[6.1]Acts,first chapters.[6.2]Actsv. 42.[6.3]See for example,Actsii. 34, &c., and in general all the first chapters.[6.4]I. Cor. i. 22; ii. 4–5; II. Cor. xii. 12; I Thess. i. 5; II Thess. ii. 9; Gal. iii. 5; Rom. xv. 18–19.[6.5]Rom. xv. 19; II. Cor. xii. 12; I. Thess. i. 5.[6.6]Actsv. 12–16. TheActsare full of miracles. That of Eutychus (Actsxx. 7–12) is surely related by ocular testimony. The same ofActsxxviii. Comp. Papias in Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.[6.7]Jewish and Christian exorcism were regarded as the most efficacious even for the heathen. Damascius, Vie d'Isidore, 56.[6.8]Actsv. 15.[6.9]I. Cor. xii. 9, &c., 28, &c.;Constit. apost.viii. 1.[6.10]Irenæus.Adv. hær.ii. xxxii. 4; v. vi. 1; Tertull.Apol.23–43;Ad Scapulam, 2;De Corona, 11;De Spectaculis, 24;De Anima, 57;Constit. Apost.chapter noted, which appeared drawn from the work of St. Hippolytus upon theChrismata.[6.11]Miracles are of daily occurrence among the Mormons. Jules Remy,A Visit to the Mormons, I. p. 140, 192, 259–260; II. 53, &c.[6.12]Actsiv. 36–37. Cf. ibid. xv. 32.[6.13]Ibid. xiii. 1.[6.14]Ibid. xxi. 16.[6.15]Jos.Ant.XIII. x. 4; XVII. xii. 1, 2; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 36.[6.16]Hence for Barnabas his name of Hallévi and of Col. iv. 10–11. Mnason appears to be the translation of some Hebrew name from the rootzacar, as Zacharius.[6.17]Col. iv. 10–11.[6.18]Actsxii. 12.[6.19]I. Petri, v. 13.Actsxii. 12; Papias in Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.[6.20]Actsxii. 12–14. All this chapter, where the affairs of Peter are so minutely related, appears edited by John-Mark.[6.21]As the name ofMarcuswas not common at that time among the Jews, there is no reason for referring to different individuals the passages relating to a personage of that name.[6.22]Comp.Actsviii. 2, withActsii. 5.[6.23]Acts. vi. 5.[6.24]Ibid.[6.25]Comp.Actsxxi. 8–9 with Papias in Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iii. 39.[6.26]Rom. xvi. 7. It is doubtful whether Ἰουνία or Ἰουνίας =Junianus.[6.27]Paul calls them his συγγενεῖς; but it is difficult to say whether that signifies that these were Jews, of the tribe of Benjamin or of Tarsus, or really relations of Paul. The first sense is the most probable.Comp. Rom. ix. 3; xi. 14. In any event, this word implies that they were Jews.[6.28]Actsvi. 1–5; II. Cor. xi. 22; Phil. iii. 5.[6.29]Actsii. 9–11; vi. 9.[6.30]The Talmud of Jerusalem, Megilla, fol. 73 d, mentions four hundred and twenty-five synagogues. Comp. MidraschEka, 52 b, 70 d. Such a number would appear by no means improbable to those who have seen the little family mosques which are found in every Mahommedan village. But the Talmudic information about Jerusalem is of mediocre authority.[6.31]Actsvi. 1.[6.32]The Epistle of St. James was written in moderately pure Greek. It is true that the authenticity of this Epistle is not certain.[6.33]The savants wrote in ancient Hebrew, somewhat altered.[6.34]Jos.Ant.last paragraph.[6.35]This proves the transcriptions of Greek into Syriac. I have developed here in myEclaircissements sirés des Langues Sémitiques sur quelque points de la Prononciatian Grecque. (Paris, 1849.) The language of the Greek inscriptions of Syria is very bad.[6.36]Jos.Ant.loc. cit.[6.37]Sat. I. v. 105.CHAPTER VII.[7.1]See the accounts collected and translated by Eugene Burnouf.Introduction to the History of Indian Buddhism, i. p. 137, and following pages, and particularly pp. 198, 199.[7.2]SeeLife of Jesus.[7.3]Actsii. 45; iv. 34, 37; v. 1.[7.4]Actsv. 1, and following verses.[7.5]Ibid. ii. 45; iv. 35.[7.6]Ibid. vi. 1, &c.[7.7]See chapter vi.[7.8]Actsxxi. 8.[7.9]Phil. i. 1; I. Timothy iii. 8, and following.[7.10]Romans xvi. 1, 12; I. Tim. iii. 11; v. 9, and following. Pliny Epist. x. 97. The Epistles to Timothy are most probably not from the pen of Saint Paul; but are in any event of very ancient date.[7.11]Rom. xvi. 1; I. Cor. ix. 5. Philemon 2.[7.12]I. Tim. v. 9, and following.[7.13]Constit. Apost. vi. 17.[7.14]Sap. ii. 10; Eccl. xxxvii. 17; Matthew xxiii. 14; Mark xii. 40; Luke xx. 47; James 27.[7.15]Mischna,Sota, iii. 4.[7.16]Talmud of Babylon, Sota 22 a; Comp. I. Tim. v. 13.[7.17]Acts vi. 1.[7.18]Ibid, xii, 12.[7.19]I. Tim. v. 9, and following. Compare Acts ix. 39, 41.[7.20]I. Tim. v. 3, and following.[7.21]Ecclesiastes vii. 27; Ecclesiasticus vii. 26, and following; ix. 1, and following; xxv. 22, and following; xxvi. 1, and following; xiii. 9, and following.