[254]Vocabulario Paez-Castellano, por Eujenio del Castillo i Orosco. Con adiciones por Ezequiel Uricoechea. Paris, 1877. (Bibliothèque Linguistique Américaine.)[255]Felipe Perez,Geografia del Estado de Tolima, p. 76 (Bogota, 1863); R. B. White, inJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1883, pp. 250-2.[256]Dr. A. Posada-Arango, “Essai Ethnographique sur les Aborigenes de l’Etat d’Antioquia,” in theBulletin de la Société Anthrop. de Paris, 1871, p. 202.[257]Thirty thousand, says Herrera, with the usual extravagance of the early writers (Decadas de Indias, Dec. VII., Lib. IV., cap IV.)[258]Leon Douay, inCompte Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes, 1888, p. 774, who adds a vocabulary of Moguex. The name is derived fromMog, vir.[259]Hervas,Catologo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 279. Father Juan de Ribera translated the Catechism into the Guanuca, but so far as I know, it was not printed.[260]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, etc., pp. 6, 64, etc. The words he gives in Coconuca are:IN MOGUEX.Sun,puitchr,piuchr.Moon,puil,pulue.Stars,sil,?Chief,cashu,?Maize,bura,purat.Bollaert probably quoted these without acknowledgment from Gen. Mosquera,Phys. & Polit. Geog. of New Granada, p. 45 (New York, 1853).[261]My knowledge of the Totoro is obtained from an anonymous notice published by a missionary in theRevue de Linguistique, July, 1879. Its relationship to the group is at once seen by the following comparison:TOTORO.MOGUEX.Man,mujel,muck.Woman,ishu,schut.Head,pushu,pusts.Eye,cap-tshal,cap.Mouth,trictrap,chidbchab.Nose,kim,kind.Arm,qual,cuald.Fingers,cambil,kambild.[262]See Herrera,Hist. de las Indias, Dec. VI., Lib. VII., cap. V.[263]The vocabulary was furnished by Bishop Thiel. It is edited with useful comments by Dr. Edward Seler inOriginal-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen Abtheilung der König. Museen zu Berlin, No. I., s. 44, sq. (Berlin, 1885).[264]Ed. André, inLe Tour du Monde, 1883, p. 344. From this very meagre material I offer the following comparison:TELEMBI.COLORADO.Eye,cachu,caco.Nose,quimpu,quinfu.House,yall,ya.Hand,ch’to,te-de.Foot,mi-to,ne-de.Mother,acuá,ayá.Hair,aichi,apichu.The terminal syllabletoin the Telembi words for hand and foot appears to be the Coloradoté, branch, which is also found in the Col.té-michu, finger,te-chili, arm ornament, and again in the Telembit’raill, arm.[265]In theVerhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesellschaft, 1887, ss. 597-99.[266]Other analogies are undoubted, though less obvious. Thus in Cayapa, “man” isliu-pula; “woman,”su-pula. In these words, the terminalpulais generic, and the prefixes are the Coloradosona, woman, abbreviated tosoin the Colorado itself, (see Dr. Seler’s article, p. 55); and the Col.chilla, male, which in the Spanish-American pronunciation, wherell = y, is close toliu.[267]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, p. 82.[268]Manuel I. Albis, inBulletin of the Amer. Ethnol. Soc., vol. I., p. 52.[269]A. Codazzi in Felipe Perez,Jeografia del Estado de Tolima, pp. 81 sqq. (Bogota, 1863.)[270]Astooth,Andaqui,sicoga;Chibcha,sica.house,”co-joe;”jüe.[271]Manuel P. Albis, inBull. of the Amer. Ethnolog. Soc., Vol. I., pp. 55, sq. See also General T. C. de Mosquera,Memoir on the Physical and Political Geography of New Granada, p. 41 (New York, 1853).[272]Garcilasso de la Vega,Commentarios Reales, Lib. VIII., cap. 5. He calls the natives Huancavillcas.[273]F. G. Saurez,Estudio Historico sobre los Cañaris(Quito, 1878). This author gives cuts of these axes, and their inscribed devices.[274]For a description, with cuts, see M. L. Heuzey, “Le Trésor de Cuenca,” inLa Gazette des Beaux-Arts, August, 1870.[275]Cronica del Peru, Pt. I., cap. cxvi.[276]Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 3.[277]Antiquarian, Ethnological and other Researches, in New Granada, Ecuador, Peru and Chili, p. 101 (London, 1860).[278]He complains that the languages which the Incas tried to suppress, had, since their downfall, arisen as vigorous as ever,Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 3.[279]Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 64 (Leipzig, 1884).[280]See von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 65. It is to be regretted that in the face of the conclusive proof to the contrary, Dr. Middendorf repeats as correct the statement of Garcilasso de la Vega (Ollanta, Einleitung, s. 15, note).[281]See his Introduction to theTravels of Pedro Cieza de Leon, p. xxii. (London, 1864).[282]See hisOrganismus der Khetsua Sprache, ss. 64-66.[283]The Chinchaya dialect is preserved (insufficiently) by Father Juan de Figueredo in an Appendix to Torres-Rubio,Arte de la Lengua Quichua, edition of Lima, 1701. It retained the sounds ofgandl, not known in southern Kechua. The differences in the vocabularies of the two are apparent rather than real. Thus the Chin.rupay, sun, is the K. for sun’s heat (ardor del sol); Chin.caclla, face, is K.cacclla, cheeks. Markham is decidedly in error in saying that the Chinchaya dialect “differed very considerably from that of the Incas” (Journal Royal Geog. Soc., 1871, p. 316).[284]Introduction to his translation of Cieza de Leon, p. xlvii, note.[285]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, p. 81.[286]Von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 66. Hervas was also of the opinion that both Quitu and Scyra were Kechua dialects (Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 276).[287]A. Bastian,Die Culturländer des Alten Americas, Bd. II., s. 93.[288]Juan de Velasco,Histoire du Royaume de Quito, pp. 11-21, sq. (Ed. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840.) But Cieza de Leon’s expressions imply the existence of the matriarchal system among them. See Markham’s translation, p. 83, note. Some claim that the Quitus were a different, and, in their locality, a more ancient tribe than the Caras.[289]Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Peru. Tom. I., p. 19. (Madrid, 1881.)[290]InLe Tour du Monde, 1883, p. 406. The wordYumboappears to be derived from the Paezyombo, river, and was applied to the down-stream Indians.[291]“Casi tal come lo enseñaron los conquistadores.” Manuel Villavicencio,Geografia de la Republica del Ecuador, pp. 168, 354, 413, etc. (New York, 1858.) According to Dr. Middendorf, the limit of the Incarial power (which, however, is not identical in this region with that of the Kechua tongue), was the Blue river, the Rio Ancasmayu, an affluent of the upper Patia. (Ollanta, Einleitung, s. 5. Berlin, 1890.)[292]Mr. C. Buckley, “Notes on the Macas Indians of Ecuador,” inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, 1874, pp. 29, sqq.[293]References in Waitz,Anthropologie der Naturvölker, Bd. III., s. 492.