INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 20.

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 20.OnSeptember 20 a distinguished delegation arrived from Cincinnati, for the purpose of inviting General and Mrs. Harrison to attend the Cincinnati Exposition. The committee, representing the Board of Commissioners of the Exposition, was headed by Chairman Goodale and President Allison and wife, accompanied by Mayor Amor Smith and wife, Comptroller E. P. Eshelby and wife, Hon. John B. Peaslee, Mrs. and Miss Devereaux, C. H. Rockwell and wife, and others.In the evening 300 gentlemen, exhibiting implements and agricultural machinery at the State Fair—then in progress—called on General Harrison. John C. Wingate, of Montgomery County, was their spokesman.Responding to their greeting the General said:My Friends—When I was asked yesterday whether it would be agreeable to me to see about one hundred gentlemen who were here in attendance upon the Indiana State Fair and connected with the exhibit of machinery, I was assured their call would be of the most informal character—that they would simply visit me at my home and spend a few moments socially. [Laughter.] Until I heard the music of your band and saw the torchlights, that was my understanding of what was in store for me this evening. I am again the victim of a misunderstanding. [Laughter and applause.] Still, though my one hundred guests have been multiplied several times, and though I find myself compelled to speak to you en masse rather than individually, I am glad to see you. I thank you for your visit, and for the cordial terms in which you have addressed me. What your speaker has said as to the favorable condition of our working people is true; and we are fortunate in the fact that we do not need to depend for our evidence on statistics or the reports of those who casually visit the countries of the Old World. There is probably not a shop represented here that has not among its workingmen those who have tried the conditions of life in the old country, and are able to speak from personal experience. It cannot be doubted that our American system of levying discriminating duties upon competing foreign products has much to do with the better condition of our working people. I welcome youas representatives of one of the great industries of our country. The demands of the farm have been met by the ingenuity of your shops. The improvement in farm machinery within my own recollection has been marvellous. The scythe and the cradle still held control in the harvest field when I first went out to carry the noon meal to the workmen. Afterward it sometimes fell to my lot in the hay-field to drive one of the old-fashioned combination reapers and mowers. It was a great advance over the scythe and cradle, and yet it was heavy and clumsy—a very horse-killer. [Laughter and applause.] When the drivers struck a stump the horse had no power over the machine in either direction. Now these machines have been so lightened and improved that they are the perfection of mechanism. Your inventive genius has responded to the necessities of the farm until that which was drudgery has become light and easy. I thank you again for your call, and will be glad to meet personally those strangers who are here. [Applause.]

OnSeptember 20 a distinguished delegation arrived from Cincinnati, for the purpose of inviting General and Mrs. Harrison to attend the Cincinnati Exposition. The committee, representing the Board of Commissioners of the Exposition, was headed by Chairman Goodale and President Allison and wife, accompanied by Mayor Amor Smith and wife, Comptroller E. P. Eshelby and wife, Hon. John B. Peaslee, Mrs. and Miss Devereaux, C. H. Rockwell and wife, and others.

In the evening 300 gentlemen, exhibiting implements and agricultural machinery at the State Fair—then in progress—called on General Harrison. John C. Wingate, of Montgomery County, was their spokesman.

Responding to their greeting the General said:

My Friends—When I was asked yesterday whether it would be agreeable to me to see about one hundred gentlemen who were here in attendance upon the Indiana State Fair and connected with the exhibit of machinery, I was assured their call would be of the most informal character—that they would simply visit me at my home and spend a few moments socially. [Laughter.] Until I heard the music of your band and saw the torchlights, that was my understanding of what was in store for me this evening. I am again the victim of a misunderstanding. [Laughter and applause.] Still, though my one hundred guests have been multiplied several times, and though I find myself compelled to speak to you en masse rather than individually, I am glad to see you. I thank you for your visit, and for the cordial terms in which you have addressed me. What your speaker has said as to the favorable condition of our working people is true; and we are fortunate in the fact that we do not need to depend for our evidence on statistics or the reports of those who casually visit the countries of the Old World. There is probably not a shop represented here that has not among its workingmen those who have tried the conditions of life in the old country, and are able to speak from personal experience. It cannot be doubted that our American system of levying discriminating duties upon competing foreign products has much to do with the better condition of our working people. I welcome youas representatives of one of the great industries of our country. The demands of the farm have been met by the ingenuity of your shops. The improvement in farm machinery within my own recollection has been marvellous. The scythe and the cradle still held control in the harvest field when I first went out to carry the noon meal to the workmen. Afterward it sometimes fell to my lot in the hay-field to drive one of the old-fashioned combination reapers and mowers. It was a great advance over the scythe and cradle, and yet it was heavy and clumsy—a very horse-killer. [Laughter and applause.] When the drivers struck a stump the horse had no power over the machine in either direction. Now these machines have been so lightened and improved that they are the perfection of mechanism. Your inventive genius has responded to the necessities of the farm until that which was drudgery has become light and easy. I thank you again for your call, and will be glad to meet personally those strangers who are here. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 21.Randolphand Jay counties, Indiana, contributed 3,000 visitors on September 21. At the head of the Randolph column marched 200 members of the "Old Men's Tippecanoe Club," of Winchester, led by Marshals J. B. Ross, A. J. Stakebake, and Auditor Cranor. Other leaders in the delegation were Mayor F. H. Bowen, Hon. Theo. Shockley, Geo. Patchell, W. S. Ensign, Frank Parker, Samuel Bell, Dr. G. Rynard, and Washington Smith, of Union City; J. W. Macy, J. S. Engle, Reverdy Puckett, A. C. Beeson, and John E. Markle, of Winchester.The Jay County contingent was led by James A. Russell, B. D. Halfhill, Isaac McKinney, J. W. Williams, Eli Clark, J. C. Andrews, T. J. Cartwright, and Albert Martin. L. C. Hauseman was spokesman for the Hoosiers. Gen. Stone, of Randolph, spoke on behalf of the veterans.From Dayton, Ohio, came 500 visitors, including 60 veterans of the campaign of '40, led by Secretary Edgar. Marshal James Applegate, Mr. Eckley, Dr. J. A. Ronspert, and W. R. Knaub were other leaders of the Ohio contingent. Col. John G. Lowe was their speaker, and referred to the fact that Gen. Harrison "had won his education and Miss Caroline M. Scott, now his estimable wife, when a resident of Ohio."To these addresses the General, responding, said:My Ohio and Indiana Friends—The magnitude and the cordiality of this demonstration are very gratifying. That these representatives of the State of my nativity, and these, my neighbors in this State of my early adoption, should unite this morning in giving this evidence of their respect and confidence is especially pleasing. I do remember Ohio, the State of my birth and of my boyhood, with affection and veneration. I take pride in her great history, the illustrious men she furnished to lead our armies, and the army of her brave boys who bore the knapsack and the gun for the Union. I take pride in her pure and illustrious statesmen. Ohio was the first of the Northwestern States to receive the western emigration after the Revolutionary War. When that tide of patriotism which had borne our country to freedom and had established our Constitution threw upon the West many of the patriots whose fortunes had been maimed or broken by their sacrifices in the Revolutionary War, this pure stream, pouring over the Alleghanies, found its first basin in the State of Ohio. [Cries of "Good! Good!"]The waters of patriotism that had been distilled in the fires of the Revolution fertilized her virgin fields. [Applause.] I do not forget, however, that my manhood has all been spent in Indiana—that all the struggle which is behind me in life has this for its field. [Cheers.]I brought to this hospitable State only that to which Col. Lowe has alluded—an education and a good wife. [Great cheering.] Whatever else I have, whatever else I have accomplished, for myself and for my family or the public, has been under the favoring and friendly auspices of these, my fellow-citizens of Indiana. [Applause.] To them I owe more than I can repay. My Indiana friends, you come from a county largely devoted to agriculture. The invitation of Nature was so generous that your people have generally accepted it. Guarded as your early settlers were, and as those of Ohio were, by that sword of liberty which was placed at your gates by the ordinance of 1787, stimulated, as you have been, by the suggestions of that great ordinance in favor of morality and education, you have, in your rural homes, one of the best communities in the world. [Applause.] You do not forget, farmers though you are, that 95 per cent. of the product of your farms is consumedat home, and you are too wise to put that in peril in a greedy search after foreign trade. [Great applause.] You will not sacrifice these great industries that have created in our country a consuming class for your products. [Cheers.] I do not think that there is any doubt what tariff policy England would wish us to adopt, and yet some say that England is trembling lest we should adopt free trade here [laughter], and so rob her of other markets that she now enjoys. [Laughter.] The story of our colonial days, when England, with selfish and insatiate avarice, laid her repressive hand upon our infant manufactories and attempted to suppress them all, furnishes the first object-lesson she gave us. Another was given when the life of this Nation—the child of England, as she has been wont to call us, speaking the mother tongue, having many institutions inherited from her—was imperilled. The offer of free trade by the Confederacy so touched the commercial greed of England that she forgot the ties of blood and went to the verge of war with us to advance the cause of the rebel Government. [Cheers.] But what England wants, or what any other country wants, is not very important—certainly not conclusive. [Cheers.]What is best for us and our people should be the decisive question. [Cheers.] My Randolph County friends, there are State questions that must take a strong hold upon the minds of people like yours. The proposition to lift entirely out of the range and control of partisan politics the great benevolent institutions of the State is one that must commend itself to all your people. [Cheers.] If all those friends who sympathize with us upon this question had acted with us in 1886 we should then have accomplished this great reform. [Applause.] And now, to these old gentlemen whose judgment and large experience in life gives added value to their kind words; to these young friends who, for the first time, take a freeman's place in the line of battle to do duty for the right, I give my kindly greetings and best wishes in return for theirs. [Cheers.]

Randolphand Jay counties, Indiana, contributed 3,000 visitors on September 21. At the head of the Randolph column marched 200 members of the "Old Men's Tippecanoe Club," of Winchester, led by Marshals J. B. Ross, A. J. Stakebake, and Auditor Cranor. Other leaders in the delegation were Mayor F. H. Bowen, Hon. Theo. Shockley, Geo. Patchell, W. S. Ensign, Frank Parker, Samuel Bell, Dr. G. Rynard, and Washington Smith, of Union City; J. W. Macy, J. S. Engle, Reverdy Puckett, A. C. Beeson, and John E. Markle, of Winchester.

The Jay County contingent was led by James A. Russell, B. D. Halfhill, Isaac McKinney, J. W. Williams, Eli Clark, J. C. Andrews, T. J. Cartwright, and Albert Martin. L. C. Hauseman was spokesman for the Hoosiers. Gen. Stone, of Randolph, spoke on behalf of the veterans.

From Dayton, Ohio, came 500 visitors, including 60 veterans of the campaign of '40, led by Secretary Edgar. Marshal James Applegate, Mr. Eckley, Dr. J. A. Ronspert, and W. R. Knaub were other leaders of the Ohio contingent. Col. John G. Lowe was their speaker, and referred to the fact that Gen. Harrison "had won his education and Miss Caroline M. Scott, now his estimable wife, when a resident of Ohio."