[7.22]For the costume of the widows of the Eastern Church, see the Greek manuscript No. 64 in theBibliothèque Imperiale(old building), fol. 11. The costume to this day is very nearly the same the type, the religious female of the East, being the widow, as that of the Latin nun is the virgin.[7.23]Compare the “Shepherd” of Hermas, vis. ii. ch. 4.[7.24]Καλογρία, the name of the religious females or nuns of the Eastern Church. Καλός combines the significance of both “beautiful” and “good.”[7.25]See Note 7.16.[7.26]I. Cor. xii. entire.[7.27]The Pietist congregations of America, who are to the Protestants what convents are to the Catholics, resemble in many points the primitive churches. Bridel,Recits Americains. (Lausanne, 1861.)[7.28]Prov. iii. 27, and following; x. 2; xi. 4; xxii. 9; xxviii. 27; Eccl. iii. 23, and following; vii. 36; xii. 1, and following; xviii. 14; xx. 13, and following; xxxi. 11; Tobit, ii. 15, 22; iv. 11; xii. 9; xiv. 11; Daniel iv. 24; Talmud of Jerusalem;Peah. 15,b.[7.29]Matthew vi. 2; Mischna,Schekalim, v. 6; Talmud of Jerusalem,Demai, fol. 23,b.[7.30]Actsx. 2, 4, 31.[7.31]Ps. cxxxiii.[7.32]Actsii. 44–47; iv. 32–35.[7.33]Ibid. ii. 41.[7.34]See chapter vi.[7.35]Actsvi. 5; xi. 20.CHAPTER VIII.[8.1]Acts iv. 6. SeeLife of Jesus.[8.2]Acts iv. 1–31; v. 47–41.[8.3]SeeLife of Jesus.[8.4]Acts v. 41.[8.5]Ib. iv. 5–6; v. 17. Comp. James ii. 6.[8.6]Γένος αρχιερατιχον, Acts i.; αρχιερεις in JosephusAnt.xx. viii. 8.[8.7]Acts xv. 5; xxi. 20.[8.8]Let us add that the reciprocal antipathy of Jesus and the Pharisees seems to have been exaggerated by the synoptical Evangelists, perhaps on account of the events which, at the time of the great war, led to the flight of the Christians beyond the Jordan. It cannot be denied that James, brother of the Lord, was pretty nearly a Pharisee.[8.9]Acts v. 34, and following. SeeLife of Jesus.[8.10]Acts vi. 8; vii. 59.[8.11]Probably descendants of Jews who had been taken to Rome as slaves, and then freed. Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 23; Tacitus,Ann.ii. 85.[8.12]SeeLife of Jesus.[8.13]Matt. xv. 2, and following; Mark vii. 3; Gal. i. 14.[8.14]Compare Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 2; Jos. Ant. XV. v. 3. It was supposed that God Himself had not revealed Himself in the theophanies of the ancient law, but that he had substituted in his place a sort of intermediary, themaleak Jehovah. See the Hebrew dictionaries on the word מלאך.[8.15]Deut. xvii. 7.[8.16]Acts vii. 59; xxii. 20; xxvi 10.[8.17]John xviii. 31.[8.18]Josephus, Ant. XVIII. iv. 2.[8.19]Ib., Ib., XV. xi. 4; XVIII. iv. 2. Compare XX. i. 1, 2.[8.20]The whole trial of Jesus proves this. CompareActsxxiv. 27; xxv. 9.[8.21]Suetonius,Caius, 6; Dion Cassius lix. 8, 12; Josephus Ant. XVIII. v. 3; vi. 10; 2 Cor. xi. 32.[8.22]Ventidius Cumanus experienced quite similar adventures. It is true that Josephus exaggerates the misfortunes of all those who are opposed to his nation.[8.23]Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 134, and following.[8.24]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iv. 3.[8.25]Ib., XVIII. v. 3.[8.26]Actsviii. 2. The words ἀνὴρ eὐλαβὴς designate a proselyte, not a pure Jew. See Acts ii. 5.[8.27]Actsviii. 1, and following; xi. 19; Acts xxvi. 10, would even lead to the belief that there were other deaths than that of Stephen. But we must not misconstrue words in our versions of a style so loose. Compare Acts ix. 1–2 with xxii. 5 and xxvi. 12.[8.28]Compare Acts i. 4; viii. 1, 14; Gal i. 17, and following.[8.29]Acts ix. 26–30 prove, in fact, that in the mind of the author the expressions of viii. I had not a meaning so absolute as might be supposed. [Except that after the first panic was over some of the disciples, at first wholly scattered, may have returned by the time of Saul’s arrival.—Tr.][8.30]This happened in the case of the Essenians.[8.31]This happened to the Franciscans.[8.32]I. Thess. ii. 14.[8.33]Acts viii. 3; ix. 13, 14, 21, 26; xxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 9, and following; Gal. i. 13, 23; I. Cor. xv. 9; Phil. iii. 6; I. Tim. i. 13.[8.34]Gal. i. 14; Acts xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5.[8.35]Acts ix. 13, 21, 26.CHAPTER IX.[9.1]Acts viii. 1, 4; xi. 19.[9.2]Acts viii. 5, and following. That it was not the apostle is evident from a comparison of the passages,Actsviii. 1, 5, 12, 14, 40; xxi. 8. It is true that the verse,Actsxxi. 