[294]Arte de la Lengua Chilena, Introd. (Lima, 1606).[295]Paul Topinard, inRevue d’Anthropologie, Tome IV., pp. 65-67.[296]Lucien Carr,Fourth Report of the Peabody Museum of Archæology.[297]I would especially refer to the admirable analysis of the Peruvian governmental system by Dr. Gustav Brühl,Die Culturvölker Alt-Amerikas, p. 335, sqq. (Cincinnati, 1887.) I regret that the learned Kechuist, Dr. E. W. Middendorf, had not studied this book before he prepared his edition of theOllantadrama (Berlin, 1890), or he would have modified many of the statements in itsEinleitung.[298]See J. J. von Tschudi, “Das Lama,” inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1885, s. 93.[299]Dr. Nehring has shown that all the breeds of Peruvian dogs can be traced back to what is known as the Inca shepherd dog.Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1885, s. 520.[300]Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Bd. II., Abth. I., 370.[301]A careful edition is that of G. Pacheco Zegarra,Ollantai; Drame en Vers Quechuas du temps des Incas(Paris, 1878); an English translation, quite faulty, was given by C. G. Markham (London, 1871); one in Kechua and German by Von Tschudi, and recently (1890) Dr. Middendorf’s edition claims greater accuracy than its predecessors.[302]Espada,Yaravies Quiteños. (Madrid, 1881.)[303]J. J. Von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache(Leipzig, 1884); Dr. E. W. Middendorf,Das Runa Simi, oder die Keshua Sprache. (Leipzig, 1890.)[304]The Yauyos spoke the Cauqui dialect, which was somewhat akin to Aymara.[305]See Markham’s paper inJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1871, p. 309.[306]Arte de la Lengua Aymara, Roma, 1603;Vocabulario de la Lengua Aymara, Juli, 1612. Both have been republished by Julius Platzmann, Leipzig, 1879.[307]See Steinthal, “Das Verhältniss zwischen dem Ketschua und Aimara,” inCompte-Rendu du Congrès International des Américanistes, 1888, p. 462. David Forbes reverses the ordinary view, and considers the Kechua language and culture as mixed and late products derived from an older Aymara civilization. See his article on the Aymara Indians inJournal of the Ethnological Society of London, 1870, p. 270, sqq.[308]“Principalmente se enseña en este Arte la lengua Lupaca, la qual no es inferior a la Pacasa, que entre todas las lenguas Aymaricas tiene el primer lugar.” Bertonio,Arte de la Lengua Aymara, p. 10.[309]For measurements, etc., see David Forbes, inJournal of the London Ethnological Society, October, 1870.[310]One of the most satisfactory descriptions of them is by E. G. Squier,Travels in Peru, Chaps. XV., XVI. (New York, 1877).[311]The observations of David Forbes on the present architecture of the Aymaras lend strong support to his theory that the structures of Tiahuanuco, if not projected by that nation, were carried out by Aymara architects and workmen. See his remarks inJour. of the London Ethnol. Soc., 1870, p. 259.[312]D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 309.[313]Quoted by A. Bastian.[314]“Son estosUrostan brutales que ellos mismos no se tienen por hombres.” Acosta,Historia de las Indias, p. 62 (Ed. 1591).[315]“Los Indios Puquinas … son rudos y torpes.” La Vega,Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 4.[316]Mithridates, Theil III., Abth. II., ss. 548-550.[317]In theJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1871, p. 305.[318]In hisOrganismus der Ketschua Sprache, s. 76 (Leipzig, 1884).[319]Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Peru, Tom. I., p. 82. (Madrid, 1881.)[320]Fernando de la Carrera,Arte de la Lengua Yunga. (Lima, 1644, reprint, Lima, 1880.)[321]See Von Tschudi,Die Kechua Sprache, p. 83, 84.[322]Charles Wiener,Perou et Bolivie, p. 98, seq. (Paris, 1880.)[323]Commentarios Reales, Lib. VI., cap. 32.[324]See the chapter on “The Art, Customs and Religion of the Chimus,” in E. G. Squier’sPeru, p. 170, sq. (New York, 1877.)[325]“En la lengua Mochica de los Yungas.” Geronimo de Ore,Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum. (Neapoli, 1607.)[326]A. Bastian,Die Culturländer Alt-Amer.Bd. II.[327]In C. R. Markham’s translation of Cieza de Leon, Introduction, p. xlii. (London, 1864.)[328]Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tome I., p. 274.[329]Dr. R. A. Philippi,Reise durch die Wüste Atacama, s. 66. (Halle, 1860.) J. J. von Tschudi,Reisen durch Sud-Amerika, Bd. V., s. 82-84. T. H. Moore,Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes, 1877, Vol. II., p. 44, sq. Francisco J. San-Roman,La Lengua Cunza de los Naturales de Atacama(Santiago de Chile, 1890). The wordcunzain this tongue is the pronoun “our,”—the natives speak oflengua cunza, “our language.” Tschudi gives the only text I know—two versions of the Lord’s Prayer.[330]“Con la nacion Aymara esta visiblimente emparentada la Atacameña.” Dr. L. Darapsky, “Estudios Linguisticos Americanos,” in theBulletin del Instituto Geog. Argentino, 1890, p. 96.[331]L’Homme Américain, Tom. II., p. 330.[332]Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 71, andReisen, Bd. V., s. 84.[333]Alcide D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 334. (Paris, 1839.)[334]“Entre los Changos no se conserva vestigio de lengua indijena alguna.” F. J. San-Roman,La Lengua Cunza, p. 4.[335]Wallace estimates the area of the Amazon basin alone, not including that of the Rio Tocantins, which he regards as a different system, at 2,300,000 square miles. (Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, p. 526.)[336]See authorities in Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 185. (Leipzig, 1867.)[337]The origin of the Chiriguanos is related from authentic traditions by Nicolas del Techo,Historia Provinciæ Paraquariæ, Lib. XI., Cap. 2. The name Chiriguano means “cold,” from the temperature of the upland region to which they removed.[338]“Nullam gentem Christianis moribus capessendis aut retiendis aptiorem in australi hoc America fuisse repertam.” Nicolas del Techo, loc. cit., Lib. X., Cap. 9.[339]Comp. von Martius, u. s., s. 179.[340]Reise in Chile und Peru, Bd. II., s. 450.[341]“Though widely different from the Tupi, ancient or modern, I am satisfied that the Mundurucú belongs to the same family.” C. F. Hartt, inTrans. of the Amer. Philological Association, 1872, p. 75.[342]Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 412. A specimen of their vocalic and sonorous language is given by E. Teza,Saggi Inediti di Lingue Americane, p. 43. (Pisa, 1868.)[343]G. Coleti,Dizionario Storico-Geografico dell’ America Meridionale, Tom. II., p. 38. (Venezia, 1771.)[344]Lozano,Hist. de la Conquista de Paraguay, pp. 415, 416.[345]Lozano,Ibid., pp. 422-425.[346]Paul Marcoy,Voyage à travers l’Amérique du Sud, Tome II., p. 241; comp. Waitz,Anthropologie der Naturvölker, Bd. III., s. 427.