To these addresses the General, responding, said:

My Ohio and Indiana Friends—The magnitude and the cordiality of this demonstration are very gratifying. That these representatives of the State of my nativity, and these, my neighbors in this State of my early adoption, should unite this morning in giving this evidence of their respect and confidence is especially pleasing. I do remember Ohio, the State of my birth and of my boyhood, with affection and veneration. I take pride in her great history, the illustrious men she furnished to lead our armies, and the army of her brave boys who bore the knapsack and the gun for the Union. I take pride in her pure and illustrious statesmen. Ohio was the first of the Northwestern States to receive the western emigration after the Revolutionary War. When that tide of patriotism which had borne our country to freedom and had established our Constitution threw upon the West many of the patriots whose fortunes had been maimed or broken by their sacrifices in the Revolutionary War, this pure stream, pouring over the Alleghanies, found its first basin in the State of Ohio. [Cries of "Good! Good!"]The waters of patriotism that had been distilled in the fires of the Revolution fertilized her virgin fields. [Applause.] I do not forget, however, that my manhood has all been spent in Indiana—that all the struggle which is behind me in life has this for its field. [Cheers.]I brought to this hospitable State only that to which Col. Lowe has alluded—an education and a good wife. [Great cheering.] Whatever else I have, whatever else I have accomplished, for myself and for my family or the public, has been under the favoring and friendly auspices of these, my fellow-citizens of Indiana. [Applause.] To them I owe more than I can repay. My Indiana friends, you come from a county largely devoted to agriculture. The invitation of Nature was so generous that your people have generally accepted it. Guarded as your early settlers were, and as those of Ohio were, by that sword of liberty which was placed at your gates by the ordinance of 1787, stimulated, as you have been, by the suggestions of that great ordinance in favor of morality and education, you have, in your rural homes, one of the best communities in the world. [Applause.] You do not forget, farmers though you are, that 95 per cent. of the product of your farms is consumedat home, and you are too wise to put that in peril in a greedy search after foreign trade. [Great applause.] You will not sacrifice these great industries that have created in our country a consuming class for your products. [Cheers.] I do not think that there is any doubt what tariff policy England would wish us to adopt, and yet some say that England is trembling lest we should adopt free trade here [laughter], and so rob her of other markets that she now enjoys. [Laughter.] The story of our colonial days, when England, with selfish and insatiate avarice, laid her repressive hand upon our infant manufactories and attempted to suppress them all, furnishes the first object-lesson she gave us. Another was given when the life of this Nation—the child of England, as she has been wont to call us, speaking the mother tongue, having many institutions inherited from her—was imperilled. The offer of free trade by the Confederacy so touched the commercial greed of England that she forgot the ties of blood and went to the verge of war with us to advance the cause of the rebel Government. [Cheers.] But what England wants, or what any other country wants, is not very important—certainly not conclusive. [Cheers.]What is best for us and our people should be the decisive question. [Cheers.] My Randolph County friends, there are State questions that must take a strong hold upon the minds of people like yours. The proposition to lift entirely out of the range and control of partisan politics the great benevolent institutions of the State is one that must commend itself to all your people. [Cheers.] If all those friends who sympathize with us upon this question had acted with us in 1886 we should then have accomplished this great reform. [Applause.] And now, to these old gentlemen whose judgment and large experience in life gives added value to their kind words; to these young friends who, for the first time, take a freeman's place in the line of battle to do duty for the right, I give my kindly greetings and best wishes in return for theirs. [Cheers.]

The waters of patriotism that had been distilled in the fires of the Revolution fertilized her virgin fields. [Applause.] I do not forget, however, that my manhood has all been spent in Indiana—that all the struggle which is behind me in life has this for its field. [Cheers.]

I brought to this hospitable State only that to which Col. Lowe has alluded—an education and a good wife. [Great cheering.] Whatever else I have, whatever else I have accomplished, for myself and for my family or the public, has been under the favoring and friendly auspices of these, my fellow-citizens of Indiana. [Applause.] To them I owe more than I can repay. My Indiana friends, you come from a county largely devoted to agriculture. The invitation of Nature was so generous that your people have generally accepted it. Guarded as your early settlers were, and as those of Ohio were, by that sword of liberty which was placed at your gates by the ordinance of 1787, stimulated, as you have been, by the suggestions of that great ordinance in favor of morality and education, you have, in your rural homes, one of the best communities in the world. [Applause.] You do not forget, farmers though you are, that 95 per cent. of the product of your farms is consumedat home, and you are too wise to put that in peril in a greedy search after foreign trade. [Great applause.] You will not sacrifice these great industries that have created in our country a consuming class for your products. [Cheers.] I do not think that there is any doubt what tariff policy England would wish us to adopt, and yet some say that England is trembling lest we should adopt free trade here [laughter], and so rob her of other markets that she now enjoys. [Laughter.] The story of our colonial days, when England, with selfish and insatiate avarice, laid her repressive hand upon our infant manufactories and attempted to suppress them all, furnishes the first object-lesson she gave us. Another was given when the life of this Nation—the child of England, as she has been wont to call us, speaking the mother tongue, having many institutions inherited from her—was imperilled. The offer of free trade by the Confederacy so touched the commercial greed of England that she forgot the ties of blood and went to the verge of war with us to advance the cause of the rebel Government. [Cheers.] But what England wants, or what any other country wants, is not very important—certainly not conclusive. [Cheers.]

What is best for us and our people should be the decisive question. [Cheers.] My Randolph County friends, there are State questions that must take a strong hold upon the minds of people like yours. The proposition to lift entirely out of the range and control of partisan politics the great benevolent institutions of the State is one that must commend itself to all your people. [Cheers.] If all those friends who sympathize with us upon this question had acted with us in 1886 we should then have accomplished this great reform. [Applause.] And now, to these old gentlemen whose judgment and large experience in life gives added value to their kind words; to these young friends who, for the first time, take a freeman's place in the line of battle to do duty for the right, I give my kindly greetings and best wishes in return for theirs. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBEROnthe afternoon of September 22 General Harrison was visited by 600 Chicago "drummers," organized as the Republican Commercial Travellers' Association of Chicago and accompanied by the celebrated Second Regiment Band. They were escorted to the Harrison residence by the Columbia Club and 200 members of the Republican Commercial Travellers' Escort Club of Indianapolis, George C. Webster, President; Ernest Morris, Secretary.The entire business community turned out to greet the visitors as they marched through the city, performing difficult evolutions, under the command of Chief Marshal Vandever and his aids—C. S. Felton, P. H. Brockway, B. F. Horton, Joseph Pomroy, W. H. Haskell, Geo. W. Bristol, A. C. Boyd, Geo. H. Green, and Secretary H. A. Morgan.General Harrison's appearance was signalized by a remarkable demonstration. Col. H. H. Rude delivered the address on behalf of his associates.In response General Harrison made one of his best speeches. He said:Sir, and Gentlemen of the Republican Commercial Travellers' Association of Chicago—I bid you welcome to my home. I give you my most ardent thanks for this cordial evidence of your interest in those great principles of government which are advocated by the Republican party, whose candidate I am. I am not unfamiliar with the value, efficiency, and intelligence of the commercial travellers of our country. [Cheers.] The contribution you make to the success of the business communities with which you are identified is large and indispensable. I do not doubt that one of the strongest props of Chicago's commercial greatness would be destroyed if you were withdrawn from the commercial forces of that great city. [Cheers.] The growth and development of Chicago has been one of the most marvellous incidents in the story of American progress. It is gratifying to know that your interest is enlisted in this political campaign. It is very creditable to you that in the rush of the busy industries and pushing trade of your city you have not forgotten that you are American citizens and that you owe service, not to commerce only, but to your country. [Great cheering.] It is gratifying to be assured that you propose to bring your influence into the great civil contest which is now engaging the interest of our people. The intelligence and energy which you give to your commercial pursuits will be a most valuable contribution to our cause. [Cheers.] The power of such a body of men is very great.I want now to introduce to you for a moment another speaker—an Englishman. Within the last year I have been reading, whollywithout any view to politics, the story of our diplomatic relations with England during the Civil War. The motive that most strongly influenced the English mind in its sympathy with the South was the expectancy of free trade with the Confederacy [cries of "That's right!"], and among the most influential publications intended to urge English recognition and aid to the Confederates was a book entitled "The American Union," by James Spence. It was published in 1862, and ran through several editions. Speaking of the South he said:"No part of the world can be found more admirably placed for exchanging with this country the products of industry to mutual advantage than the Southern States of the Union. Producing in abundance the material we chiefly require, their climate and the habits of the people indispose them to manufactures, and leave to be purchased precisely the commodities we have to sell. They have neither the means nor the desire to enter into rivalry with us. Commercially they offer more than the capabilities of another India within a fortnight's distance from our shores. The capacity of a Southern trade when free from restrictions may be estimated most correctly by comparison. The condition of those States resembles that of Australia, both non-manufacturing countries, with the command of ample productions to offer in exchange for the imports they require."The author proceeds to show that at the time England's exports to our country were only thirteen shillings per capita of our population, while the exports to Australia were ten pounds sterling per capita. Let me now read you what is said of the Northern States:"The people of the North, whether manufacturers or ship-owners, regard us as rivals and competitors, to be held back and cramped by all possible means. [Applause and cries of "That's it!"] They possess the same elements as ourselves—coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy and industry—while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing. [Applause and a voice, "Exactly!"]"For many years they have competed with us in some manufactures in foreign markets, and their peculiar skill in the contrivance of labor-saving machinery daily increases the number of articles they produce cheaper than ourselves. [Loud cheering and a voice, "We'll knock them out again!"]"Thus, to one part of the world our exports are at the rate of ten pounds sterling per head, while those to the Union amount to but thirteen shillings per head."I have read these extracts because they seemed to me very suggestive and very instructive. The South offered free trade to Europe in exchange for an expected recognition of their independence by England and France. [Cries of "You are right!"] The offer was very attractive and persuasive to the ruling classes of England. They took Confederate bonds and sent out armed cruisers to preyupon our commerce. They dallied with Southern agents, fed them with delusive hopes, and thus encouraged the South to protract a hopeless struggle. They walked to the very edge of open war with the United States, forgetful of all the friendly ties that had bound us as nations, and all this to satisfy a commercial greed. We may learn from this how high a price England then set upon free trade with a part only of the States. [A voice, "We remember it!"]But now the Union has been saved and restored. Men of both armies and of all the States rejoice that England's hope of a commercial dependency on our Southern coast was disappointed. The South is under no stress to purchase foreign help by trade concessions. She will now open her hospitable doors to manufacturing, capital, and skilled labor.It is not now true that either climate or the habits of her people indispose them to manufactures. Of the Virginias, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Missouri, it may be now said, as Mr. Spence said of the more northern States, "They possess the same elements as ourselves [England]—coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy, and industry—while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing." And I am sure there is a "New South"—shackled as it is by traditions and prejudices—that is girding itself to take part in great industrial rivalry with England, which Mr. Spence so much deprecates. These great States will no longer allow either Old England or New England to spin and weave their cotton, but will build mills in the very fields where the great staple is gathered. [Applause.] They will no longer leave Pennsylvania without an active rival in the production of iron. They surely will not, if they are at all mindful of their great need and their great opportunity, unite in this crusade against our protected industries.Our interests no longer run upon sectional lines, and it cannot be good for any part of our country that Mr. Spence's vision of English trade with us should be realized. [Cries of "Never! Never!"] Commerce between the States is working mightily, if silently, to efface all lingering estrangements between our people, and the appeal for the perpetuation of the American system of protection will, I am sure, soon find an answering response among the people of all the States. [Loud cheering.]I thank you again for this beautiful and cordial demonstration, and will now be glad to meet you personally.

Onthe afternoon of September 22 General Harrison was visited by 600 Chicago "drummers," organized as the Republican Commercial Travellers' Association of Chicago and accompanied by the celebrated Second Regiment Band. They were escorted to the Harrison residence by the Columbia Club and 200 members of the Republican Commercial Travellers' Escort Club of Indianapolis, George C. Webster, President; Ernest Morris, Secretary.

The entire business community turned out to greet the visitors as they marched through the city, performing difficult evolutions, under the command of Chief Marshal Vandever and his aids—C. S. Felton, P. H. Brockway, B. F. Horton, Joseph Pomroy, W. H. Haskell, Geo. W. Bristol, A. C. Boyd, Geo. H. Green, and Secretary H. A. Morgan.

General Harrison's appearance was signalized by a remarkable demonstration. Col. H. H. Rude delivered the address on behalf of his associates.