9, compared with what is said by Papias (in Eusebius His. Ecc. iii. 39), Polycrates (ib. v. 24), Clement of Alexandria (Strom, iii. 6), would identify the Apostle Philip, of whom these three ecclesiastical writers are speaking, with the Philip who plays so important a part in theActs. But it is more natural to admit that the statement in the verse in question is a mistake, and that the verse was only interpolated to contradict the tradition of the churches of Asia and even of Hierapolis, whither the Philip who had daughters prophetesses retired. The particular data possessed by the author of the 4th Gospel (written, as it seems, in Asia Minor), in regard to the Apostle Philip are thus explained.[9.3]SeeLife of Jesus, ch. xiv. It may be, however, that the habitual tendency of the author of theActsshows itself here again. SeeIntrod., and supra.[9.4]Actsviii. 5–40.[9.5]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iv. 1, 2.[9.6]At this day Jît, on the road from Nablous to Jaffa, an hour and a half from Nablous and from Sebastieh. See RobinsonBib. Res. ii. p. 308, note; iii. 134 (2d ed.), and his map.[9.7]The accounts relative to this personage, given by the Christian writers, are so fabulous that doubts may be raised even as to the reality of his existence. These doubts are all the more specious from the fact that in the Pseudo-Clementine literature “Simon the Magician” is often a pseudonym for St. Paul. But we cannot admit that the legend of Simon rests upon this foundation alone. How could the author of theActs, so favorable to St. Paul, have admitteda doctrine the hostile bearing of which could not have escaped him? The chronological series of the Simonian School, the writings which remain to us of it, the precise facts of topography and chronology given by St. Justin, fellow-countryman of our thaumaturgist, are inexplicable, moreover, upon the hypothesis of Simon’s having been an imaginary person. (See especially JustinApol.ii. 15, andDial. cum Tryph.120.)[9.8]Acts viii. 5, and following.[9.9]Ib. viii. 9, and following.[9.10]Justin,Apol.i. 26, 56.[9.11]Homil.Pseudo-Clem. xvii. 15, 17; Quadratus, in EusebiusHist. Ecc.iv. 3.[9.12]Actsviii. 25.[9.13]Ib. viii. 26–40.[9.14]I. Macc. x. 86, 89; xi. 60, and following. Jos.Ant.XIII., xiii. 3; XV. vii. 3; XVIII. xi. 5;B. J., I. iv. 2.[9.15]RobinsonBib. Res., II. p. 41 and 514, 515 (2d ed).[9.16]Talm. of Bab.Erubin53 b and 54 a;Sota, 46 b.[9.17]Isaiah liii. 7.[9.18]At this day Mérawi, near to Gebel-Barkal (Lepsius,Denkmæleri pl. 1 and 2bis.) Strabo XVII., i. 54.[9.19]Strabo, XVII, i. 54; Pliny VI, xxxv. 8; Dion Cassius liv. 5; EusebiusHist. Ecc.ii. 1.[9.20]The descendants of these Jews still exist under the name of Falâsyân. The missionaries who converted them came from Egypt. Their translation of the Bible was made from the Greek version. The Falâsyân are not Israelites by blood.[9.21]John xii. 20; Acts x. 2.[9.22]SeeDeut.xxiii. 1. It is true that εὐνοῦχος might be taken by catachresis to designate a chamberlain as functionary of the Oriental Court. But δυνάστης was sufficient to render this idea; εὐνοῦχος ought then to be taken here in its proper sense.[9.23]Actsviii. 26, 29.[9.24]To conclude thence that all this history was invented by the author of theActsseems to us rash. The author of theActsinsists with satisfaction upon the facts which support his opinions; but we do not believe that he introduces into his narrative facts purely symbolical or deliberately invented. SeeIntrod.[9.25]For the analogous state of the first Mormons, see Jules Remy,Voyage au pays des Mormons(Paris, 1860), i. p. 195, and following.[9.26]Actsviii. 39–40. CompareLukeiv. 14.[9.27]Actsix. 32, 38.[9.28]Ib. viii. 40; xi. 11.[9.29]Ib. xxi. 8.[9.30]Jos.B. J.III. ix. 1.[9.31]Actsxxiii. 23, and following; xxv. 1, 5; TacitusHist.ii. 79.[9.32]Jos.B. J.III. ix. 1.[9.33]Jos.Ant.XX. viii. 7;B. J.II. xiii. 5; xiv. 5; xviii. 1.[9.34]Palm. of Jerusalem,Sota, 21 b.[9.35]Jos.Ant.XIX. vii. 3–4; viii. 2.[9.36]Actsxi. 19.[9.37]Ib. ix. 2, 10, 19.CHAPTER X.[10.1]This date resulted from the comparison of chapters ix., xi., xii. of theActswith Gal. i. 18; ii. 1, and from the synchronism presented by Chapter xii. of theActswith profane history, a synchronism which fixes the date of the incidents detailed in this chapter at the year 44.[10.2]Actsix. 11; xxi. 39; xxii. 3.[10.3]In the Epistle to Philemon, written about the year 61, he calls himself an “old man” (v. 9);Actsvii. 57, he calls himself a young man.