[347]The “Amazon-stones,”muira-kitan, are ornaments of hard stone, as jade or quartz.[348]H. Müller, inCompte Rendue du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes, 1888, p. 461.[349]Dr. P. M. Rey,Etude Anthropologique sur les Botocudos, p. 51 and passim. (Paris, 1880.) Dr. Paul Ehrenreich, “Ueber die Botocudos,” inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1887, Heft I.[350]Von Tschudi,Reise in Sud Amerika, Bd. II., p. 281. If this is one of their ancient arts, it is the only instance of the invention of an artificial light south of the Eskimos in America.[351]Dr. P. M. Rey states that the custom of kissing is known to them both as a sign of peace between men, and of affection from mothers to children. (Et de Anthropologique sur les Botocudos, p. 74, Paris, 1880.) This is unusual, and indeed I know no other native tribe who employed this sign of friendship.[352]Dr. Rey,loc. cit., p. 78, 79.[353]In theZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1887, s. 49.[354]A comparative vocabulary of these dialects is given by Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 310.[355]In theTransactions of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1886, p. 329. The terms for comparison are borrowed from Von den Steinen’s Comparative Vocabulary of the Tapuya Dialects.[356]See D. G. Brinton, “The Arawack Language of Guiana in its Linguistic and Ethnological Relations,” inTrans. of the Amer. Phil. Soc., 1871.[357]Olivier Ordinaire, “Les Sauvages du Perou,” inRevue d’Ethnographie, 1887, p. 282.[358]C. Greiffenstein, inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1878, s. 137.[359]Von Tschudi,Organismus der Kechua Sprache, p. 67. For other members of the Campas see Hervas,Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 262; Amich,Compendio Historico de la Serafica Religion, p. 35, andScottish Geog. Journal, Feb., 1890.[360]D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tom. II., p. 104, note.[361]“Los Guanas son la mejor nacion de las barbaras hasta ahora descubiertas en America.” Hervas,Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 189.[362]Expédition dans l’Amérique du Sud, Tome II., p. 480.[363]Compte-Rendu du Cong. Internat. des Américanistes, 1888, p. 510.[364]The words from the Paiconeca and Saraveca are from D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 165; those from the Arawak stock from the table in Von den Steinen,Durch Central-Brasilien, s. 294.[365]Im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 165. Comp. Von den Steinen,Durch Central Brasilien, ss. 295, 307.[366]Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, inReport of the Brit. Assoc. for the Adv. of Science, 1848, pp. 96-98. See also Im Thurn, u. s., pp. 163, 272; Martius,Ethnographie, Bd. I., s. 683.[367]Lucien Adam,Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. d’Américanistes, 1888, p. 492.[368]“All the numerous branches of this stem,” says Virchow, “present the same type of skull.”Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1886, s. 695.[369]Everard F. im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 189. (London, 1883.)[370]F. X. Eder,Descriptio Provinciæ Moxitarum, p. 217. (Budæ, 1791.) Dr. Washington Matthews has kindly made for me a number of observations upon Navajo Indians with reference to this anatomical peculiarity. It is not markedly present among them.[371]For particulars see Im Thurn,ubi suprá, Chap. VII.[372]Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 625-626.[373]Karl von den Steinen,Durch Central-Brasilien, Cap. XXI., “Die Heimat der Kariben.”[374]Im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 171-3.[375]See Francisco de Tauste,Arte, Bocabulario, y Catecismo de la Lengua de Cumana, p. 1 (Ed. Julius Platzmann).[376]They are printed in the BerlinZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1878.[377]Chaffanjon,L’Orénoque et le Caura, p. 308 (Paris, 1889).[378]Joao Barboza Rodrigues,Pacificaçáo dos Crichanas, (Rio de Janeiro, 1885). Dr. Rodrigues was Director of the Botanical Museum of the Amazons. His work contains careful vocabularies of over 700 words in the Macuchi, Ipurucoto and Crichana dialects. His journeys to the Rio Jauapery were undertaken chiefly from philanthropic motives, which unfortunately did not bear the fruit they merited.[379]“D’un blanc presque pur.” Dr. J. Crévaux,Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 111 (Paris, 1883).[380]Dr. Crévaux,Ibid., p. 304.
[254]Vocabulario Paez-Castellano, por Eujenio del Castillo i Orosco. Con adiciones por Ezequiel Uricoechea. Paris, 1877. (Bibliothèque Linguistique Américaine.)
[254]Vocabulario Paez-Castellano, por Eujenio del Castillo i Orosco. Con adiciones por Ezequiel Uricoechea. Paris, 1877. (Bibliothèque Linguistique Américaine.)
[255]Felipe Perez,Geografia del Estado de Tolima, p. 76 (Bogota, 1863); R. B. White, inJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1883, pp. 250-2.
[255]Felipe Perez,Geografia del Estado de Tolima, p. 76 (Bogota, 1863); R. B. White, inJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1883, pp. 250-2.
[256]Dr. A. Posada-Arango, “Essai Ethnographique sur les Aborigenes de l’Etat d’Antioquia,” in theBulletin de la Société Anthrop. de Paris, 1871, p. 202.
[256]Dr. A. Posada-Arango, “Essai Ethnographique sur les Aborigenes de l’Etat d’Antioquia,” in theBulletin de la Société Anthrop. de Paris, 1871, p. 202.
[257]Thirty thousand, says Herrera, with the usual extravagance of the early writers (Decadas de Indias, Dec. VII., Lib. IV., cap IV.)
[257]Thirty thousand, says Herrera, with the usual extravagance of the early writers (Decadas de Indias, Dec. VII., Lib. IV., cap IV.)
[258]Leon Douay, inCompte Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes, 1888, p. 774, who adds a vocabulary of Moguex. The name is derived fromMog, vir.
[258]Leon Douay, inCompte Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes, 1888, p. 774, who adds a vocabulary of Moguex. The name is derived fromMog, vir.
[259]Hervas,Catologo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 279. Father Juan de Ribera translated the Catechism into the Guanuca, but so far as I know, it was not printed.
[259]Hervas,Catologo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 279. Father Juan de Ribera translated the Catechism into the Guanuca, but so far as I know, it was not printed.
[260]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, etc., pp. 6, 64, etc. The words he gives in Coconuca are:IN MOGUEX.Sun,puitchr,piuchr.Moon,puil,pulue.Stars,sil,?Chief,cashu,?Maize,bura,purat.Bollaert probably quoted these without acknowledgment from Gen. Mosquera,Phys. & Polit. Geog. of New Granada, p. 45 (New York, 1853).