In response General Harrison made one of his best speeches. He said:

Sir, and Gentlemen of the Republican Commercial Travellers' Association of Chicago—I bid you welcome to my home. I give you my most ardent thanks for this cordial evidence of your interest in those great principles of government which are advocated by the Republican party, whose candidate I am. I am not unfamiliar with the value, efficiency, and intelligence of the commercial travellers of our country. [Cheers.] The contribution you make to the success of the business communities with which you are identified is large and indispensable. I do not doubt that one of the strongest props of Chicago's commercial greatness would be destroyed if you were withdrawn from the commercial forces of that great city. [Cheers.] The growth and development of Chicago has been one of the most marvellous incidents in the story of American progress. It is gratifying to know that your interest is enlisted in this political campaign. It is very creditable to you that in the rush of the busy industries and pushing trade of your city you have not forgotten that you are American citizens and that you owe service, not to commerce only, but to your country. [Great cheering.] It is gratifying to be assured that you propose to bring your influence into the great civil contest which is now engaging the interest of our people. The intelligence and energy which you give to your commercial pursuits will be a most valuable contribution to our cause. [Cheers.] The power of such a body of men is very great.I want now to introduce to you for a moment another speaker—an Englishman. Within the last year I have been reading, whollywithout any view to politics, the story of our diplomatic relations with England during the Civil War. The motive that most strongly influenced the English mind in its sympathy with the South was the expectancy of free trade with the Confederacy [cries of "That's right!"], and among the most influential publications intended to urge English recognition and aid to the Confederates was a book entitled "The American Union," by James Spence. It was published in 1862, and ran through several editions. Speaking of the South he said:"No part of the world can be found more admirably placed for exchanging with this country the products of industry to mutual advantage than the Southern States of the Union. Producing in abundance the material we chiefly require, their climate and the habits of the people indispose them to manufactures, and leave to be purchased precisely the commodities we have to sell. They have neither the means nor the desire to enter into rivalry with us. Commercially they offer more than the capabilities of another India within a fortnight's distance from our shores. The capacity of a Southern trade when free from restrictions may be estimated most correctly by comparison. The condition of those States resembles that of Australia, both non-manufacturing countries, with the command of ample productions to offer in exchange for the imports they require."The author proceeds to show that at the time England's exports to our country were only thirteen shillings per capita of our population, while the exports to Australia were ten pounds sterling per capita. Let me now read you what is said of the Northern States:"The people of the North, whether manufacturers or ship-owners, regard us as rivals and competitors, to be held back and cramped by all possible means. [Applause and cries of "That's it!"] They possess the same elements as ourselves—coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy and industry—while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing. [Applause and a voice, "Exactly!"]"For many years they have competed with us in some manufactures in foreign markets, and their peculiar skill in the contrivance of labor-saving machinery daily increases the number of articles they produce cheaper than ourselves. [Loud cheering and a voice, "We'll knock them out again!"]"Thus, to one part of the world our exports are at the rate of ten pounds sterling per head, while those to the Union amount to but thirteen shillings per head."I have read these extracts because they seemed to me very suggestive and very instructive. The South offered free trade to Europe in exchange for an expected recognition of their independence by England and France. [Cries of "You are right!"] The offer was very attractive and persuasive to the ruling classes of England. They took Confederate bonds and sent out armed cruisers to preyupon our commerce. They dallied with Southern agents, fed them with delusive hopes, and thus encouraged the South to protract a hopeless struggle. They walked to the very edge of open war with the United States, forgetful of all the friendly ties that had bound us as nations, and all this to satisfy a commercial greed. We may learn from this how high a price England then set upon free trade with a part only of the States. [A voice, "We remember it!"]But now the Union has been saved and restored. Men of both armies and of all the States rejoice that England's hope of a commercial dependency on our Southern coast was disappointed. The South is under no stress to purchase foreign help by trade concessions. She will now open her hospitable doors to manufacturing, capital, and skilled labor.It is not now true that either climate or the habits of her people indispose them to manufactures. Of the Virginias, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Missouri, it may be now said, as Mr. Spence said of the more northern States, "They possess the same elements as ourselves [England]—coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy, and industry—while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing." And I am sure there is a "New South"—shackled as it is by traditions and prejudices—that is girding itself to take part in great industrial rivalry with England, which Mr. Spence so much deprecates. These great States will no longer allow either Old England or New England to spin and weave their cotton, but will build mills in the very fields where the great staple is gathered. [Applause.] They will no longer leave Pennsylvania without an active rival in the production of iron. They surely will not, if they are at all mindful of their great need and their great opportunity, unite in this crusade against our protected industries.Our interests no longer run upon sectional lines, and it cannot be good for any part of our country that Mr. Spence's vision of English trade with us should be realized. [Cries of "Never! Never!"] Commerce between the States is working mightily, if silently, to efface all lingering estrangements between our people, and the appeal for the perpetuation of the American system of protection will, I am sure, soon find an answering response among the people of all the States. [Loud cheering.]I thank you again for this beautiful and cordial demonstration, and will now be glad to meet you personally.

I want now to introduce to you for a moment another speaker—an Englishman. Within the last year I have been reading, whollywithout any view to politics, the story of our diplomatic relations with England during the Civil War. The motive that most strongly influenced the English mind in its sympathy with the South was the expectancy of free trade with the Confederacy [cries of "That's right!"], and among the most influential publications intended to urge English recognition and aid to the Confederates was a book entitled "The American Union," by James Spence. It was published in 1862, and ran through several editions. Speaking of the South he said:

"No part of the world can be found more admirably placed for exchanging with this country the products of industry to mutual advantage than the Southern States of the Union. Producing in abundance the material we chiefly require, their climate and the habits of the people indispose them to manufactures, and leave to be purchased precisely the commodities we have to sell. They have neither the means nor the desire to enter into rivalry with us. Commercially they offer more than the capabilities of another India within a fortnight's distance from our shores. The capacity of a Southern trade when free from restrictions may be estimated most correctly by comparison. The condition of those States resembles that of Australia, both non-manufacturing countries, with the command of ample productions to offer in exchange for the imports they require."

The author proceeds to show that at the time England's exports to our country were only thirteen shillings per capita of our population, while the exports to Australia were ten pounds sterling per capita. Let me now read you what is said of the Northern States:

"The people of the North, whether manufacturers or ship-owners, regard us as rivals and competitors, to be held back and cramped by all possible means. [Applause and cries of "That's it!"] They possess the same elements as ourselves—coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy and industry—while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing. [Applause and a voice, "Exactly!"]"For many years they have competed with us in some manufactures in foreign markets, and their peculiar skill in the contrivance of labor-saving machinery daily increases the number of articles they produce cheaper than ourselves. [Loud cheering and a voice, "We'll knock them out again!"]"Thus, to one part of the world our exports are at the rate of ten pounds sterling per head, while those to the Union amount to but thirteen shillings per head."

"For many years they have competed with us in some manufactures in foreign markets, and their peculiar skill in the contrivance of labor-saving machinery daily increases the number of articles they produce cheaper than ourselves. [Loud cheering and a voice, "We'll knock them out again!"]

"Thus, to one part of the world our exports are at the rate of ten pounds sterling per head, while those to the Union amount to but thirteen shillings per head."

I have read these extracts because they seemed to me very suggestive and very instructive. The South offered free trade to Europe in exchange for an expected recognition of their independence by England and France. [Cries of "You are right!"] The offer was very attractive and persuasive to the ruling classes of England. They took Confederate bonds and sent out armed cruisers to preyupon our commerce. They dallied with Southern agents, fed them with delusive hopes, and thus encouraged the South to protract a hopeless struggle. They walked to the very edge of open war with the United States, forgetful of all the friendly ties that had bound us as nations, and all this to satisfy a commercial greed. We may learn from this how high a price England then set upon free trade with a part only of the States. [A voice, "We remember it!"]

But now the Union has been saved and restored. Men of both armies and of all the States rejoice that England's hope of a commercial dependency on our Southern coast was disappointed. The South is under no stress to purchase foreign help by trade concessions. She will now open her hospitable doors to manufacturing, capital, and skilled labor.

It is not now true that either climate or the habits of her people indispose them to manufactures. Of the Virginias, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Missouri, it may be now said, as Mr. Spence said of the more northern States, "They possess the same elements as ourselves [England]—coal, metals, ships, an aptitude for machinery, energy, and industry—while the early obstacles of deficient capital and scanty labor are rapidly disappearing." And I am sure there is a "New South"—shackled as it is by traditions and prejudices—that is girding itself to take part in great industrial rivalry with England, which Mr. Spence so much deprecates. These great States will no longer allow either Old England or New England to spin and weave their cotton, but will build mills in the very fields where the great staple is gathered. [Applause.] They will no longer leave Pennsylvania without an active rival in the production of iron. They surely will not, if they are at all mindful of their great need and their great opportunity, unite in this crusade against our protected industries.

Our interests no longer run upon sectional lines, and it cannot be good for any part of our country that Mr. Spence's vision of English trade with us should be realized. [Cries of "Never! Never!"] Commerce between the States is working mightily, if silently, to efface all lingering estrangements between our people, and the appeal for the perpetuation of the American system of protection will, I am sure, soon find an answering response among the people of all the States. [Loud cheering.]

I thank you again for this beautiful and cordial demonstration, and will now be glad to meet you personally.

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 25.Thethird delegation from Wabash County during the campaign arrived on September 25, a thousand strong, headed by Hon. Jesse Arnold, Col. Homan Depew, Thomas Black, W. D. Caldwell, Obed Way, Thomas McNamee, Rob't Thompson, Wm. Alexander, Robert Wilson, Andrew Egnew, C. S. Haas, W. W. Stewart, W. H. Bent, Robert Stewart, and W. D. Gachenour. Their spokesman was Capt. B. F. Williams. Parke County, Indiana, contributed a large delegation the same day, under the lead of John W. Stryker, Jacob Church, John R. Johnson, A. O. Benson, W. W. McCune, Joseph H. Jordan, and A. A. Hargrave, of Rockville, and 300 school children, in charge of A. R. McMurty. Dr. T. F. Leech was orator for the Parke visitors.General Harrison spoke as follows:My Wabash County Friends and my Little Friends from Parke—I am very glad to meet you here to-day. My friend who has spoken for Wabash County has very truly said that the relations between me and the Republicans of that county have always been exceedingly cordial. I remember well when I first visited your county in 1860, almost a boy in years, altogether a boy in political experience. I was then a candidate for Reporter of the Decisions of the Supreme Court of this State. You had in one of your own citizens, afterward a distinguished soldier, a candidate for that office in the convention that nominated me, but that did not interfere at all with the cordial welcome from your people when, as the nominee of the party, I came into your county. I think from that day to this my name has never been mentioned in any convention for any office that I have not had almost the unanimous support of the Republicans of Wabash County. [Applause.] This is no new interest which you now manifest to-day. The expressions of your confidence have been very numerous and have been continued through nearly thirty years.There is one word on one subject that I want to say. Our Democratic friends tell us that there are about a hundred millions—their arithmeticians do not agree on the exact figures—in the public Treasury for which the Government has no need. They have foundonly this method of using it, viz.: depositing it in the national banks of the country, to be loaned out by them to our citizens at interest, the Government getting no interest whatever from the banks. I suggested, and it was not an original suggestion with me—Senator Sherman has advocated the same policy with great ability in the Senate—that this money had better be used in buying Government bonds, because the Government would make some money in applying it that way, and there was no other way in which they could get any interest on it at all. But it is said if we use it in this manner we pay a premium to the bondholders. But it is only the same premium that the bonds are bringing in the market. In other words, as I said the other day, capitalists who can use their money as they please—put it out on mortgages, at interest, or in any other way—think the Government bond at the current rate of premium is a good investment for them. Now, the Government can buy those bonds at that premium and save a great deal of interest. I will not undertake to give you figures. One issue of these bonds matures in 1907, and bears four per cent. annual interest. Now, suppose this surplus money were to remain all that time in the banks without bringing any interest to the Government; is there a man here so dull that he cannot see the great loss that would result to the people? I have another objection to this policy: the favoritism that is involved in it. We have heard—and from such high authority that I think that we must accept it as true—that the great patronage appertaining to the office of President of the United States involves a public peril. Now, suppose we add to that danger a hundred millions of dollars that the Secretary of the Treasury can put in this community or that, in this bank or that, at his pleasure; is not the power of the executive perilously increased? Is it right that the use of this vast sum should be a matter of mere favoritism, that the Secretary should be allowed to put $10,000,000 of this surplus in Indianapolis and none of it in Kansas City, or $75,000,000 in New York and none in Indianapolis? If the money is used in buying bonds it finds its natural place—goes where it belongs. This is a most serious objection to the present method of dealing with the surplus. But if you still object to paying the market premium when we buy these bonds, see how it works the other way. The banks deposit their bonds in the Treasury to secure these deposits, get the Government money without interest, and still draw interest on their bonds. If any of you had a note for a thousand dollars due in five years, bearing interest, and your credit was so good that the note was worth a premium, and you had twelve hundred dollars that you could not put out atinterest so as to offset the interest on your note, would you not make money by using this surplus to take up the note at a fair premium? Would you think it wise finance to give the thousand dollars that you had on hand to your creditor without interest and allow him to deposit your note with you as security, you paying interest on the note until it was due and getting no interest on your deposit? [Laughter and applause.].I welcome my young friends from Parke County. There is nothing fuller of interest than childhood. There is so much promise and hope in it. Expectancy makes life very rosy to them and them very interesting to us who have passed beyond the turn of life. [Applause.] You are fortunate in these kind instructors, who from week to week instil into your minds the principles of religion and of morality; but do not forget that there is another vine of beauty that may be appropriately twined with those—the love of your country and her institutions. [Applause.] I thank you again for this cordial evidence of your regard. The skies are threatening, and as there is danger that our meeting may be interrupted by rain I will stop here in order that I may meet each of you personally. [Cheers.]