[10.4]In the same way that those named “Jesus” often called themselves “Jason;” the “Josephs,” “Hegesippe;” the “Eliacim,” “Alcime,” etc. St. Jerome (De Viris Ill.5) supposes Paul took his name from the proconsul Sergius Paulus (Actsxiii. 9). Such an explanation seems hardly admissible. If theActsonly give to Saul the name of “Paul,” after his relations with that personage, that would argue that the supposed conversion of Sergius was the first important act of Paul as apostle of the Gentiles.[10.5]Actsxiii. 9, and following. The closing phrases of all the Epistles; II. Peter iii. 15.[10.6]The Ebionite calumnies (Epiphan.Adv. hær.xxx. 16, 25) should not be seriously taken.[10.7]St. Jerome,loc. cit.Inadmissible as the present St. Jerome, though this tradition appears to have some foundation.[10.8]Rom. xi. 1; Phil. iii. 5.[10.9]Actsxxii. 28.[10.10]Actsxxiii. 6.[10.11]Phil. iii. 5;Actsxxvi. 5.[10.12]Actsvi. 9; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 36.[10.13]Strabo XIV. x. 13.[10.14]Ibid. XIV. x. 14, 15; PhilostratusVie d'Apollonius, 1, 7.[10.15]Jos.Ant., last paragraph, Cf.Vie de Jésus.[10.16]Philostratus,loc. cit.[10.17]Actsxvii. 22, etc.; xxi. 37.[10.18]Gal. vi. 11; Rom. xvi. 22.[10.19]II. Cor. xi. 6.[10.20]Actsxxi. 40. I have elsewhere explained the sense of the word Ἑβραïστί.Hist. des Langes Sémit.ii. 1, 5; iii. 1, 2.[10.21]Actsxxvi. 14.[10.22]I. Cor. xv. 33, Cf. Meinecke.Menandri fragm.p. 75.[10.23]Tit. i. 12;Actsxvii. 28. The authenticity of the Epistle to Titus is very doubtful. As to the discourse in chapter xvii. of theActs, it is the work of the author of theActsrather than of St. Paul.[10.24]The verse quoted from Aratus (Phænom. 5) is really found in Cleanthes (Hymn to Jupiter, 5). Both are doubtless taken from some anonymous religious hymn.[10.25]Gal. i. 14.[10.26]Actsxvii. 22, etc. Observe note 23.[10.27]SeeVie de Jésus, p. 72.[10.28]Actsxviii. 3.[10.29]Ibid.xviii. 3; I. Cor. iv. 12; I. Thess. ii. 9; II. Thess. iii. 8.[10.30]Actsxxiii. 16.[10.31]II. Cor. viii. 18, 22; xii. 18.[10.32]Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21.[10.33]See above all the Epistle to Philemon.[10.34]Gal. v. 12; Phil. iii. 2.[10.35]II. Cor. x. 10.[10.36]Acta Pauli et Theclæ3, in Tischendorf,Acta Apost., apocr. (Leipzig, 1851), p. 41, and the notes (an ancient text perhaps, the original spoken of by Tertullian); thePhilopatris, 12 (composed about 363); Malala Chronogr. p. 257, edit. Bonn; Nicephore,Hist. Eccl.ii. 37. All these passages, above all that ofPhilopatris, admit that these were ancient portraits.[10.37]I. Cor. ii. 1, etc.; II. Cor. x. 1, 2, 10; xi. 6.[10.38]I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. x. 10.[10.39]II. Cor. xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10.[10.40]I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. i. 8, 9; x. 10; xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10; Gal. iv. 13, 14.[10.41]II. Cor. xii. 7–10.[10.42]I. Cor. vii. 7, 8, and the context.[10.43]I. Cor. vii. 7, 8; ix. 5. This second passage is far from being demonstrative. Phil. iv. 3, would imply the contrary. Comp. Clement of Alexandria,Strom.iii. 6, and Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iii. 30. The passage I. Cor. vii. 7, 8 alone has any weight on this point.[10.44]I. Cor. vii. 7–9.[10.45]Actsxxii. 3; xxvi. 4.[10.46]Ibid. xxii. 3. Paul does not speak of this matter in certain parts of his Epistles where he would naturally mention him (Phil. iii. 5). There is an absolute contradiction between the principles of Gamaliel (Actsv. 34, etc.) and the conduct of Paul before his conversion.[10.47]Gal. i. 13, 14;Actsxxii. 3; xxvi. 5.[10.48]II. Cor. v. 16, does not implicate him. The passagesActsxxii. 3, xxvi. 4, give reason to believe that Paul was at Jerusalem at the same time as Jesus. But it does not follow that he saw him.[10.49]Actsxxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 10, 11.[10.50]Ibid. xxvi. 11.[10.51]High-Priest from 37 to 42; Jos.Ant. XVIII. v. 3; XIX. vi. 2.[10.52]Actsix. 1, 2, 14; xxii. 5; xxvi. 12.[10.53]SeeRevue Numismatique, new series, vol. iii. (1858), p. 296, etc.; 362, etc.;Revue Archéol., April, 1864, p. 284, etc.[10.54]Jos. B. J. II. xx. 2.[10.55]II. Cor. xi. 32. The Roman money at Damascus is wanting during the reigns of Caligula and Claud. Eckhel,Doctrina num. vet., part 1, vol. iii. p. 330. Damascus money, stamped “Arétas Philhellenius” (ibid.), seems to be of our Hâreth (communication of M. Waddington).[10.56]Jos.Ant.XVIII. v. 1, 3.[10.57]Comp.Actsxii. 