[260]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, etc., pp. 6, 64, etc. The words he gives in Coconuca are:
Bollaert probably quoted these without acknowledgment from Gen. Mosquera,Phys. & Polit. Geog. of New Granada, p. 45 (New York, 1853).
[261]My knowledge of the Totoro is obtained from an anonymous notice published by a missionary in theRevue de Linguistique, July, 1879. Its relationship to the group is at once seen by the following comparison:TOTORO.MOGUEX.Man,mujel,muck.Woman,ishu,schut.Head,pushu,pusts.Eye,cap-tshal,cap.Mouth,trictrap,chidbchab.Nose,kim,kind.Arm,qual,cuald.Fingers,cambil,kambild.
[261]My knowledge of the Totoro is obtained from an anonymous notice published by a missionary in theRevue de Linguistique, July, 1879. Its relationship to the group is at once seen by the following comparison:
[262]See Herrera,Hist. de las Indias, Dec. VI., Lib. VII., cap. V.
[262]See Herrera,Hist. de las Indias, Dec. VI., Lib. VII., cap. V.
[263]The vocabulary was furnished by Bishop Thiel. It is edited with useful comments by Dr. Edward Seler inOriginal-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen Abtheilung der König. Museen zu Berlin, No. I., s. 44, sq. (Berlin, 1885).
[263]The vocabulary was furnished by Bishop Thiel. It is edited with useful comments by Dr. Edward Seler inOriginal-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen Abtheilung der König. Museen zu Berlin, No. I., s. 44, sq. (Berlin, 1885).
[264]Ed. André, inLe Tour du Monde, 1883, p. 344. From this very meagre material I offer the following comparison:TELEMBI.COLORADO.Eye,cachu,caco.Nose,quimpu,quinfu.House,yall,ya.Hand,ch’to,te-de.Foot,mi-to,ne-de.Mother,acuá,ayá.Hair,aichi,apichu.The terminal syllabletoin the Telembi words for hand and foot appears to be the Coloradoté, branch, which is also found in the Col.té-michu, finger,te-chili, arm ornament, and again in the Telembit’raill, arm.
[264]Ed. André, inLe Tour du Monde, 1883, p. 344. From this very meagre material I offer the following comparison:
The terminal syllabletoin the Telembi words for hand and foot appears to be the Coloradoté, branch, which is also found in the Col.té-michu, finger,te-chili, arm ornament, and again in the Telembit’raill, arm.
[265]In theVerhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesellschaft, 1887, ss. 597-99.
[265]In theVerhandlungen der Berliner Anthrop. Gesellschaft, 1887, ss. 597-99.
[266]Other analogies are undoubted, though less obvious. Thus in Cayapa, “man” isliu-pula; “woman,”su-pula. In these words, the terminalpulais generic, and the prefixes are the Coloradosona, woman, abbreviated tosoin the Colorado itself, (see Dr. Seler’s article, p. 55); and the Col.chilla, male, which in the Spanish-American pronunciation, wherell = y, is close toliu.
[266]Other analogies are undoubted, though less obvious. Thus in Cayapa, “man” isliu-pula; “woman,”su-pula. In these words, the terminalpulais generic, and the prefixes are the Coloradosona, woman, abbreviated tosoin the Colorado itself, (see Dr. Seler’s article, p. 55); and the Col.chilla, male, which in the Spanish-American pronunciation, wherell = y, is close toliu.
[267]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, p. 82.
[267]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, p. 82.
[268]Manuel I. Albis, inBulletin of the Amer. Ethnol. Soc., vol. I., p. 52.
[268]Manuel I. Albis, inBulletin of the Amer. Ethnol. Soc., vol. I., p. 52.
[269]A. Codazzi in Felipe Perez,Jeografia del Estado de Tolima, pp. 81 sqq. (Bogota, 1863.)
[269]A. Codazzi in Felipe Perez,Jeografia del Estado de Tolima, pp. 81 sqq. (Bogota, 1863.)
[270]Astooth,Andaqui,sicoga;Chibcha,sica.house,”co-joe;”jüe.
[270]
[271]Manuel P. Albis, inBull. of the Amer. Ethnolog. Soc., Vol. I., pp. 55, sq. See also General T. C. de Mosquera,Memoir on the Physical and Political Geography of New Granada, p. 41 (New York, 1853).
[271]Manuel P. Albis, inBull. of the Amer. Ethnolog. Soc., Vol. I., pp. 55, sq. See also General T. C. de Mosquera,Memoir on the Physical and Political Geography of New Granada, p. 41 (New York, 1853).
[272]Garcilasso de la Vega,Commentarios Reales, Lib. VIII., cap. 5. He calls the natives Huancavillcas.
[272]Garcilasso de la Vega,Commentarios Reales, Lib. VIII., cap. 5. He calls the natives Huancavillcas.
[273]F. G. Saurez,Estudio Historico sobre los Cañaris(Quito, 1878). This author gives cuts of these axes, and their inscribed devices.
[273]F. G. Saurez,Estudio Historico sobre los Cañaris(Quito, 1878). This author gives cuts of these axes, and their inscribed devices.
[274]For a description, with cuts, see M. L. Heuzey, “Le Trésor de Cuenca,” inLa Gazette des Beaux-Arts, August, 1870.
[274]For a description, with cuts, see M. L. Heuzey, “Le Trésor de Cuenca,” inLa Gazette des Beaux-Arts, August, 1870.
[275]Cronica del Peru, Pt. I., cap. cxvi.
[275]Cronica del Peru, Pt. I., cap. cxvi.
[276]Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 3.
[276]Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 3.
[277]Antiquarian, Ethnological and other Researches, in New Granada, Ecuador, Peru and Chili, p. 101 (London, 1860).
[277]Antiquarian, Ethnological and other Researches, in New Granada, Ecuador, Peru and Chili, p. 101 (London, 1860).
[278]He complains that the languages which the Incas tried to suppress, had, since their downfall, arisen as vigorous as ever,Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 3.
[278]He complains that the languages which the Incas tried to suppress, had, since their downfall, arisen as vigorous as ever,Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 3.
[279]Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 64 (Leipzig, 1884).
[279]Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 64 (Leipzig, 1884).
[280]See von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 65. It is to be regretted that in the face of the conclusive proof to the contrary, Dr. Middendorf repeats as correct the statement of Garcilasso de la Vega (Ollanta, Einleitung, s. 15, note).
[280]See von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 65. It is to be regretted that in the face of the conclusive proof to the contrary, Dr. Middendorf repeats as correct the statement of Garcilasso de la Vega (Ollanta, Einleitung, s. 15, note).
[281]See his Introduction to theTravels of Pedro Cieza de Leon, p. xxii. (London, 1864).
[281]See his Introduction to theTravels of Pedro Cieza de Leon, p. xxii. (London, 1864).
[282]See hisOrganismus der Khetsua Sprache, ss. 64-66.
[282]See hisOrganismus der Khetsua Sprache, ss. 64-66.