Thethird delegation from Wabash County during the campaign arrived on September 25, a thousand strong, headed by Hon. Jesse Arnold, Col. Homan Depew, Thomas Black, W. D. Caldwell, Obed Way, Thomas McNamee, Rob't Thompson, Wm. Alexander, Robert Wilson, Andrew Egnew, C. S. Haas, W. W. Stewart, W. H. Bent, Robert Stewart, and W. D. Gachenour. Their spokesman was Capt. B. F. Williams. Parke County, Indiana, contributed a large delegation the same day, under the lead of John W. Stryker, Jacob Church, John R. Johnson, A. O. Benson, W. W. McCune, Joseph H. Jordan, and A. A. Hargrave, of Rockville, and 300 school children, in charge of A. R. McMurty. Dr. T. F. Leech was orator for the Parke visitors.

General Harrison spoke as follows:

My Wabash County Friends and my Little Friends from Parke—I am very glad to meet you here to-day. My friend who has spoken for Wabash County has very truly said that the relations between me and the Republicans of that county have always been exceedingly cordial. I remember well when I first visited your county in 1860, almost a boy in years, altogether a boy in political experience. I was then a candidate for Reporter of the Decisions of the Supreme Court of this State. You had in one of your own citizens, afterward a distinguished soldier, a candidate for that office in the convention that nominated me, but that did not interfere at all with the cordial welcome from your people when, as the nominee of the party, I came into your county. I think from that day to this my name has never been mentioned in any convention for any office that I have not had almost the unanimous support of the Republicans of Wabash County. [Applause.] This is no new interest which you now manifest to-day. The expressions of your confidence have been very numerous and have been continued through nearly thirty years.There is one word on one subject that I want to say. Our Democratic friends tell us that there are about a hundred millions—their arithmeticians do not agree on the exact figures—in the public Treasury for which the Government has no need. They have foundonly this method of using it, viz.: depositing it in the national banks of the country, to be loaned out by them to our citizens at interest, the Government getting no interest whatever from the banks. I suggested, and it was not an original suggestion with me—Senator Sherman has advocated the same policy with great ability in the Senate—that this money had better be used in buying Government bonds, because the Government would make some money in applying it that way, and there was no other way in which they could get any interest on it at all. But it is said if we use it in this manner we pay a premium to the bondholders. But it is only the same premium that the bonds are bringing in the market. In other words, as I said the other day, capitalists who can use their money as they please—put it out on mortgages, at interest, or in any other way—think the Government bond at the current rate of premium is a good investment for them. Now, the Government can buy those bonds at that premium and save a great deal of interest. I will not undertake to give you figures. One issue of these bonds matures in 1907, and bears four per cent. annual interest. Now, suppose this surplus money were to remain all that time in the banks without bringing any interest to the Government; is there a man here so dull that he cannot see the great loss that would result to the people? I have another objection to this policy: the favoritism that is involved in it. We have heard—and from such high authority that I think that we must accept it as true—that the great patronage appertaining to the office of President of the United States involves a public peril. Now, suppose we add to that danger a hundred millions of dollars that the Secretary of the Treasury can put in this community or that, in this bank or that, at his pleasure; is not the power of the executive perilously increased? Is it right that the use of this vast sum should be a matter of mere favoritism, that the Secretary should be allowed to put $10,000,000 of this surplus in Indianapolis and none of it in Kansas City, or $75,000,000 in New York and none in Indianapolis? If the money is used in buying bonds it finds its natural place—goes where it belongs. This is a most serious objection to the present method of dealing with the surplus. But if you still object to paying the market premium when we buy these bonds, see how it works the other way. The banks deposit their bonds in the Treasury to secure these deposits, get the Government money without interest, and still draw interest on their bonds. If any of you had a note for a thousand dollars due in five years, bearing interest, and your credit was so good that the note was worth a premium, and you had twelve hundred dollars that you could not put out atinterest so as to offset the interest on your note, would you not make money by using this surplus to take up the note at a fair premium? Would you think it wise finance to give the thousand dollars that you had on hand to your creditor without interest and allow him to deposit your note with you as security, you paying interest on the note until it was due and getting no interest on your deposit? [Laughter and applause.].I welcome my young friends from Parke County. There is nothing fuller of interest than childhood. There is so much promise and hope in it. Expectancy makes life very rosy to them and them very interesting to us who have passed beyond the turn of life. [Applause.] You are fortunate in these kind instructors, who from week to week instil into your minds the principles of religion and of morality; but do not forget that there is another vine of beauty that may be appropriately twined with those—the love of your country and her institutions. [Applause.] I thank you again for this cordial evidence of your regard. The skies are threatening, and as there is danger that our meeting may be interrupted by rain I will stop here in order that I may meet each of you personally. [Cheers.]

There is one word on one subject that I want to say. Our Democratic friends tell us that there are about a hundred millions—their arithmeticians do not agree on the exact figures—in the public Treasury for which the Government has no need. They have foundonly this method of using it, viz.: depositing it in the national banks of the country, to be loaned out by them to our citizens at interest, the Government getting no interest whatever from the banks. I suggested, and it was not an original suggestion with me—Senator Sherman has advocated the same policy with great ability in the Senate—that this money had better be used in buying Government bonds, because the Government would make some money in applying it that way, and there was no other way in which they could get any interest on it at all. But it is said if we use it in this manner we pay a premium to the bondholders. But it is only the same premium that the bonds are bringing in the market. In other words, as I said the other day, capitalists who can use their money as they please—put it out on mortgages, at interest, or in any other way—think the Government bond at the current rate of premium is a good investment for them. Now, the Government can buy those bonds at that premium and save a great deal of interest. I will not undertake to give you figures. One issue of these bonds matures in 1907, and bears four per cent. annual interest. Now, suppose this surplus money were to remain all that time in the banks without bringing any interest to the Government; is there a man here so dull that he cannot see the great loss that would result to the people? I have another objection to this policy: the favoritism that is involved in it. We have heard—and from such high authority that I think that we must accept it as true—that the great patronage appertaining to the office of President of the United States involves a public peril. Now, suppose we add to that danger a hundred millions of dollars that the Secretary of the Treasury can put in this community or that, in this bank or that, at his pleasure; is not the power of the executive perilously increased? Is it right that the use of this vast sum should be a matter of mere favoritism, that the Secretary should be allowed to put $10,000,000 of this surplus in Indianapolis and none of it in Kansas City, or $75,000,000 in New York and none in Indianapolis? If the money is used in buying bonds it finds its natural place—goes where it belongs. This is a most serious objection to the present method of dealing with the surplus. But if you still object to paying the market premium when we buy these bonds, see how it works the other way. The banks deposit their bonds in the Treasury to secure these deposits, get the Government money without interest, and still draw interest on their bonds. If any of you had a note for a thousand dollars due in five years, bearing interest, and your credit was so good that the note was worth a premium, and you had twelve hundred dollars that you could not put out atinterest so as to offset the interest on your note, would you not make money by using this surplus to take up the note at a fair premium? Would you think it wise finance to give the thousand dollars that you had on hand to your creditor without interest and allow him to deposit your note with you as security, you paying interest on the note until it was due and getting no interest on your deposit? [Laughter and applause.].