3; xxiv. 27; xxv. 9.[10.58]Actsv. 34, etc.[10.59]See an analogous trait in the conversion of Omar. Ibn-Hiseham.Sirat errasoul, p. 226 (Wüstenfeld edition).[10.60]Actsix. 3; xxii. 6; xxvi. 13.[10.61]Actsix. 4, 8; xxii. 7, 11; xxvi. 14, 16.[10.62]It is here that the tradition of the middle ages locates the miracle.[10.63]This results fromActsix. 3, 8; xxii. 6, 11.[10.64]Nahr el-Aroadj.[10.65]The plain is really more than seventeen hundred feet above the level of the sea.[10.66]Actsxxvi. 14.[10.67]From Jerusalem to Damascus is over eight days' journey.[10.68]Actsix. 8, 9, 18; xxii. 11, 13.[10.69]II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.[10.70]I experienced a crisis of this kind at Byblos; and with other principles I would certainly have taken the hallucinations that I had then for visions.[10.71]We possess thirteen accounts of this important episode:Actsix. 1, etc.; xxii. 5, etc.; xxvi. 12, etc. The differences remarked between these passages prove that the apostle himself varied in the accounts he gave of his conversion. That inActsix. itself is not homogeneous, as we shall soon see. Comp. Gal. i. 15–17; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8;Actsix. 27.[10.72]With the Mormons, and in the American trances, almost all the conversions are also induced by nervous excitement, producing hallucinations.[10.73]The circumstance that the companions of Paul saw and heard as he did may be legendary, especially as the accounts are on this point, being in direct contradiction. Comp.Actsix. 7; xxii. 9; xxvi. 13. The hypothesis of a fall from a horse is refuted by these accounts. The opinion which rejects entirely the narration in theActs, founded on ἐν ἐμοί of Gal. i. 16, is exaggerated, ἐν Ἐμοί in this passage, has the sense of “for me.” Comp. Gal. i. 24. Paul surely had at a fixed moment, a vision which resulted in his conversion.[10.74]Actsix. 3, 7; xxii. 6, 9, 11; xxvi. 13.[10.75]This was my experience during my illness at Byblos. My recollections of the evening preceding the day of the trance are totally effaced.[10.76]II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.[10.77]Actsix. 27; Gal. i. 16; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8; Hom. Pseudo-Clem, xvii. 13–19. Comp. the experience of Omar,Sirat errasoul, p. 226, etc.[10.78]Actsix. 8; xxii. 11.[10.79]Its ancient Arabic name wasTarik el Adhwa. It is now calledTarik el Mustekim, answering to Ῥύμη ἐυθεῖα. The eastern gate (Bâb Sharki) and a few vestiges of the colonnades yet remain. See the Arabic texts given by Wustenfield in theZeitschrift für vergleichende Erdkundeof Lüdde for the year 1842, p. 168; Porter,Syria and Palestine, p. 477; Wilson,The Lands of the Bible, II., 345, 355–52.[10.80]Actsxxii. 11.[10.81]The account given inActsix. appears to have been formed from two mingled narratives. One, the more original, comprises vv. 9, &c. The other more developed, containing more dialogue and legend, includes verses 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. The 12th verse belongs neither to that which precedes nor to that which follows it. The account in chapter xxii. 12–16, is more conformed to the above-mentioned texts.[10.82]Actsix. 12. It should read ἄνδρα ἐν ὁράματι according to manuscript B. of the Vatican. Comp. verse 10.[10.83]Actsix. 18; comp.Tobit, ii. 9; vi. 10; xi. 13.[10.84]Actsix. 18; xxii. 16.[10.85]Gal. i. 2, 8–9, 11, &c.; I. Cor. ix. 1; xi. 23; xv. 8, 9; Col. i. 25; Ephes. i. 19; iii. 3, 7, 8;Actsxx. 24; xxii. 14–15, 21; xxvi. 16; Homiliæ Pseudo-Clem., xvii. 13–19.[10.86]Gal. i. 17.[10.87]Ἀραβία is “the province of Arabia,” principally composed of the Hauran[10.88]Gal. i. 17, &c.;Actsix. 19, &c.; xxvi. 20. The author of theActsbelieves that this first sojourn at Damascus was short, and thatPaul shortly after his conversion, came to Jerusalem and preached there. (Comp. xxii. 17.) But the passage of the epistle to the Galatians is peremptory.[10.89]Insc. discovered by Waddington and De Vogüé (Revue Archéol., April, 1864, p. 284, &c.,Comptes Rendusde l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1865, p. 106–108).[10.90]Dion Cass. lix. 12.[10.91]I have discussed this in theBulletin Archéologiqueof Langperier and De Wette, September, 1856.[10.92]Gal. i. 16, with following verses, prove that Paul preached immediately after his conversion.[10.93]Jos. B. J., I., ii. 25; II., xx. 2.[10.94]Actsix. 20–22.[10.95]Gal. i. 16. It is the sense of οὐ προσανεθέμην σαρκὶ και αἵματι.CHAPTER XI.