[283]The Chinchaya dialect is preserved (insufficiently) by Father Juan de Figueredo in an Appendix to Torres-Rubio,Arte de la Lengua Quichua, edition of Lima, 1701. It retained the sounds ofgandl, not known in southern Kechua. The differences in the vocabularies of the two are apparent rather than real. Thus the Chin.rupay, sun, is the K. for sun’s heat (ardor del sol); Chin.caclla, face, is K.cacclla, cheeks. Markham is decidedly in error in saying that the Chinchaya dialect “differed very considerably from that of the Incas” (Journal Royal Geog. Soc., 1871, p. 316).
[283]The Chinchaya dialect is preserved (insufficiently) by Father Juan de Figueredo in an Appendix to Torres-Rubio,Arte de la Lengua Quichua, edition of Lima, 1701. It retained the sounds ofgandl, not known in southern Kechua. The differences in the vocabularies of the two are apparent rather than real. Thus the Chin.rupay, sun, is the K. for sun’s heat (ardor del sol); Chin.caclla, face, is K.cacclla, cheeks. Markham is decidedly in error in saying that the Chinchaya dialect “differed very considerably from that of the Incas” (Journal Royal Geog. Soc., 1871, p. 316).
[284]Introduction to his translation of Cieza de Leon, p. xlvii, note.
[284]Introduction to his translation of Cieza de Leon, p. xlvii, note.
[285]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, p. 81.
[285]Bollaert,Antiquarian and Ethnological Researches, p. 81.
[286]Von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 66. Hervas was also of the opinion that both Quitu and Scyra were Kechua dialects (Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 276).
[286]Von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 66. Hervas was also of the opinion that both Quitu and Scyra were Kechua dialects (Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 276).
[287]A. Bastian,Die Culturländer des Alten Americas, Bd. II., s. 93.
[287]A. Bastian,Die Culturländer des Alten Americas, Bd. II., s. 93.
[288]Juan de Velasco,Histoire du Royaume de Quito, pp. 11-21, sq. (Ed. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840.) But Cieza de Leon’s expressions imply the existence of the matriarchal system among them. See Markham’s translation, p. 83, note. Some claim that the Quitus were a different, and, in their locality, a more ancient tribe than the Caras.
[288]Juan de Velasco,Histoire du Royaume de Quito, pp. 11-21, sq. (Ed. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1840.) But Cieza de Leon’s expressions imply the existence of the matriarchal system among them. See Markham’s translation, p. 83, note. Some claim that the Quitus were a different, and, in their locality, a more ancient tribe than the Caras.
[289]Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Peru. Tom. I., p. 19. (Madrid, 1881.)
[289]Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Peru. Tom. I., p. 19. (Madrid, 1881.)
[290]InLe Tour du Monde, 1883, p. 406. The wordYumboappears to be derived from the Paezyombo, river, and was applied to the down-stream Indians.
[290]InLe Tour du Monde, 1883, p. 406. The wordYumboappears to be derived from the Paezyombo, river, and was applied to the down-stream Indians.
[291]“Casi tal come lo enseñaron los conquistadores.” Manuel Villavicencio,Geografia de la Republica del Ecuador, pp. 168, 354, 413, etc. (New York, 1858.) According to Dr. Middendorf, the limit of the Incarial power (which, however, is not identical in this region with that of the Kechua tongue), was the Blue river, the Rio Ancasmayu, an affluent of the upper Patia. (Ollanta, Einleitung, s. 5. Berlin, 1890.)
[291]“Casi tal come lo enseñaron los conquistadores.” Manuel Villavicencio,Geografia de la Republica del Ecuador, pp. 168, 354, 413, etc. (New York, 1858.) According to Dr. Middendorf, the limit of the Incarial power (which, however, is not identical in this region with that of the Kechua tongue), was the Blue river, the Rio Ancasmayu, an affluent of the upper Patia. (Ollanta, Einleitung, s. 5. Berlin, 1890.)
[292]Mr. C. Buckley, “Notes on the Macas Indians of Ecuador,” inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, 1874, pp. 29, sqq.
[292]Mr. C. Buckley, “Notes on the Macas Indians of Ecuador,” inJournal of the Anthropological Institute, 1874, pp. 29, sqq.
[293]References in Waitz,Anthropologie der Naturvölker, Bd. III., s. 492.
[293]References in Waitz,Anthropologie der Naturvölker, Bd. III., s. 492.
[294]Arte de la Lengua Chilena, Introd. (Lima, 1606).
[294]Arte de la Lengua Chilena, Introd. (Lima, 1606).
[295]Paul Topinard, inRevue d’Anthropologie, Tome IV., pp. 65-67.
[295]Paul Topinard, inRevue d’Anthropologie, Tome IV., pp. 65-67.
[296]Lucien Carr,Fourth Report of the Peabody Museum of Archæology.
[296]Lucien Carr,Fourth Report of the Peabody Museum of Archæology.
[297]I would especially refer to the admirable analysis of the Peruvian governmental system by Dr. Gustav Brühl,Die Culturvölker Alt-Amerikas, p. 335, sqq. (Cincinnati, 1887.) I regret that the learned Kechuist, Dr. E. W. Middendorf, had not studied this book before he prepared his edition of theOllantadrama (Berlin, 1890), or he would have modified many of the statements in itsEinleitung.
[297]I would especially refer to the admirable analysis of the Peruvian governmental system by Dr. Gustav Brühl,Die Culturvölker Alt-Amerikas, p. 335, sqq. (Cincinnati, 1887.) I regret that the learned Kechuist, Dr. E. W. Middendorf, had not studied this book before he prepared his edition of theOllantadrama (Berlin, 1890), or he would have modified many of the statements in itsEinleitung.
[298]See J. J. von Tschudi, “Das Lama,” inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1885, s. 93.
[298]See J. J. von Tschudi, “Das Lama,” inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1885, s. 93.
[299]Dr. Nehring has shown that all the breeds of Peruvian dogs can be traced back to what is known as the Inca shepherd dog.Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1885, s. 520.
[299]Dr. Nehring has shown that all the breeds of Peruvian dogs can be traced back to what is known as the Inca shepherd dog.Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1885, s. 520.
[300]Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Bd. II., Abth. I., 370.
[300]Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Bd. II., Abth. I., 370.
[301]A careful edition is that of G. Pacheco Zegarra,Ollantai; Drame en Vers Quechuas du temps des Incas(Paris, 1878); an English translation, quite faulty, was given by C. G. Markham (London, 1871); one in Kechua and German by Von Tschudi, and recently (1890) Dr. Middendorf’s edition claims greater accuracy than its predecessors.
[301]A careful edition is that of G. Pacheco Zegarra,Ollantai; Drame en Vers Quechuas du temps des Incas(Paris, 1878); an English translation, quite faulty, was given by C. G. Markham (London, 1871); one in Kechua and German by Von Tschudi, and recently (1890) Dr. Middendorf’s edition claims greater accuracy than its predecessors.
[302]Espada,Yaravies Quiteños. (Madrid, 1881.)