I welcome my young friends from Parke County. There is nothing fuller of interest than childhood. There is so much promise and hope in it. Expectancy makes life very rosy to them and them very interesting to us who have passed beyond the turn of life. [Applause.] You are fortunate in these kind instructors, who from week to week instil into your minds the principles of religion and of morality; but do not forget that there is another vine of beauty that may be appropriately twined with those—the love of your country and her institutions. [Applause.] I thank you again for this cordial evidence of your regard. The skies are threatening, and as there is danger that our meeting may be interrupted by rain I will stop here in order that I may meet each of you personally. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 26.Ohioand Indiana united to-day again, through their delegations, aggregating 4,000 citizens, in paying their respects to General Harrison. The Tippecanoe Veteran Association of Columbus, Ohio, J. E. St. Clair, President, comprising 200 veterans, whose ages averaged 76 years, was escorted by the Foraker Club of Columbus, led by President Reeves. The veterans were accompanied by the venerable Judge John A. Bingham, of Cadiz, and Gen. Geo. B. Wright, of Columbus, both of whom made addresses. No other club or organization, during the entire campaign, was the recipient of such marked attentions as the Ohio veterans; the youngest among them was 68 years of age. Among the oldest were Wm. Armstrong, aged 91; Ansel Bristol, 80; H. H. Chariton, 84; Francis A. Crum, 82; Joseph Davis, 84; Henry Edwards, 80; John Fields, 82; John A. Gill, 82; J. L. Grover, 81; J. A. S. Harlow, 87;Harris Loomis, 84; Dan'l Melhousen, 80; Sam'l McCleland, 80; Judge John Otstot, 86; James Park, 80; Daniel Short, 83; John Saul, 86; George Snoffer, 85; David Taylor, 87; Jacob Taylor, 88; J. D. Fuller, 82, and Luther Hillery, aged 90, who knew William Henry Harrison before his first nomination. Prominent in the Foraker Club were Dr. A. W. Harden and D. K. Reif.The Tipton County, Indiana, visitation was under the auspices of the First Voters' Club of the town of Tipton. A large club of Tippecanoe campaign veterans headed their column, led by Chief Marshal J. A. Swoveland, assisted by M. W. Pershing, James Johns, John F. Pyke, R. J. McCalion, Isaac Booth, J. Q. Seright, and J. Wolverton. Judge Daniel Waugh, of Tipton, was the mouthpiece of the delegation.From Elkhart County, Indiana, came a notable delegation of a thousand business men, prominent among whom were State Senator Davis, Hon. Geo. W. Burt, Daniel Zook, H. J. Beyerle, E. G. Herr, D. W. Neidig, T. H. Dailey, D. W. Granger, and I. W. Nash, of Goshen; and James H. State, A. C. Manning, J. W. Fieldhouse, J. G. Schreiner, A. P. Kent, J. H. Cainon, Frank Baker, and Jacob Berkley, of Elkhart City. Hon. O. Z. Hubbell was spokesman for the delegation. Judge Bingham's eloquent address was listened to with marked attention.General Harrison responded as follows:Gentlemen, my Ohio and Indiana Friends—Again about this platform there are gathered representatives from these two great States. Your coming is an expression of a common interest, a recognition of the fact that there is a citizenship that is wider than the lines of any State. [Cheers.] That over and above that just pride in your own communities, which you cherish so jealously, there is a fuller pride in the one flag, to which we all give our allegiance, and in the one Constitution, which binds the people of these States together indissolubly in a Government strong enough to protect its humblest citizen wherever he may sojourn. [Prolonged cheers.] Your State institutions are based, like those of the Nation, uponthe great principles of human liberty and equality, and are consecrated to the promotion of social order and popular education. But, above all this, resting on like foundations, is the strong arch of the Union that binds us together as a Nation. You are citizens of the United States, and as such have common interests that suggest this meeting. [Cheers.]I cannot speak separately to the various organizations represented here. There is a broad sense in which you are one. But I cannot omit to pay a hearty tribute of thanks to these venerable men who are gathered about me to-day. I value this tribute from them more than words can tell. I cannot, without indelicacy, speak much of that campaign to which they brought the enthusiasm of their earlier life and to which their memories now turn with so much interest. If, out of it, they have brought on with them in life to this moment and have transferred to me some part of the respect which another won from them, then I will find in their kindness a new stimulus to duty. [Applause and cries, "We have; we have!"] In looking over, the other day, a publication of the campaign of 1840, I fell upon a card signed by fifteen Democrats of Orange, N. J., giving their reasons for leaving the Democratic party. It has occurred to me that it might be interesting to some of these old gentlemen. [Cries of "We want to hear it!" and "Read it!"]It was as follows: "We might give many reasons for this change in our political opinions. The following, however, we deem sufficient: We do not believe the price of labor in this free country should be reduced to the standard prescribed by despots in foreign countries. [Applause.] We do not believe in fighting for the country and being unrepresented in the councils of the country. We do not believe in an exclusive, hard, metallic currency any more than we believe in hard bread or no bread! We do not believe it was the design of the framers of the Constitution that the President should occupy his time during the first term in electioneering for his re-election to a second term!" [Loud laughter and applause.] I have read this simply as an historical curiosity and to refresh your recollections as to some of the issues of that campaign. If it has any application to our modern politics I will leave you to make it. [Laughter and applause.] I have recently been talking, and have one thing further to say, about the surplus.There is a very proper use I think that can be made of more than twenty millions of it. During the Civil War our customs receipts and our receipts from internal taxes, which last had brought under tribute almost every pursuit in life, were inadequate to the greatdrain upon our Treasury caused by the Civil War. Our Congress, exercising one of the powers of the Constitution, levied a direct tax upon the States. Ohio paid her part of it, Indiana paid hers, and so did the other loyal States. The Southern States were in rebellion and did not pay theirs. Now we have come to a time when the Government has surplus money, and the proposition was made in Congress to return this tax to the States that had paid it. [Applause.] The State of Indiana would have received one million dollars, which my fellow-citizens of this State know would have been a great relief to our taxpayers in the present depleted condition of our treasury. [Cheers.] I do not recall the exact amount Ohio would have received, but it was much larger. If any one asks, Why repay this tax? this illustration will be a sufficient answer: Suppose five men are associated in a business corporation. The corporation suffers losses and its capital is impaired. An assessment becomes necessary, and three members pay their assessments while two do not. The corporation is again prosperous and there is a surplus of money in the treasury. What shall be done with it? Manifestly, justice requires that the two delinquents should pay up or that there should be returned to the other three the assessment levied upon them. [Great cheering.] A bill providing for the repayment of the tax was killed in the House of Representatives, not by voting it down, but by filibustering, a majority of the House being in favor of its passage. And those who defeated the bill by those revolutionary tactics were largely from the States that had not paid the tax. [Cheers.] I mention these facts to show that twenty millions of the surplus now lying in the banks, where it draws no interest, might very righteously be used so as to greatly lighten the real burdens of taxation now resting on the people—burdens that the people know to be taxes without any argument from our statesmen. [Applause and laughter.] I am a lover of silence [laughter], and yet when such assemblies as these greet me with their kind, earnest faces and their kinder words, I do not know how I can do less than to say a few words upon some of these great public questions. I have spoken frankly and fearlessly my convictions upon these questions. [Cheers and cries of "Good! Good!"] And now, unappalled by the immensity of this audience, I will complete the accustomed programme and take by the hand such of you as desire to meet me personally. [Cheers.]

Ohioand Indiana united to-day again, through their delegations, aggregating 4,000 citizens, in paying their respects to General Harrison. The Tippecanoe Veteran Association of Columbus, Ohio, J. E. St. Clair, President, comprising 200 veterans, whose ages averaged 76 years, was escorted by the Foraker Club of Columbus, led by President Reeves. The veterans were accompanied by the venerable Judge John A. Bingham, of Cadiz, and Gen. Geo. B. Wright, of Columbus, both of whom made addresses. No other club or organization, during the entire campaign, was the recipient of such marked attentions as the Ohio veterans; the youngest among them was 68 years of age. Among the oldest were Wm. Armstrong, aged 91; Ansel Bristol, 80; H. H. Chariton, 84; Francis A. Crum, 82; Joseph Davis, 84; Henry Edwards, 80; John Fields, 82; John A. Gill, 82; J. L. Grover, 81; J. A. S. Harlow, 87;Harris Loomis, 84; Dan'l Melhousen, 80; Sam'l McCleland, 80; Judge John Otstot, 86; James Park, 80; Daniel Short, 83; John Saul, 86; George Snoffer, 85; David Taylor, 87; Jacob Taylor, 88; J. D. Fuller, 82, and Luther Hillery, aged 90, who knew William Henry Harrison before his first nomination. Prominent in the Foraker Club were Dr. A. W. Harden and D. K. Reif.

The Tipton County, Indiana, visitation was under the auspices of the First Voters' Club of the town of Tipton. A large club of Tippecanoe campaign veterans headed their column, led by Chief Marshal J. A. Swoveland, assisted by M. W. Pershing, James Johns, John F. Pyke, R. J. McCalion, Isaac Booth, J. Q. Seright, and J. Wolverton. Judge Daniel Waugh, of Tipton, was the mouthpiece of the delegation.

From Elkhart County, Indiana, came a notable delegation of a thousand business men, prominent among whom were State Senator Davis, Hon. Geo. W. Burt, Daniel Zook, H. J. Beyerle, E. G. Herr, D. W. Neidig, T. H. Dailey, D. W. Granger, and I. W. Nash, of Goshen; and James H. State, A. C. Manning, J. W. Fieldhouse, J. G. Schreiner, A. P. Kent, J. H. Cainon, Frank Baker, and Jacob Berkley, of Elkhart City. Hon. O. Z. Hubbell was spokesman for the delegation. Judge Bingham's eloquent address was listened to with marked attention.

General Harrison responded as follows:

Gentlemen, my Ohio and Indiana Friends—Again about this platform there are gathered representatives from these two great States. Your coming is an expression of a common interest, a recognition of the fact that there is a citizenship that is wider than the lines of any State. [Cheers.] That over and above that just pride in your own communities, which you cherish so jealously, there is a fuller pride in the one flag, to which we all give our allegiance, and in the one Constitution, which binds the people of these States together indissolubly in a Government strong enough to protect its humblest citizen wherever he may sojourn. [Prolonged cheers.] Your State institutions are based, like those of the Nation, uponthe great principles of human liberty and equality, and are consecrated to the promotion of social order and popular education. But, above all this, resting on like foundations, is the strong arch of the Union that binds us together as a Nation. You are citizens of the United States, and as such have common interests that suggest this meeting. [Cheers.]I cannot speak separately to the various organizations represented here. There is a broad sense in which you are one. But I cannot omit to pay a hearty tribute of thanks to these venerable men who are gathered about me to-day. I value this tribute from them more than words can tell. I cannot, without indelicacy, speak much of that campaign to which they brought the enthusiasm of their earlier life and to which their memories now turn with so much interest. If, out of it, they have brought on with them in life to this moment and have transferred to me some part of the respect which another won from them, then I will find in their kindness a new stimulus to duty. [Applause and cries, "We have; we have!"] In looking over, the other day, a publication of the campaign of 1840, I fell upon a card signed by fifteen Democrats of Orange, N. J., giving their reasons for leaving the Democratic party. It has occurred to me that it might be interesting to some of these old gentlemen. [Cries of "We want to hear it!" and "Read it!"]It was as follows: "We might give many reasons for this change in our political opinions. The following, however, we deem sufficient: We do not believe the price of labor in this free country should be reduced to the standard prescribed by despots in foreign countries. [Applause.] We do not believe in fighting for the country and being unrepresented in the councils of the country. We do not believe in an exclusive, hard, metallic currency any more than we believe in hard bread or no bread! We do not believe it was the design of the framers of the Constitution that the President should occupy his time during the first term in electioneering for his re-election to a second term!" [Loud laughter and applause.] I have read this simply as an historical curiosity and to refresh your recollections as to some of the issues of that campaign. If it has any application to our modern politics I will leave you to make it. [Laughter and applause.] I have recently been talking, and have one thing further to say, about the surplus.There is a very proper use I think that can be made of more than twenty millions of it. During the Civil War our customs receipts and our receipts from internal taxes, which last had brought under tribute almost every pursuit in life, were inadequate to the greatdrain upon our Treasury caused by the Civil War. Our Congress, exercising one of the powers of the Constitution, levied a direct tax upon the States. Ohio paid her part of it, Indiana paid hers, and so did the other loyal States. The Southern States were in rebellion and did not pay theirs. Now we have come to a time when the Government has surplus money, and the proposition was made in Congress to return this tax to the States that had paid it. [Applause.] The State of Indiana would have received one million dollars, which my fellow-citizens of this State know would have been a great relief to our taxpayers in the present depleted condition of our treasury. [Cheers.] I do not recall the exact amount Ohio would have received, but it was much larger. If any one asks, Why repay this tax? this illustration will be a sufficient answer: Suppose five men are associated in a business corporation. The corporation suffers losses and its capital is impaired. An assessment becomes necessary, and three members pay their assessments while two do not. The corporation is again prosperous and there is a surplus of money in the treasury. What shall be done with it? Manifestly, justice requires that the two delinquents should pay up or that there should be returned to the other three the assessment levied upon them. [Great cheering.] A bill providing for the repayment of the tax was killed in the House of Representatives, not by voting it down, but by filibustering, a majority of the House being in favor of its passage. And those who defeated the bill by those revolutionary tactics were largely from the States that had not paid the tax. [Cheers.] I mention these facts to show that twenty millions of the surplus now lying in the banks, where it draws no interest, might very righteously be used so as to greatly lighten the real burdens of taxation now resting on the people—burdens that the people know to be taxes without any argument from our statesmen. [Applause and laughter.] I am a lover of silence [laughter], and yet when such assemblies as these greet me with their kind, earnest faces and their kinder words, I do not know how I can do less than to say a few words upon some of these great public questions. I have spoken frankly and fearlessly my convictions upon these questions. [Cheers and cries of "Good! Good!"] And now, unappalled by the immensity of this audience, I will complete the accustomed programme and take by the hand such of you as desire to meet me personally. [Cheers.]

I cannot speak separately to the various organizations represented here. There is a broad sense in which you are one. But I cannot omit to pay a hearty tribute of thanks to these venerable men who are gathered about me to-day. I value this tribute from them more than words can tell. I cannot, without indelicacy, speak much of that campaign to which they brought the enthusiasm of their earlier life and to which their memories now turn with so much interest. If, out of it, they have brought on with them in life to this moment and have transferred to me some part of the respect which another won from them, then I will find in their kindness a new stimulus to duty. [Applause and cries, "We have; we have!"] In looking over, the other day, a publication of the campaign of 1840, I fell upon a card signed by fifteen Democrats of Orange, N. J., giving their reasons for leaving the Democratic party. It has occurred to me that it might be interesting to some of these old gentlemen. [Cries of "We want to hear it!" and "Read it!"]