[6.1]Acts,first chapters.[6.2]Actsv. 42.[6.3]See for example,Actsii. 34, &c., and in general all the first chapters.[6.4]I. Cor. i. 22; ii. 4–5; II. Cor. xii. 12; I Thess. i. 5; II Thess. ii. 9; Gal. iii. 5; Rom. xv. 18–19.[6.5]Rom. xv. 19; II. Cor. xii. 12; I. Thess. i. 5.[6.6]Actsv. 12–16. TheActsare full of miracles. That of Eutychus (Actsxx. 7–12) is surely related by ocular testimony. The same ofActsxxviii. Comp. Papias in Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.[6.7]Jewish and Christian exorcism were regarded as the most efficacious even for the heathen. Damascius, Vie d'Isidore, 56.[6.8]Actsv. 15.[6.9]I. Cor. xii. 9, &c., 28, &c.;Constit. apost.viii. 1.[6.10]Irenæus.Adv. hær.ii. xxxii. 4; v. vi. 1; Tertull.Apol.23–43;Ad Scapulam, 2;De Corona, 11;De Spectaculis, 24;De Anima, 57;Constit. Apost.chapter noted, which appeared drawn from the work of St. Hippolytus upon theChrismata.[6.11]Miracles are of daily occurrence among the Mormons. Jules Remy,A Visit to the Mormons, I. p. 140, 192, 259–260; II. 53, &c.[6.12]Actsiv. 36–37. Cf. ibid. xv. 32.[6.13]Ibid. xiii. 1.[6.14]Ibid. xxi. 16.[6.15]Jos.Ant.XIII. x. 4; XVII. xii. 1, 2; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 36.[6.16]Hence for Barnabas his name of Hallévi and of Col. iv. 10–11. Mnason appears to be the translation of some Hebrew name from the rootzacar, as Zacharius.[6.17]Col. iv. 10–11.[6.18]Actsxii. 12.[6.19]I. Petri, v. 13.Actsxii. 12; Papias in Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.[6.20]Actsxii. 12–14. All this chapter, where the affairs of Peter are so minutely related, appears edited by John-Mark.[6.21]As the name ofMarcuswas not common at that time among the Jews, there is no reason for referring to different individuals the passages relating to a personage of that name.[6.22]Comp.Actsviii. 2, withActsii. 5.[6.23]Acts. vi. 5.[6.24]Ibid.[6.25]Comp.Actsxxi. 8–9 with Papias in Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iii. 39.[6.26]Rom. xvi. 7. It is doubtful whether Ἰουνία or Ἰουνίας =Junianus.[6.27]Paul calls them his συγγενεῖς; but it is difficult to say whether that signifies that these were Jews, of the tribe of Benjamin or of Tarsus, or really relations of Paul. The first sense is the most probable.Comp. Rom. ix. 3; xi. 14. In any event, this word implies that they were Jews.[6.28]Actsvi. 1–5; II. Cor. xi. 22; Phil. iii. 5.[6.29]Actsii. 9–11; vi. 9.[6.30]The Talmud of Jerusalem, Megilla, fol. 73 d, mentions four hundred and twenty-five synagogues. Comp. MidraschEka, 52 b, 70 d. Such a number would appear by no means improbable to those who have seen the little family mosques which are found in every Mahommedan village. But the Talmudic information about Jerusalem is of mediocre authority.[6.31]Actsvi. 1.[6.32]The Epistle of St. James was written in moderately pure Greek. It is true that the authenticity of this Epistle is not certain.[6.33]The savants wrote in ancient Hebrew, somewhat altered.[6.34]Jos.Ant.last paragraph.[6.35]This proves the transcriptions of Greek into Syriac. I have developed here in myEclaircissements sirés des Langues Sémitiques sur quelque points de la Prononciatian Grecque. (Paris, 1849.) The language of the Greek inscriptions of Syria is very bad.[6.36]Jos.Ant.loc. cit.[6.37]Sat. I. v. 105.
[6.1]Acts,first chapters.
[6.2]Actsv. 42.
[6.3]See for example,Actsii. 34, &c., and in general all the first chapters.
[6.4]I. Cor. i. 22; ii. 4–5; II. Cor. xii. 12; I Thess. i. 5; II Thess. ii. 9; Gal. iii. 5; Rom. xv. 18–19.
[6.5]Rom. xv. 19; II. Cor. xii. 12; I. Thess. i. 5.
[6.6]Actsv. 12–16. TheActsare full of miracles. That of Eutychus (Actsxx. 7–12) is surely related by ocular testimony. The same ofActsxxviii. Comp. Papias in Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.
[6.7]Jewish and Christian exorcism were regarded as the most efficacious even for the heathen. Damascius, Vie d'Isidore, 56.
[6.8]Actsv. 15.
[6.9]I. Cor. xii. 9, &c., 28, &c.;Constit. apost.viii. 1.