[302]Espada,Yaravies Quiteños. (Madrid, 1881.)
[303]J. J. Von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache(Leipzig, 1884); Dr. E. W. Middendorf,Das Runa Simi, oder die Keshua Sprache. (Leipzig, 1890.)
[303]J. J. Von Tschudi,Organismus der Khetsua Sprache(Leipzig, 1884); Dr. E. W. Middendorf,Das Runa Simi, oder die Keshua Sprache. (Leipzig, 1890.)
[304]The Yauyos spoke the Cauqui dialect, which was somewhat akin to Aymara.
[304]The Yauyos spoke the Cauqui dialect, which was somewhat akin to Aymara.
[305]See Markham’s paper inJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1871, p. 309.
[305]See Markham’s paper inJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1871, p. 309.
[306]Arte de la Lengua Aymara, Roma, 1603;Vocabulario de la Lengua Aymara, Juli, 1612. Both have been republished by Julius Platzmann, Leipzig, 1879.
[306]Arte de la Lengua Aymara, Roma, 1603;Vocabulario de la Lengua Aymara, Juli, 1612. Both have been republished by Julius Platzmann, Leipzig, 1879.
[307]See Steinthal, “Das Verhältniss zwischen dem Ketschua und Aimara,” inCompte-Rendu du Congrès International des Américanistes, 1888, p. 462. David Forbes reverses the ordinary view, and considers the Kechua language and culture as mixed and late products derived from an older Aymara civilization. See his article on the Aymara Indians inJournal of the Ethnological Society of London, 1870, p. 270, sqq.
[307]See Steinthal, “Das Verhältniss zwischen dem Ketschua und Aimara,” inCompte-Rendu du Congrès International des Américanistes, 1888, p. 462. David Forbes reverses the ordinary view, and considers the Kechua language and culture as mixed and late products derived from an older Aymara civilization. See his article on the Aymara Indians inJournal of the Ethnological Society of London, 1870, p. 270, sqq.
[308]“Principalmente se enseña en este Arte la lengua Lupaca, la qual no es inferior a la Pacasa, que entre todas las lenguas Aymaricas tiene el primer lugar.” Bertonio,Arte de la Lengua Aymara, p. 10.
[308]“Principalmente se enseña en este Arte la lengua Lupaca, la qual no es inferior a la Pacasa, que entre todas las lenguas Aymaricas tiene el primer lugar.” Bertonio,Arte de la Lengua Aymara, p. 10.
[309]For measurements, etc., see David Forbes, inJournal of the London Ethnological Society, October, 1870.
[309]For measurements, etc., see David Forbes, inJournal of the London Ethnological Society, October, 1870.
[310]One of the most satisfactory descriptions of them is by E. G. Squier,Travels in Peru, Chaps. XV., XVI. (New York, 1877).
[310]One of the most satisfactory descriptions of them is by E. G. Squier,Travels in Peru, Chaps. XV., XVI. (New York, 1877).
[311]The observations of David Forbes on the present architecture of the Aymaras lend strong support to his theory that the structures of Tiahuanuco, if not projected by that nation, were carried out by Aymara architects and workmen. See his remarks inJour. of the London Ethnol. Soc., 1870, p. 259.
[311]The observations of David Forbes on the present architecture of the Aymaras lend strong support to his theory that the structures of Tiahuanuco, if not projected by that nation, were carried out by Aymara architects and workmen. See his remarks inJour. of the London Ethnol. Soc., 1870, p. 259.
[312]D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 309.
[312]D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 309.
[313]Quoted by A. Bastian.
[313]Quoted by A. Bastian.
[314]“Son estosUrostan brutales que ellos mismos no se tienen por hombres.” Acosta,Historia de las Indias, p. 62 (Ed. 1591).
[314]“Son estosUrostan brutales que ellos mismos no se tienen por hombres.” Acosta,Historia de las Indias, p. 62 (Ed. 1591).
[315]“Los Indios Puquinas … son rudos y torpes.” La Vega,Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 4.
[315]“Los Indios Puquinas … son rudos y torpes.” La Vega,Comentarios Reales de los Incas, Lib. VII., cap. 4.
[316]Mithridates, Theil III., Abth. II., ss. 548-550.
[316]Mithridates, Theil III., Abth. II., ss. 548-550.
[317]In theJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1871, p. 305.
[317]In theJournal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1871, p. 305.
[318]In hisOrganismus der Ketschua Sprache, s. 76 (Leipzig, 1884).
[318]In hisOrganismus der Ketschua Sprache, s. 76 (Leipzig, 1884).
[319]Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Peru, Tom. I., p. 82. (Madrid, 1881.)
[319]Relaciones Geograficas de Indias. Peru, Tom. I., p. 82. (Madrid, 1881.)
[320]Fernando de la Carrera,Arte de la Lengua Yunga. (Lima, 1644, reprint, Lima, 1880.)
[320]Fernando de la Carrera,Arte de la Lengua Yunga. (Lima, 1644, reprint, Lima, 1880.)
[321]See Von Tschudi,Die Kechua Sprache, p. 83, 84.
[321]See Von Tschudi,Die Kechua Sprache, p. 83, 84.
[322]Charles Wiener,Perou et Bolivie, p. 98, seq. (Paris, 1880.)
[322]Charles Wiener,Perou et Bolivie, p. 98, seq. (Paris, 1880.)
[323]Commentarios Reales, Lib. VI., cap. 32.
[323]Commentarios Reales, Lib. VI., cap. 32.
[324]See the chapter on “The Art, Customs and Religion of the Chimus,” in E. G. Squier’sPeru, p. 170, sq. (New York, 1877.)
[324]See the chapter on “The Art, Customs and Religion of the Chimus,” in E. G. Squier’sPeru, p. 170, sq. (New York, 1877.)
[325]“En la lengua Mochica de los Yungas.” Geronimo de Ore,Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum. (Neapoli, 1607.)
[325]“En la lengua Mochica de los Yungas.” Geronimo de Ore,Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum. (Neapoli, 1607.)
[326]A. Bastian,Die Culturländer Alt-Amer.Bd. II.
[326]A. Bastian,Die Culturländer Alt-Amer.Bd. II.
[327]In C. R. Markham’s translation of Cieza de Leon, Introduction, p. xlii. (London, 1864.)
[327]In C. R. Markham’s translation of Cieza de Leon, Introduction, p. xlii. (London, 1864.)
[328]Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tome I., p. 274.
[328]Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tome I., p. 274.
[329]Dr. R. A. Philippi,Reise durch die Wüste Atacama, s. 66. (Halle, 1860.) J. J. von Tschudi,Reisen durch Sud-Amerika, Bd. V., s. 82-84. T. H. Moore,Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes, 1877, Vol. II., p. 44, sq. Francisco J. San-Roman,La Lengua Cunza de los Naturales de Atacama(Santiago de Chile, 1890). The wordcunzain this tongue is the pronoun “our,”—the natives speak oflengua cunza, “our language.” Tschudi gives the only text I know—two versions of the Lord’s Prayer.