It was as follows: "We might give many reasons for this change in our political opinions. The following, however, we deem sufficient: We do not believe the price of labor in this free country should be reduced to the standard prescribed by despots in foreign countries. [Applause.] We do not believe in fighting for the country and being unrepresented in the councils of the country. We do not believe in an exclusive, hard, metallic currency any more than we believe in hard bread or no bread! We do not believe it was the design of the framers of the Constitution that the President should occupy his time during the first term in electioneering for his re-election to a second term!" [Loud laughter and applause.] I have read this simply as an historical curiosity and to refresh your recollections as to some of the issues of that campaign. If it has any application to our modern politics I will leave you to make it. [Laughter and applause.] I have recently been talking, and have one thing further to say, about the surplus.

There is a very proper use I think that can be made of more than twenty millions of it. During the Civil War our customs receipts and our receipts from internal taxes, which last had brought under tribute almost every pursuit in life, were inadequate to the greatdrain upon our Treasury caused by the Civil War. Our Congress, exercising one of the powers of the Constitution, levied a direct tax upon the States. Ohio paid her part of it, Indiana paid hers, and so did the other loyal States. The Southern States were in rebellion and did not pay theirs. Now we have come to a time when the Government has surplus money, and the proposition was made in Congress to return this tax to the States that had paid it. [Applause.] The State of Indiana would have received one million dollars, which my fellow-citizens of this State know would have been a great relief to our taxpayers in the present depleted condition of our treasury. [Cheers.] I do not recall the exact amount Ohio would have received, but it was much larger. If any one asks, Why repay this tax? this illustration will be a sufficient answer: Suppose five men are associated in a business corporation. The corporation suffers losses and its capital is impaired. An assessment becomes necessary, and three members pay their assessments while two do not. The corporation is again prosperous and there is a surplus of money in the treasury. What shall be done with it? Manifestly, justice requires that the two delinquents should pay up or that there should be returned to the other three the assessment levied upon them. [Great cheering.] A bill providing for the repayment of the tax was killed in the House of Representatives, not by voting it down, but by filibustering, a majority of the House being in favor of its passage. And those who defeated the bill by those revolutionary tactics were largely from the States that had not paid the tax. [Cheers.] I mention these facts to show that twenty millions of the surplus now lying in the banks, where it draws no interest, might very righteously be used so as to greatly lighten the real burdens of taxation now resting on the people—burdens that the people know to be taxes without any argument from our statesmen. [Applause and laughter.] I am a lover of silence [laughter], and yet when such assemblies as these greet me with their kind, earnest faces and their kinder words, I do not know how I can do less than to say a few words upon some of these great public questions. I have spoken frankly and fearlessly my convictions upon these questions. [Cheers and cries of "Good! Good!"] And now, unappalled by the immensity of this audience, I will complete the accustomed programme and take by the hand such of you as desire to meet me personally. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 27.General Harrison'svisitors this day came from Ohio and Pennsylvania. Hancock and Allen counties, Ohio, sent over a thousand, including the Harrison and Morton Battalion of Lima, commanded by Capt. Martin Atmer, and the Republican Veteran Club of Findlay, Rev. R. H. Holliday, President. The Chief Marshal of the combined delegations was Major S. F. Ellis, of Lima, hero of the forlorn hope storming column which carried the intrenchments at Port Hudson, La., June 15, 1863. Prominent members of the Allen County delegation were Hon. Geo. Hall, Geo. P. Waldorf, S. S. Wheeler, J. F. Price, W. A. Campbell, J. J. Marks, and Burt Hagedorn. Major S. M. Jones was spokesman for the visitors.General Harrison, with his usual vigor, replied:Gentlemen and my Ohio Friends—The State of my nativity has again placed me under obligations by this new evidence of the respect of her people. I am glad to meet you and to notice in the kind and interested faces into which I look a confirmation of the cordial remarks which have been addressed to me on your behalf. You each feel a personal interest and, I trust, a personal responsibility in this campaign. The interest which expresses itself only in public demonstrations is not of the highest value. The citizen who really believes that this election will either give a fresh impulse to the career of prosperity and honor in which our Nation has walked since the war, or will clog and retard that progress, comes far short of his duty if he does not in his own place as a citizen make his influence felt for the truth upon those who are near him. [Applause.] You come from a community that has recently awakened to the fact that beneath the soil which has long yielded bounteous harvests to your farmers there was stored by nature a great and new source of wealth. You, in common with neighboring communities in Ohio and with other communities in our State, have only partially realized as yet the increase in wealth that oil and natural gas will bring to them, if it is not checked by destructive changes in our tariff policy. This fact should quicken and intensify the interest of these communities in this contest for the preservation of the American system of protection. [Applause.]It is said by some of our opponents that a protective tariff has noinfluence upon wages; that labor in the United States has nothing to fear from the competition from pauper labor; that in the contest between pauper labor and high priced labor pauper labor was always driven out. Do such statements as these fall in line with experiences of these workingmen who are before me? [Cries of "No, no!"] If that is true, then why the legislative precautions we have wisely taken against the coming of pauper labor to our shores? It is because you know, every one of you, that in a contest between two rival establishments here, or between two rival countries, that that shop or that country that pays the lowest wages—and so produces most cheaply—can command the market. If the products of foreign mills that pay low wages are admitted here without discriminating duties, you know there is only one way to meet such competition, and that is by reducing wages in our mills. [Applause.] They seek to entice you by the suggestion that you can wear cheaper clothing when free access is given to the products of foreign woollen mills; and yet they mention also that now, in some of our own cities, the men, and especially the women, who are manufacturing the garments we wear are not getting adequate wages, and that among some of them there is suffering. Do they hope that when the coat is made cheaper the wages of the man or woman who makes it will be increased? The power of your labor organizations to secure increased wages is greatest when there is a large demand for the product you are making at fair prices. You do not strike for better wages on a falling market. When the mills are running full time, when there is a full demand at good prices for the product of your toil, and when warehouses are empty, then your organization may effectively insist upon increased wages. Did any of you ever see one of the organized efforts for better wages succeed when the mill was running on half time, and there was a small demand at falling prices in the market for the product? [Applause.] The protective system works with your labor organization to secure and maintain a just compensation for labor. Whenever it becomes true—as it is in some other countries—that the workingman spends to-day what he will earn to-morrow, then your labor organizations will lose their power. Then the workman becomes in very fact a part of the machine he operates. He cannot leave it, for he has eaten to-day bread that he is to earn to-morrow. But when he eats to-day bread that he earned last week or last year, then he may successfully resist any unfair exactions. [Applause.] I do not say that we have here an ideal condition. I do not deny that in connection with some of our employments the conditions of life are hard. But the practical question is this: Isnot the condition of our working people on the average comparatively a great deal better than that of any other country? [Applause and cries of "Good! Good!"]If it is, then you will carefully scan all these suggestions before you consent that the work of foreign workmen shall supply our market, now supplied by the products of the hands of American workmen. I thank you again. The day is threatening and cool, and I beg you to excuse further public speech. [Applause.]At night 200 Pennsylvanians, who came to Indiana to aid in developing the natural gas industry, called upon General Harrison at his residence, under the direction of a committee composed of Capt. J. C. Gibney, J. B. Wheeler, and Geo. A. Richards. Their spokesman was Wm. McElwaine, a fellow-workman.General Harrison addressed them and said:Gentlemen—It is very pleasant for me to meet you to-night in my own home. The more informal my intercourse can be made with my fellow-citizens the more agreeable it is to me. To you, and all others who will come informally to my home, I will give a hearty greeting. I am glad to see these representatives from the State of Pennsylvania whose business pursuits have called them to make their home with us in Indiana. The State of Pennsylvania has a special interest for me in the fact that it was the native State of a mother who, though nearly forty years dead, still lives affectionately in my memory. I welcome you here to this State as those who come to settle among us under new conditions of industrial and domestic life, to bring into our factories and our homes this new fuel from which we hope so much, not only in the promotion of domestic comfort and economy, but in the advancement of our manufacturing institutions. Your calling is one requiring high skill and intelligence and great fidelity. The agent with which you deal is an admirable servant but a dangerous master, and through carelessness may bring a peril instead of a blessing into our households and into our communities. I am glad that Indiana, so long drained upon by the States west of the Mississippi, has at last felt in your coming from that stanch, magnificent Republican commonwealth some restoration of this drain, which has made the struggle for Republican success in Indiana doubtful in our previous elections. It is time some of the States east of us, having such majorities as Pennsylvania, were contributing not only to our business enterprise and prosperity, but to the strengthening of theRepublican ranks, which have been depleted by the invitations which the agricultural States of the West have extended to our enterprising young men. I welcome your here to-night, and will be glad to have a personal introduction to each of you. [Applause.]

General Harrison'svisitors this day came from Ohio and Pennsylvania. Hancock and Allen counties, Ohio, sent over a thousand, including the Harrison and Morton Battalion of Lima, commanded by Capt. Martin Atmer, and the Republican Veteran Club of Findlay, Rev. R. H. Holliday, President. The Chief Marshal of the combined delegations was Major S. F. Ellis, of Lima, hero of the forlorn hope storming column which carried the intrenchments at Port Hudson, La., June 15, 1863. Prominent members of the Allen County delegation were Hon. Geo. Hall, Geo. P. Waldorf, S. S. Wheeler, J. F. Price, W. A. Campbell, J. J. Marks, and Burt Hagedorn. Major S. M. Jones was spokesman for the visitors.

General Harrison, with his usual vigor, replied:

Gentlemen and my Ohio Friends—The State of my nativity has again placed me under obligations by this new evidence of the respect of her people. I am glad to meet you and to notice in the kind and interested faces into which I look a confirmation of the cordial remarks which have been addressed to me on your behalf. You each feel a personal interest and, I trust, a personal responsibility in this campaign. The interest which expresses itself only in public demonstrations is not of the highest value. The citizen who really believes that this election will either give a fresh impulse to the career of prosperity and honor in which our Nation has walked since the war, or will clog and retard that progress, comes far short of his duty if he does not in his own place as a citizen make his influence felt for the truth upon those who are near him. [Applause.] You come from a community that has recently awakened to the fact that beneath the soil which has long yielded bounteous harvests to your farmers there was stored by nature a great and new source of wealth. You, in common with neighboring communities in Ohio and with other communities in our State, have only partially realized as yet the increase in wealth that oil and natural gas will bring to them, if it is not checked by destructive changes in our tariff policy. This fact should quicken and intensify the interest of these communities in this contest for the preservation of the American system of protection. [Applause.]It is said by some of our opponents that a protective tariff has noinfluence upon wages; that labor in the United States has nothing to fear from the competition from pauper labor; that in the contest between pauper labor and high priced labor pauper labor was always driven out. Do such statements as these fall in line with experiences of these workingmen who are before me? [Cries of "No, no!"] If that is true, then why the legislative precautions we have wisely taken against the coming of pauper labor to our shores? It is because you know, every one of you, that in a contest between two rival establishments here, or between two rival countries, that that shop or that country that pays the lowest wages—and so produces most cheaply—can command the market. If the products of foreign mills that pay low wages are admitted here without discriminating duties, you know there is only one way to meet such competition, and that is by reducing wages in our mills. [Applause.] They seek to entice you by the suggestion that you can wear cheaper clothing when free access is given to the products of foreign woollen mills; and yet they mention also that now, in some of our own cities, the men, and especially the women, who are manufacturing the garments we wear are not getting adequate wages, and that among some of them there is suffering. Do they hope that when the coat is made cheaper the wages of the man or woman who makes it will be increased? The power of your labor organizations to secure increased wages is greatest when there is a large demand for the product you are making at fair prices. You do not strike for better wages on a falling market. When the mills are running full time, when there is a full demand at good prices for the product of your toil, and when warehouses are empty, then your organization may effectively insist upon increased wages. Did any of you ever see one of the organized efforts for better wages succeed when the mill was running on half time, and there was a small demand at falling prices in the market for the product? [Applause.] The protective system works with your labor organization to secure and maintain a just compensation for labor. Whenever it becomes true—as it is in some other countries—that the workingman spends to-day what he will earn to-morrow, then your labor organizations will lose their power. Then the workman becomes in very fact a part of the machine he operates. He cannot leave it, for he has eaten to-day bread that he is to earn to-morrow. But when he eats to-day bread that he earned last week or last year, then he may successfully resist any unfair exactions. [Applause.] I do not say that we have here an ideal condition. I do not deny that in connection with some of our employments the conditions of life are hard. But the practical question is this: Isnot the condition of our working people on the average comparatively a great deal better than that of any other country? [Applause and cries of "Good! Good!"]If it is, then you will carefully scan all these suggestions before you consent that the work of foreign workmen shall supply our market, now supplied by the products of the hands of American workmen. I thank you again. The day is threatening and cool, and I beg you to excuse further public speech. [Applause.]

