against unfair foreign competition, we shall administer those who believe in revenue tariffs and in progressive free trade a wholesome lesson—one that will last them a lifetime. [Cheers.]I had resolutely determined when I came upon these steps not to make a speech. [Laughter and cries of "Go on!"] I am absolutely determined to stop now. [Laughter.] I shall be glad to meet the members of these escort clubs personally in my house. [Three cheers.]

To these members of the Garfield Club I return my thanks for this friendly call. You bear an honored name. I look back with pleasure to the small contribution I was able to make in Indiana toward securing the electoral vote of this State to that great son of Ohio, whose tragic death spread gloom and disappointment over our land. I welcome you as citizens of my native State—a State I shall always love, because all of my early associations are with it. In this State, to which I came in my earliest manhood, the Republicans are as staunch and true, as valorous and resolute, as can be found in any of the States. You have no advantage of us except in numbers. We welcome you all as Republicans. [A voice, "That's what we are!"] We believe that our party now advocates another great principle that needs to be established—made fast—put where it shall be beyond assault. It is a principle which has wrought marvellously in the development of our country since the war. It has enabled us to handle a great national debt, which our desponding Democratic friends said would inevitably sink our country into bankruptcy, so that we are not troubled about getting the money to pay our maturing bonds, but are getting it faster than our bonds mature. We need to establish this principle of protection, the defence of our American workers against the degrading and unfriendly competition of pauper labor in all other countries [cheers], so unmistakably that it shall not again be assailed. [A voice, "Amen!"] Our Democratic friends in previous campaigns have deceived the people upon this great question by uncertain and evasive utterances. We are glad to know that now they have drawn the issue clearly; we accept it. [Applause.] If we shall be able in this campaign, as I believe we will, to arouse our people to the importance of maintaining our defences against unfair foreign competition, we shall administer those who believe in revenue tariffs and in progressive free trade a wholesome lesson—one that will last them a lifetime. [Cheers.]

I had resolutely determined when I came upon these steps not to make a speech. [Laughter and cries of "Go on!"] I am absolutely determined to stop now. [Laughter.] I shall be glad to meet the members of these escort clubs personally in my house. [Three cheers.]

Later in the day about 100 survivors of the Seventy-ninth Indiana Regiment, led by their first colonel, General Fred Knefler, called on General Harrison, and were presented by their leader in a brief speech, in response to which General Harrison, speaking from his doorway, said:

General Knefler and Comrades—I am always deeply touched when my comrades visit me and offer their kindly greetings. I have no higher ambition than to stand well in the estimation of my comrades of the old Union army. I will not speak of any political topic. These men who stand before me gave the supreme evidence of their love and devotion to their country. No man could give more than they offered. The perpetuity of our institutions, the honor of what General Sherman so felicitously called the "old glory," demand the country shall always and in every appropriate way honor and reward the men who kept it a Nation. Whatever may be said of our great prosperity since the war, and it can scarcely be exaggerated, if we look for the cause under God, is it not found in the stout hearts of these men? They have opened this wide avenue of prosperity and honor in which we are moving. It will be a shame if our people do not in every way properly recognize that debt and properly honor the men who gave this supreme evidence of their devotion to the country and its institutions. Thanking you again for this visit, I will be glad if you will enter my house and let me meet you personally.

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