[6.10]Irenæus.Adv. hær.ii. xxxii. 4; v. vi. 1; Tertull.Apol.23–43;Ad Scapulam, 2;De Corona, 11;De Spectaculis, 24;De Anima, 57;Constit. Apost.chapter noted, which appeared drawn from the work of St. Hippolytus upon theChrismata.
[6.11]Miracles are of daily occurrence among the Mormons. Jules Remy,A Visit to the Mormons, I. p. 140, 192, 259–260; II. 53, &c.
[6.12]Actsiv. 36–37. Cf. ibid. xv. 32.
[6.13]Ibid. xiii. 1.
[6.14]Ibid. xxi. 16.
[6.15]Jos.Ant.XIII. x. 4; XVII. xii. 1, 2; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 36.
[6.16]Hence for Barnabas his name of Hallévi and of Col. iv. 10–11. Mnason appears to be the translation of some Hebrew name from the rootzacar, as Zacharius.
[6.17]Col. iv. 10–11.
[6.18]Actsxii. 12.
[6.19]I. Petri, v. 13.Actsxii. 12; Papias in Euseb. H. E. iii. 39.
[6.20]Actsxii. 12–14. All this chapter, where the affairs of Peter are so minutely related, appears edited by John-Mark.
[6.21]As the name ofMarcuswas not common at that time among the Jews, there is no reason for referring to different individuals the passages relating to a personage of that name.
[6.22]Comp.Actsviii. 2, withActsii. 5.
[6.23]Acts. vi. 5.
[6.24]Ibid.
[6.25]Comp.Actsxxi. 8–9 with Papias in Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iii. 39.
[6.26]Rom. xvi. 7. It is doubtful whether Ἰουνία or Ἰουνίας =Junianus.
[6.27]Paul calls them his συγγενεῖς; but it is difficult to say whether that signifies that these were Jews, of the tribe of Benjamin or of Tarsus, or really relations of Paul. The first sense is the most probable.Comp. Rom. ix. 3; xi. 14. In any event, this word implies that they were Jews.
[6.28]Actsvi. 1–5; II. Cor. xi. 22; Phil. iii. 5.
[6.29]Actsii. 9–11; vi. 9.
[6.30]The Talmud of Jerusalem, Megilla, fol. 73 d, mentions four hundred and twenty-five synagogues. Comp. MidraschEka, 52 b, 70 d. Such a number would appear by no means improbable to those who have seen the little family mosques which are found in every Mahommedan village. But the Talmudic information about Jerusalem is of mediocre authority.
[6.31]Actsvi. 1.
[6.32]The Epistle of St. James was written in moderately pure Greek. It is true that the authenticity of this Epistle is not certain.
[6.33]The savants wrote in ancient Hebrew, somewhat altered.
[6.34]Jos.Ant.last paragraph.
[6.35]This proves the transcriptions of Greek into Syriac. I have developed here in myEclaircissements sirés des Langues Sémitiques sur quelque points de la Prononciatian Grecque. (Paris, 1849.) The language of the Greek inscriptions of Syria is very bad.
[6.36]Jos.Ant.loc. cit.
[6.37]Sat. I. v. 105.
CHAPTER VII.
[7.1]See the accounts collected and translated by Eugene Burnouf.Introduction to the History of Indian Buddhism, i. p. 137, and following pages, and particularly pp. 198, 199.[7.2]SeeLife of Jesus.[7.3]Actsii. 45; iv. 34, 37; v. 1.[7.4]Actsv. 1, and following verses.[7.5]Ibid. ii. 45; iv. 35.[7.6]Ibid. vi. 1, &c.[7.7]See chapter vi.[7.8]Actsxxi. 8.[7.9]Phil. i. 1; I. Timothy iii. 8, and following.[7.10]Romans xvi. 1, 12; I. Tim. iii. 11; v. 9, and following. Pliny Epist. x. 97. The Epistles to Timothy are most probably not from the pen of Saint Paul; but are in any event of very ancient date.[7.11]Rom. xvi. 1; I. Cor. ix. 5. Philemon 2.[7.12]I. Tim. v. 9, and following.[7.13]Constit. Apost. vi. 17.[7.14]Sap. ii. 10; Eccl. xxxvii. 17; Matthew xxiii. 14; Mark xii. 40; Luke xx. 47; James 27.[7.15]Mischna,Sota, iii. 4.[7.16]Talmud of Babylon, Sota 22 a; Comp. I. Tim. v. 13.[7.17]Acts vi. 1.[7.18]Ibid, xii, 12.[7.19]I. Tim. v. 9, and following. Compare Acts ix. 39, 41.[7.20]I. Tim. v. 3, and following.[7.21]Ecclesiastes vii. 27; Ecclesiasticus vii. 26, and following; ix. 1, and following; xxv. 22, and following; xxvi. 1, and following; xiii. 9, and following.[7.22]For the costume of the widows of the Eastern Church, see the Greek manuscript No. 64 in theBibliothèque Imperiale(old building), fol. 11. The costume to this day is very nearly the same the type, the religious female of the East, being the widow, as that of the Latin nun is the virgin.[7.23]Compare the “Shepherd” of Hermas, vis. ii. ch. 4.[7.24]Καλογρία, the name of the religious females or nuns of the Eastern Church. Καλός combines the significance of both “beautiful” and “good.”[7.25]See Note 7.16.[7.26]I. Cor. xii. entire.[7.27]The Pietist congregations of America, who are to the Protestants what convents are to the Catholics, resemble in many points the primitive churches. Bridel,Recits Americains. (Lausanne, 1861.)[7.28]Prov. iii. 27, and following; x. 2; xi. 4; xxii. 9; xxviii. 27; Eccl. iii. 23, and following; vii. 36; xii. 1, and following; xviii. 14; xx. 13, and following; xxxi. 11; Tobit, ii. 15, 22; iv. 11; xii. 9; xiv. 11; Daniel iv. 24; Talmud of Jerusalem;Peah. 15,b.[7.29]Matthew vi. 2; Mischna,Schekalim, v. 6; Talmud of Jerusalem,Demai, fol. 23,b.[7.30]Actsx. 2, 4, 31.[7.31]Ps. cxxxiii.[7.32]Actsii. 44–47; iv. 32–35.[7.33]Ibid. ii. 41.[7.34]See chapter vi.[7.35]Actsvi. 5; xi. 20.