It is said by some of our opponents that a protective tariff has noinfluence upon wages; that labor in the United States has nothing to fear from the competition from pauper labor; that in the contest between pauper labor and high priced labor pauper labor was always driven out. Do such statements as these fall in line with experiences of these workingmen who are before me? [Cries of "No, no!"] If that is true, then why the legislative precautions we have wisely taken against the coming of pauper labor to our shores? It is because you know, every one of you, that in a contest between two rival establishments here, or between two rival countries, that that shop or that country that pays the lowest wages—and so produces most cheaply—can command the market. If the products of foreign mills that pay low wages are admitted here without discriminating duties, you know there is only one way to meet such competition, and that is by reducing wages in our mills. [Applause.] They seek to entice you by the suggestion that you can wear cheaper clothing when free access is given to the products of foreign woollen mills; and yet they mention also that now, in some of our own cities, the men, and especially the women, who are manufacturing the garments we wear are not getting adequate wages, and that among some of them there is suffering. Do they hope that when the coat is made cheaper the wages of the man or woman who makes it will be increased? The power of your labor organizations to secure increased wages is greatest when there is a large demand for the product you are making at fair prices. You do not strike for better wages on a falling market. When the mills are running full time, when there is a full demand at good prices for the product of your toil, and when warehouses are empty, then your organization may effectively insist upon increased wages. Did any of you ever see one of the organized efforts for better wages succeed when the mill was running on half time, and there was a small demand at falling prices in the market for the product? [Applause.] The protective system works with your labor organization to secure and maintain a just compensation for labor. Whenever it becomes true—as it is in some other countries—that the workingman spends to-day what he will earn to-morrow, then your labor organizations will lose their power. Then the workman becomes in very fact a part of the machine he operates. He cannot leave it, for he has eaten to-day bread that he is to earn to-morrow. But when he eats to-day bread that he earned last week or last year, then he may successfully resist any unfair exactions. [Applause.] I do not say that we have here an ideal condition. I do not deny that in connection with some of our employments the conditions of life are hard. But the practical question is this: Isnot the condition of our working people on the average comparatively a great deal better than that of any other country? [Applause and cries of "Good! Good!"]

If it is, then you will carefully scan all these suggestions before you consent that the work of foreign workmen shall supply our market, now supplied by the products of the hands of American workmen. I thank you again. The day is threatening and cool, and I beg you to excuse further public speech. [Applause.]

At night 200 Pennsylvanians, who came to Indiana to aid in developing the natural gas industry, called upon General Harrison at his residence, under the direction of a committee composed of Capt. J. C. Gibney, J. B. Wheeler, and Geo. A. Richards. Their spokesman was Wm. McElwaine, a fellow-workman.

General Harrison addressed them and said:

Gentlemen—It is very pleasant for me to meet you to-night in my own home. The more informal my intercourse can be made with my fellow-citizens the more agreeable it is to me. To you, and all others who will come informally to my home, I will give a hearty greeting. I am glad to see these representatives from the State of Pennsylvania whose business pursuits have called them to make their home with us in Indiana. The State of Pennsylvania has a special interest for me in the fact that it was the native State of a mother who, though nearly forty years dead, still lives affectionately in my memory. I welcome you here to this State as those who come to settle among us under new conditions of industrial and domestic life, to bring into our factories and our homes this new fuel from which we hope so much, not only in the promotion of domestic comfort and economy, but in the advancement of our manufacturing institutions. Your calling is one requiring high skill and intelligence and great fidelity. The agent with which you deal is an admirable servant but a dangerous master, and through carelessness may bring a peril instead of a blessing into our households and into our communities. I am glad that Indiana, so long drained upon by the States west of the Mississippi, has at last felt in your coming from that stanch, magnificent Republican commonwealth some restoration of this drain, which has made the struggle for Republican success in Indiana doubtful in our previous elections. It is time some of the States east of us, having such majorities as Pennsylvania, were contributing not only to our business enterprise and prosperity, but to the strengthening of theRepublican ranks, which have been depleted by the invitations which the agricultural States of the West have extended to our enterprising young men. I welcome your here to-night, and will be glad to have a personal introduction to each of you. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, SEPTEMBER 29.Ohioand Illinois did honor this day again to the Republican nominee. From Cleveland came 800 voters; their organizations were the Harrison Boys in Blue—200 veterans of the Civil War—commanded by Gen. James Barnett; the Garfield Club, led by Thomas R. Whitehead and Albert M. Long; the Logan Club, headed by Capt. W. R. Isham, and the German Central Club. Prominent in the delegation were Hon. Amos Townsend, John Gibson, and Major Palmer, the blind orator. Gen. E. Myers spoke for the Buckeyes. The city of Normal, McLean County, Illinois, sent a delegation of 200 teachers and students of the State Normal School, including 70 ladies. Student William Galbraith spoke for his associates.General Harrison, in response, said:Gentlemen and Friends—The organizations represented here this morning have for me each an individual interest. Each is suggestive of a line of thought whichIshould be glad to follow, but I cannot, in the few moments that I can speak to you in this chilly atmosphere, say all that the names and character of your respective clubs suggest as appropriate. I welcome those comrades in the Union army in the Civil War. [Cheers.]Death wrought its work in ghastly form in those years when, patiently, fearlessly, and hopefully, you carried the flag to the front and brought it at last in triumph to the Nation's capital. [Cheers.] Death, since, in its gentler forms, has been coming into the households where the veterans that were spared from shot and shell abide. The muster-roll of the living is growing shorter. The larger company is being rapidly recruited. You live not alone in the memories of the war. Your presence here attests that, as citizens, you feel the importance of these civil strifes. You recall the incidents of the great war, not in malice, not to stir or revive sectional divisions, or to re-mark sectional lines, but becauseyou believe that it is good for the Nation that loyalty to the flag and heroism in its defence should be remembered and honored. [Cheers.] There is not a veteran here, in this Republican Club of veterans, who does not desire that the streams of prosperity in the Southern States should run bank-full. [Cheers.]There is not one who does not sympathize with her plague-stricken communities, and rejoice in every new evidence of her industrial development. The Union veterans have never sought to impose hard conditions upon the brave men they vanquished. The generous terms of surrender given by General Grant were not alone expressions of his own brave, magnanimous nature. The hearts of soldiers who carried the gun and the knapsack in his victorious army were as generous as his. You were glad to accept the renewal of the Confederate soldier's allegiance to the flag as the happy end of all strife; willing that he should possess the equal protection and power of a citizenship that you had preserved for yourselves and secured to him. [Cheers.] You have only asked—and you may confidently submit to the judgment of every brave Confederate soldier whether the terms are not fair—that the veteran of the Union army shall have, as a voter, an equal influence in the affairs of the country that was saved by him for both with the man who fought against the flag, and that soldiers of neither army shall abridge the rights of others under the law. [Great cheering.] Less than that you cannot accept with honor; less than that a generous foe would not consent to offer.To the gentlemen of the John A. Logan Club let me say: You have chosen a worthy name for your organization. Patriot, soldier, and statesman, Logan's memory will live in the affectionate admiration of his comrades and in the respect of all his opponents. His home State was Illinois, but his achievements were national.To these German-American Republicans I give a most cordial welcome. You have been known in our politics as a people well informed upon all the great economic questions that have arisen for settlement. You have always been faithful to an honest currency. [Cheers.] The enticements of depreciated money did not win you from sound principle. You bravely stood for a paper currency that should be the true equivalent of coin. [Cries of "Good! Good!"] Those who, like your people, have learned the lessons of thrift and economy in your old-country homes, and have brought them here with you, realized that above all things the laborer needed honest money that would not shrink in his hands when it had paid him for an honest day's toil. And now, when another great economic question is pressing for determination, I do notdoubt that you will as wisely and as resolutely help to settle that also.As the great German chancellor, that student of human government and affairs, turning his thoughtful study toward the history of our country since the war, has declared that in his judgment our protective tariff system was the source of our strength, that by reason of it we were able to deal with a war debt that seemed to be appalling and insurmountable, I do not doubt that you, too, men who believe in work and in thrift, and so many of whom are everywhere sheltered under a roof of their own, will unite with us in this struggle to preserve our American market for our own workingmen, and to maintain here a living standard of wages. [Cheers.]To these students who come fresh from the class-room to give me a greeting this morning I also return my sincere thanks. I suggest to them that they be not only students of books and maxims, but also of men and markets; that in the study of the tariff question they do not forget, as so many do, that they are Americans.I thank you all again for your visit. I regret that I am not able to give you, in my own home, a personal and more cordial greeting. My house is not large enough to receive you. [A voice, "Your heart is!"] Yes, I have room enough in my heart for all. [Great cheering.] I am very sincerely grateful for these evidences of your personal regard. Out of them all; out of the coming of these frequent and enthusiastic crowds of my fellow-citizens; out of all these kind words; out of these kind faces of men and women; out of the hearty "God-speeds" you give me, I hope to bring an inspiration and an endowment for whatever may be before me in life, whether I shall walk in private or public paths. [Great cheering.]The largest delegation of the day, numbering over a thousand business men, arrived from Chicago, after stoppingen routeat several important points, where their orators, Gen. H. H. Thomas, George Drigg, and Judge John W. Green, made speeches. Their notable political organizations were the First Tippecanoe Club of Chicago, 100 veterans of 1840, led by Dr. D. S. Smith; the Logan Club, and the Twelfth Ward Republican Club, led by Charles Catlin, E. S. Taylor, Wm. Wilkes, and Joseph Dixon. Judge Green and Dr. Smith delivered addresses.General Harrison, responding, said:My Illinois Friends—It is a source of great regret to me that we are not able to make your reception more comfortable. The chill of this September evening and of this open grove is not suggestive of the hospitable and cordial welcome that our people would have been glad to extend to you. Our excuse for this time may be found in the vastness of this assemblage. I am pleased to have this fresh and imposing evidence of the enthusiasm and interest of the Illinois Republicans. [Cheers.] There is nothing in the great history of the Republican party that need make any man blush to own himself a Republican. [Cheers.] There is much to kindle the enthusiasm of all lovers of their country. We do not rest in the past, but we rejoice in it. [Cheers.] The Republican party has so consistently followed the teachings of those great Americans whose names the world reveres that we may appropriately hold a Republican convention on the birthday of any one of them. [Cheers.] The calendar of our political saints does not omit one name that was conspicuous in peace or war. [Cheers.] We can celebrate Jackson's birthday or the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans because he stood for the unity of the Nation, and his victory confirmed it in the respect of the world. [Great cheering.] There is no song of patriotism that we do not sing in our meetings. There is no marble that has been builded to perpetuate the glory of our soldiers about which we may not appropriately assemble and proclaim the principles that we advocate. [Cheers.] We believe in our country, and give it our love and first care. We have always advocated that policy in legislation which was promotive of the interests and honor of our country. [Cheers.] I will not discuss any particular public topic to-day, as the conditions are so unfavorable for out-door speaking. Let me thank you again for this cordial evidence of your interest and for the personal respect which you have shown to me. I hope you will believe that my heart is deeply touched in these manifestations of the friendliness of my fellow-citizens. If in anything I shall come short of the high expectations and hopes they have formed, it will not be because I do not feel myself put under the highest obligations by these evidences of their friendly regard to do my utmost to continue in their respect and confidence. [Great cheering.]