[329]Dr. R. A. Philippi,Reise durch die Wüste Atacama, s. 66. (Halle, 1860.) J. J. von Tschudi,Reisen durch Sud-Amerika, Bd. V., s. 82-84. T. H. Moore,Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes, 1877, Vol. II., p. 44, sq. Francisco J. San-Roman,La Lengua Cunza de los Naturales de Atacama(Santiago de Chile, 1890). The wordcunzain this tongue is the pronoun “our,”—the natives speak oflengua cunza, “our language.” Tschudi gives the only text I know—two versions of the Lord’s Prayer.
[330]“Con la nacion Aymara esta visiblimente emparentada la Atacameña.” Dr. L. Darapsky, “Estudios Linguisticos Americanos,” in theBulletin del Instituto Geog. Argentino, 1890, p. 96.
[330]“Con la nacion Aymara esta visiblimente emparentada la Atacameña.” Dr. L. Darapsky, “Estudios Linguisticos Americanos,” in theBulletin del Instituto Geog. Argentino, 1890, p. 96.
[331]L’Homme Américain, Tom. II., p. 330.
[331]L’Homme Américain, Tom. II., p. 330.
[332]Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 71, andReisen, Bd. V., s. 84.
[332]Organismus der Khetsua Sprache, s. 71, andReisen, Bd. V., s. 84.
[333]Alcide D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 334. (Paris, 1839.)
[333]Alcide D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 334. (Paris, 1839.)
[334]“Entre los Changos no se conserva vestigio de lengua indijena alguna.” F. J. San-Roman,La Lengua Cunza, p. 4.
[334]“Entre los Changos no se conserva vestigio de lengua indijena alguna.” F. J. San-Roman,La Lengua Cunza, p. 4.
[335]Wallace estimates the area of the Amazon basin alone, not including that of the Rio Tocantins, which he regards as a different system, at 2,300,000 square miles. (Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, p. 526.)
[335]Wallace estimates the area of the Amazon basin alone, not including that of the Rio Tocantins, which he regards as a different system, at 2,300,000 square miles. (Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro, p. 526.)
[336]See authorities in Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 185. (Leipzig, 1867.)
[336]See authorities in Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 185. (Leipzig, 1867.)
[337]The origin of the Chiriguanos is related from authentic traditions by Nicolas del Techo,Historia Provinciæ Paraquariæ, Lib. XI., Cap. 2. The name Chiriguano means “cold,” from the temperature of the upland region to which they removed.
[337]The origin of the Chiriguanos is related from authentic traditions by Nicolas del Techo,Historia Provinciæ Paraquariæ, Lib. XI., Cap. 2. The name Chiriguano means “cold,” from the temperature of the upland region to which they removed.
[338]“Nullam gentem Christianis moribus capessendis aut retiendis aptiorem in australi hoc America fuisse repertam.” Nicolas del Techo, loc. cit., Lib. X., Cap. 9.
[338]“Nullam gentem Christianis moribus capessendis aut retiendis aptiorem in australi hoc America fuisse repertam.” Nicolas del Techo, loc. cit., Lib. X., Cap. 9.
[339]Comp. von Martius, u. s., s. 179.
[339]Comp. von Martius, u. s., s. 179.
[340]Reise in Chile und Peru, Bd. II., s. 450.
[340]Reise in Chile und Peru, Bd. II., s. 450.
[341]“Though widely different from the Tupi, ancient or modern, I am satisfied that the Mundurucú belongs to the same family.” C. F. Hartt, inTrans. of the Amer. Philological Association, 1872, p. 75.
[341]“Though widely different from the Tupi, ancient or modern, I am satisfied that the Mundurucú belongs to the same family.” C. F. Hartt, inTrans. of the Amer. Philological Association, 1872, p. 75.
[342]Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 412. A specimen of their vocalic and sonorous language is given by E. Teza,Saggi Inediti di Lingue Americane, p. 43. (Pisa, 1868.)
[342]Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 412. A specimen of their vocalic and sonorous language is given by E. Teza,Saggi Inediti di Lingue Americane, p. 43. (Pisa, 1868.)
[343]G. Coleti,Dizionario Storico-Geografico dell’ America Meridionale, Tom. II., p. 38. (Venezia, 1771.)
[343]G. Coleti,Dizionario Storico-Geografico dell’ America Meridionale, Tom. II., p. 38. (Venezia, 1771.)
[344]Lozano,Hist. de la Conquista de Paraguay, pp. 415, 416.
[344]Lozano,Hist. de la Conquista de Paraguay, pp. 415, 416.
[345]Lozano,Ibid., pp. 422-425.
[345]Lozano,Ibid., pp. 422-425.
[346]Paul Marcoy,Voyage à travers l’Amérique du Sud, Tome II., p. 241; comp. Waitz,Anthropologie der Naturvölker, Bd. III., s. 427.
[346]Paul Marcoy,Voyage à travers l’Amérique du Sud, Tome II., p. 241; comp. Waitz,Anthropologie der Naturvölker, Bd. III., s. 427.
[347]The “Amazon-stones,”muira-kitan, are ornaments of hard stone, as jade or quartz.
[347]The “Amazon-stones,”muira-kitan, are ornaments of hard stone, as jade or quartz.
[348]H. Müller, inCompte Rendue du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes, 1888, p. 461.
[348]H. Müller, inCompte Rendue du Congrès Internat. des Américanistes, 1888, p. 461.
[349]Dr. P. M. Rey,Etude Anthropologique sur les Botocudos, p. 51 and passim. (Paris, 1880.) Dr. Paul Ehrenreich, “Ueber die Botocudos,” inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1887, Heft I.
[349]Dr. P. M. Rey,Etude Anthropologique sur les Botocudos, p. 51 and passim. (Paris, 1880.) Dr. Paul Ehrenreich, “Ueber die Botocudos,” inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1887, Heft I.
[350]Von Tschudi,Reise in Sud Amerika, Bd. II., p. 281. If this is one of their ancient arts, it is the only instance of the invention of an artificial light south of the Eskimos in America.
[350]Von Tschudi,Reise in Sud Amerika, Bd. II., p. 281. If this is one of their ancient arts, it is the only instance of the invention of an artificial light south of the Eskimos in America.
[351]Dr. P. M. Rey states that the custom of kissing is known to them both as a sign of peace between men, and of affection from mothers to children. (Et de Anthropologique sur les Botocudos, p. 74, Paris, 1880.) This is unusual, and indeed I know no other native tribe who employed this sign of friendship.
[351]Dr. P. M. Rey states that the custom of kissing is known to them both as a sign of peace between men, and of affection from mothers to children. (Et de Anthropologique sur les Botocudos, p. 74, Paris, 1880.) This is unusual, and indeed I know no other native tribe who employed this sign of friendship.
[352]Dr. Rey,loc. cit., p. 78, 79.
[352]Dr. Rey,loc. cit., p. 78, 79.