Ohioand Illinois did honor this day again to the Republican nominee. From Cleveland came 800 voters; their organizations were the Harrison Boys in Blue—200 veterans of the Civil War—commanded by Gen. James Barnett; the Garfield Club, led by Thomas R. Whitehead and Albert M. Long; the Logan Club, headed by Capt. W. R. Isham, and the German Central Club. Prominent in the delegation were Hon. Amos Townsend, John Gibson, and Major Palmer, the blind orator. Gen. E. Myers spoke for the Buckeyes. The city of Normal, McLean County, Illinois, sent a delegation of 200 teachers and students of the State Normal School, including 70 ladies. Student William Galbraith spoke for his associates.

General Harrison, in response, said:

Gentlemen and Friends—The organizations represented here this morning have for me each an individual interest. Each is suggestive of a line of thought whichIshould be glad to follow, but I cannot, in the few moments that I can speak to you in this chilly atmosphere, say all that the names and character of your respective clubs suggest as appropriate. I welcome those comrades in the Union army in the Civil War. [Cheers.]Death wrought its work in ghastly form in those years when, patiently, fearlessly, and hopefully, you carried the flag to the front and brought it at last in triumph to the Nation's capital. [Cheers.] Death, since, in its gentler forms, has been coming into the households where the veterans that were spared from shot and shell abide. The muster-roll of the living is growing shorter. The larger company is being rapidly recruited. You live not alone in the memories of the war. Your presence here attests that, as citizens, you feel the importance of these civil strifes. You recall the incidents of the great war, not in malice, not to stir or revive sectional divisions, or to re-mark sectional lines, but becauseyou believe that it is good for the Nation that loyalty to the flag and heroism in its defence should be remembered and honored. [Cheers.] There is not a veteran here, in this Republican Club of veterans, who does not desire that the streams of prosperity in the Southern States should run bank-full. [Cheers.]There is not one who does not sympathize with her plague-stricken communities, and rejoice in every new evidence of her industrial development. The Union veterans have never sought to impose hard conditions upon the brave men they vanquished. The generous terms of surrender given by General Grant were not alone expressions of his own brave, magnanimous nature. The hearts of soldiers who carried the gun and the knapsack in his victorious army were as generous as his. You were glad to accept the renewal of the Confederate soldier's allegiance to the flag as the happy end of all strife; willing that he should possess the equal protection and power of a citizenship that you had preserved for yourselves and secured to him. [Cheers.] You have only asked—and you may confidently submit to the judgment of every brave Confederate soldier whether the terms are not fair—that the veteran of the Union army shall have, as a voter, an equal influence in the affairs of the country that was saved by him for both with the man who fought against the flag, and that soldiers of neither army shall abridge the rights of others under the law. [Great cheering.] Less than that you cannot accept with honor; less than that a generous foe would not consent to offer.To the gentlemen of the John A. Logan Club let me say: You have chosen a worthy name for your organization. Patriot, soldier, and statesman, Logan's memory will live in the affectionate admiration of his comrades and in the respect of all his opponents. His home State was Illinois, but his achievements were national.To these German-American Republicans I give a most cordial welcome. You have been known in our politics as a people well informed upon all the great economic questions that have arisen for settlement. You have always been faithful to an honest currency. [Cheers.] The enticements of depreciated money did not win you from sound principle. You bravely stood for a paper currency that should be the true equivalent of coin. [Cries of "Good! Good!"] Those who, like your people, have learned the lessons of thrift and economy in your old-country homes, and have brought them here with you, realized that above all things the laborer needed honest money that would not shrink in his hands when it had paid him for an honest day's toil. And now, when another great economic question is pressing for determination, I do notdoubt that you will as wisely and as resolutely help to settle that also.As the great German chancellor, that student of human government and affairs, turning his thoughtful study toward the history of our country since the war, has declared that in his judgment our protective tariff system was the source of our strength, that by reason of it we were able to deal with a war debt that seemed to be appalling and insurmountable, I do not doubt that you, too, men who believe in work and in thrift, and so many of whom are everywhere sheltered under a roof of their own, will unite with us in this struggle to preserve our American market for our own workingmen, and to maintain here a living standard of wages. [Cheers.]To these students who come fresh from the class-room to give me a greeting this morning I also return my sincere thanks. I suggest to them that they be not only students of books and maxims, but also of men and markets; that in the study of the tariff question they do not forget, as so many do, that they are Americans.I thank you all again for your visit. I regret that I am not able to give you, in my own home, a personal and more cordial greeting. My house is not large enough to receive you. [A voice, "Your heart is!"] Yes, I have room enough in my heart for all. [Great cheering.] I am very sincerely grateful for these evidences of your personal regard. Out of them all; out of the coming of these frequent and enthusiastic crowds of my fellow-citizens; out of all these kind words; out of these kind faces of men and women; out of the hearty "God-speeds" you give me, I hope to bring an inspiration and an endowment for whatever may be before me in life, whether I shall walk in private or public paths. [Great cheering.]

Death wrought its work in ghastly form in those years when, patiently, fearlessly, and hopefully, you carried the flag to the front and brought it at last in triumph to the Nation's capital. [Cheers.] Death, since, in its gentler forms, has been coming into the households where the veterans that were spared from shot and shell abide. The muster-roll of the living is growing shorter. The larger company is being rapidly recruited. You live not alone in the memories of the war. Your presence here attests that, as citizens, you feel the importance of these civil strifes. You recall the incidents of the great war, not in malice, not to stir or revive sectional divisions, or to re-mark sectional lines, but becauseyou believe that it is good for the Nation that loyalty to the flag and heroism in its defence should be remembered and honored. [Cheers.] There is not a veteran here, in this Republican Club of veterans, who does not desire that the streams of prosperity in the Southern States should run bank-full. [Cheers.]

There is not one who does not sympathize with her plague-stricken communities, and rejoice in every new evidence of her industrial development. The Union veterans have never sought to impose hard conditions upon the brave men they vanquished. The generous terms of surrender given by General Grant were not alone expressions of his own brave, magnanimous nature. The hearts of soldiers who carried the gun and the knapsack in his victorious army were as generous as his. You were glad to accept the renewal of the Confederate soldier's allegiance to the flag as the happy end of all strife; willing that he should possess the equal protection and power of a citizenship that you had preserved for yourselves and secured to him. [Cheers.] You have only asked—and you may confidently submit to the judgment of every brave Confederate soldier whether the terms are not fair—that the veteran of the Union army shall have, as a voter, an equal influence in the affairs of the country that was saved by him for both with the man who fought against the flag, and that soldiers of neither army shall abridge the rights of others under the law. [Great cheering.] Less than that you cannot accept with honor; less than that a generous foe would not consent to offer.

To the gentlemen of the John A. Logan Club let me say: You have chosen a worthy name for your organization. Patriot, soldier, and statesman, Logan's memory will live in the affectionate admiration of his comrades and in the respect of all his opponents. His home State was Illinois, but his achievements were national.

To these German-American Republicans I give a most cordial welcome. You have been known in our politics as a people well informed upon all the great economic questions that have arisen for settlement. You have always been faithful to an honest currency. [Cheers.] The enticements of depreciated money did not win you from sound principle. You bravely stood for a paper currency that should be the true equivalent of coin. [Cries of "Good! Good!"] Those who, like your people, have learned the lessons of thrift and economy in your old-country homes, and have brought them here with you, realized that above all things the laborer needed honest money that would not shrink in his hands when it had paid him for an honest day's toil. And now, when another great economic question is pressing for determination, I do notdoubt that you will as wisely and as resolutely help to settle that also.

As the great German chancellor, that student of human government and affairs, turning his thoughtful study toward the history of our country since the war, has declared that in his judgment our protective tariff system was the source of our strength, that by reason of it we were able to deal with a war debt that seemed to be appalling and insurmountable, I do not doubt that you, too, men who believe in work and in thrift, and so many of whom are everywhere sheltered under a roof of their own, will unite with us in this struggle to preserve our American market for our own workingmen, and to maintain here a living standard of wages. [Cheers.]

To these students who come fresh from the class-room to give me a greeting this morning I also return my sincere thanks. I suggest to them that they be not only students of books and maxims, but also of men and markets; that in the study of the tariff question they do not forget, as so many do, that they are Americans.

I thank you all again for your visit. I regret that I am not able to give you, in my own home, a personal and more cordial greeting. My house is not large enough to receive you. [A voice, "Your heart is!"] Yes, I have room enough in my heart for all. [Great cheering.] I am very sincerely grateful for these evidences of your personal regard. Out of them all; out of the coming of these frequent and enthusiastic crowds of my fellow-citizens; out of all these kind words; out of these kind faces of men and women; out of the hearty "God-speeds" you give me, I hope to bring an inspiration and an endowment for whatever may be before me in life, whether I shall walk in private or public paths. [Great cheering.]

The largest delegation of the day, numbering over a thousand business men, arrived from Chicago, after stoppingen routeat several important points, where their orators, Gen. H. H. Thomas, George Drigg, and Judge John W. Green, made speeches. Their notable political organizations were the First Tippecanoe Club of Chicago, 100 veterans of 1840, led by Dr. D. S. Smith; the Logan Club, and the Twelfth Ward Republican Club, led by Charles Catlin, E. S. Taylor, Wm. Wilkes, and Joseph Dixon. Judge Green and Dr. Smith delivered addresses.

General Harrison, responding, said:

My Illinois Friends—It is a source of great regret to me that we are not able to make your reception more comfortable. The chill of this September evening and of this open grove is not suggestive of the hospitable and cordial welcome that our people would have been glad to extend to you. Our excuse for this time may be found in the vastness of this assemblage. I am pleased to have this fresh and imposing evidence of the enthusiasm and interest of the Illinois Republicans. [Cheers.] There is nothing in the great history of the Republican party that need make any man blush to own himself a Republican. [Cheers.] There is much to kindle the enthusiasm of all lovers of their country. We do not rest in the past, but we rejoice in it. [Cheers.] The Republican party has so consistently followed the teachings of those great Americans whose names the world reveres that we may appropriately hold a Republican convention on the birthday of any one of them. [Cheers.] The calendar of our political saints does not omit one name that was conspicuous in peace or war. [Cheers.] We can celebrate Jackson's birthday or the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans because he stood for the unity of the Nation, and his victory confirmed it in the respect of the world. [Great cheering.] There is no song of patriotism that we do not sing in our meetings. There is no marble that has been builded to perpetuate the glory of our soldiers about which we may not appropriately assemble and proclaim the principles that we advocate. [Cheers.] We believe in our country, and give it our love and first care. We have always advocated that policy in legislation which was promotive of the interests and honor of our country. [Cheers.] I will not discuss any particular public topic to-day, as the conditions are so unfavorable for out-door speaking. Let me thank you again for this cordial evidence of your interest and for the personal respect which you have shown to me. I hope you will believe that my heart is deeply touched in these manifestations of the friendliness of my fellow-citizens. If in anything I shall come short of the high expectations and hopes they have formed, it will not be because I do not feel myself put under the highest obligations by these evidences of their friendly regard to do my utmost to continue in their respect and confidence. [Great cheering.]

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