[353]In theZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1887, s. 49.
[353]In theZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1887, s. 49.
[354]A comparative vocabulary of these dialects is given by Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 310.
[354]A comparative vocabulary of these dialects is given by Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 310.
[355]In theTransactions of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1886, p. 329. The terms for comparison are borrowed from Von den Steinen’s Comparative Vocabulary of the Tapuya Dialects.
[355]In theTransactions of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1886, p. 329. The terms for comparison are borrowed from Von den Steinen’s Comparative Vocabulary of the Tapuya Dialects.
[356]See D. G. Brinton, “The Arawack Language of Guiana in its Linguistic and Ethnological Relations,” inTrans. of the Amer. Phil. Soc., 1871.
[356]See D. G. Brinton, “The Arawack Language of Guiana in its Linguistic and Ethnological Relations,” inTrans. of the Amer. Phil. Soc., 1871.
[357]Olivier Ordinaire, “Les Sauvages du Perou,” inRevue d’Ethnographie, 1887, p. 282.
[357]Olivier Ordinaire, “Les Sauvages du Perou,” inRevue d’Ethnographie, 1887, p. 282.
[358]C. Greiffenstein, inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1878, s. 137.
[358]C. Greiffenstein, inZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1878, s. 137.
[359]Von Tschudi,Organismus der Kechua Sprache, p. 67. For other members of the Campas see Hervas,Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 262; Amich,Compendio Historico de la Serafica Religion, p. 35, andScottish Geog. Journal, Feb., 1890.
[359]Von Tschudi,Organismus der Kechua Sprache, p. 67. For other members of the Campas see Hervas,Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 262; Amich,Compendio Historico de la Serafica Religion, p. 35, andScottish Geog. Journal, Feb., 1890.
[360]D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tom. II., p. 104, note.
[360]D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tom. II., p. 104, note.
[361]“Los Guanas son la mejor nacion de las barbaras hasta ahora descubiertas en America.” Hervas,Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 189.
[361]“Los Guanas son la mejor nacion de las barbaras hasta ahora descubiertas en America.” Hervas,Catalogo de las Lenguas Conocidas, Tom. I., p. 189.
[362]Expédition dans l’Amérique du Sud, Tome II., p. 480.
[362]Expédition dans l’Amérique du Sud, Tome II., p. 480.
[363]Compte-Rendu du Cong. Internat. des Américanistes, 1888, p. 510.
[363]Compte-Rendu du Cong. Internat. des Américanistes, 1888, p. 510.
[364]The words from the Paiconeca and Saraveca are from D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 165; those from the Arawak stock from the table in Von den Steinen,Durch Central-Brasilien, s. 294.
[364]The words from the Paiconeca and Saraveca are from D’Orbigny,L’Homme Américain, Tome I., p. 165; those from the Arawak stock from the table in Von den Steinen,Durch Central-Brasilien, s. 294.
[365]Im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 165. Comp. Von den Steinen,Durch Central Brasilien, ss. 295, 307.
[365]Im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 165. Comp. Von den Steinen,Durch Central Brasilien, ss. 295, 307.
[366]Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, inReport of the Brit. Assoc. for the Adv. of Science, 1848, pp. 96-98. See also Im Thurn, u. s., pp. 163, 272; Martius,Ethnographie, Bd. I., s. 683.
[366]Sir Robert H. Schomburgk, inReport of the Brit. Assoc. for the Adv. of Science, 1848, pp. 96-98. See also Im Thurn, u. s., pp. 163, 272; Martius,Ethnographie, Bd. I., s. 683.
[367]Lucien Adam,Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. d’Américanistes, 1888, p. 492.
[367]Lucien Adam,Compte-Rendu du Congrès Internat. d’Américanistes, 1888, p. 492.
[368]“All the numerous branches of this stem,” says Virchow, “present the same type of skull.”Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1886, s. 695.
[368]“All the numerous branches of this stem,” says Virchow, “present the same type of skull.”Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1886, s. 695.
[369]Everard F. im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 189. (London, 1883.)
[369]Everard F. im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 189. (London, 1883.)
[370]F. X. Eder,Descriptio Provinciæ Moxitarum, p. 217. (Budæ, 1791.) Dr. Washington Matthews has kindly made for me a number of observations upon Navajo Indians with reference to this anatomical peculiarity. It is not markedly present among them.
[370]F. X. Eder,Descriptio Provinciæ Moxitarum, p. 217. (Budæ, 1791.) Dr. Washington Matthews has kindly made for me a number of observations upon Navajo Indians with reference to this anatomical peculiarity. It is not markedly present among them.
[371]For particulars see Im Thurn,ubi suprá, Chap. VII.
[371]For particulars see Im Thurn,ubi suprá, Chap. VII.
[372]Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 625-626.
[372]Von Martius,Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Amerikas, Bd. I., s. 625-626.
[373]Karl von den Steinen,Durch Central-Brasilien, Cap. XXI., “Die Heimat der Kariben.”
[373]Karl von den Steinen,Durch Central-Brasilien, Cap. XXI., “Die Heimat der Kariben.”
[374]Im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 171-3.
[374]Im Thurn,Among the Indians of Guiana, p. 171-3.
[375]See Francisco de Tauste,Arte, Bocabulario, y Catecismo de la Lengua de Cumana, p. 1 (Ed. Julius Platzmann).
[375]See Francisco de Tauste,Arte, Bocabulario, y Catecismo de la Lengua de Cumana, p. 1 (Ed. Julius Platzmann).
[376]They are printed in the BerlinZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1878.
[376]They are printed in the BerlinZeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1878.
[377]Chaffanjon,L’Orénoque et le Caura, p. 308 (Paris, 1889).
[377]Chaffanjon,L’Orénoque et le Caura, p. 308 (Paris, 1889).
[378]Joao Barboza Rodrigues,Pacificaçáo dos Crichanas, (Rio de Janeiro, 1885). Dr. Rodrigues was Director of the Botanical Museum of the Amazons. His work contains careful vocabularies of over 700 words in the Macuchi, Ipurucoto and Crichana dialects. His journeys to the Rio Jauapery were undertaken chiefly from philanthropic motives, which unfortunately did not bear the fruit they merited.
[378]Joao Barboza Rodrigues,Pacificaçáo dos Crichanas, (Rio de Janeiro, 1885). Dr. Rodrigues was Director of the Botanical Museum of the Amazons. His work contains careful vocabularies of over 700 words in the Macuchi, Ipurucoto and Crichana dialects. His journeys to the Rio Jauapery were undertaken chiefly from philanthropic motives, which unfortunately did not bear the fruit they merited.
[379]“D’un blanc presque pur.” Dr. J. Crévaux,Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 111 (Paris, 1883).
[379]“D’un blanc presque pur.” Dr. J. Crévaux,Voyages dans l’Amérique du Sud, p. 111 (Paris, 1883).
[380]Dr. Crévaux,Ibid., p. 304.
[380]Dr. Crévaux,Ibid., p. 304.