[7.1]See the accounts collected and translated by Eugene Burnouf.Introduction to the History of Indian Buddhism, i. p. 137, and following pages, and particularly pp. 198, 199.
[7.2]SeeLife of Jesus.
[7.3]Actsii. 45; iv. 34, 37; v. 1.
[7.4]Actsv. 1, and following verses.
[7.5]Ibid. ii. 45; iv. 35.
[7.6]Ibid. vi. 1, &c.
[7.7]See chapter vi.
[7.8]Actsxxi. 8.
[7.9]Phil. i. 1; I. Timothy iii. 8, and following.
[7.10]Romans xvi. 1, 12; I. Tim. iii. 11; v. 9, and following. Pliny Epist. x. 97. The Epistles to Timothy are most probably not from the pen of Saint Paul; but are in any event of very ancient date.
[7.11]Rom. xvi. 1; I. Cor. ix. 5. Philemon 2.
[7.12]I. Tim. v. 9, and following.
[7.13]Constit. Apost. vi. 17.
[7.14]Sap. ii. 10; Eccl. xxxvii. 17; Matthew xxiii. 14; Mark xii. 40; Luke xx. 47; James 27.
[7.15]Mischna,Sota, iii. 4.
[7.16]Talmud of Babylon, Sota 22 a; Comp. I. Tim. v. 13.
[7.17]Acts vi. 1.
[7.18]Ibid, xii, 12.
[7.19]I. Tim. v. 9, and following. Compare Acts ix. 39, 41.
[7.20]I. Tim. v. 3, and following.
[7.21]Ecclesiastes vii. 27; Ecclesiasticus vii. 26, and following; ix. 1, and following; xxv. 22, and following; xxvi. 1, and following; xiii. 9, and following.
[7.22]For the costume of the widows of the Eastern Church, see the Greek manuscript No. 64 in theBibliothèque Imperiale(old building), fol. 11. The costume to this day is very nearly the same the type, the religious female of the East, being the widow, as that of the Latin nun is the virgin.
[7.23]Compare the “Shepherd” of Hermas, vis. ii. ch. 4.
[7.24]Καλογρία, the name of the religious females or nuns of the Eastern Church. Καλός combines the significance of both “beautiful” and “good.”
[7.25]See Note 7.16.
[7.26]I. Cor. xii. entire.
[7.27]The Pietist congregations of America, who are to the Protestants what convents are to the Catholics, resemble in many points the primitive churches. Bridel,Recits Americains. (Lausanne, 1861.)
[7.28]Prov. iii. 27, and following; x. 2; xi. 4; xxii. 9; xxviii. 27; Eccl. iii. 23, and following; vii. 36; xii. 1, and following; xviii. 14; xx. 13, and following; xxxi. 11; Tobit, ii. 15, 22; iv. 11; xii. 9; xiv. 11; Daniel iv. 24; Talmud of Jerusalem;Peah. 15,b.
[7.29]Matthew vi. 2; Mischna,Schekalim, v. 6; Talmud of Jerusalem,Demai, fol. 23,b.
[7.30]Actsx. 2, 4, 31.
[7.31]Ps. cxxxiii.
[7.32]Actsii. 44–47; iv. 32–35.
[7.33]Ibid. ii. 41.
[7.34]See chapter vi.
[7.35]Actsvi. 5; xi. 20.
CHAPTER VIII.
[8.1]Acts iv. 6. SeeLife of Jesus.[8.2]Acts iv. 1–31; v. 47–41.[8.3]SeeLife of Jesus.[8.4]Acts v. 41.[8.5]Ib. iv. 5–6; v. 17. Comp. James ii. 6.[8.6]Γένος αρχιερατιχον, Acts i.; αρχιερεις in JosephusAnt.xx. viii. 8.[8.7]Acts xv. 5; xxi. 20.[8.8]Let us add that the reciprocal antipathy of Jesus and the Pharisees seems to have been exaggerated by the synoptical Evangelists, perhaps on account of the events which, at the time of the great war, led to the flight of the Christians beyond the Jordan. It cannot be denied that James, brother of the Lord, was pretty nearly a Pharisee.[8.9]Acts v. 34, and following. SeeLife of Jesus.[8.10]Acts vi. 8; vii. 59.[8.11]Probably descendants of Jews who had been taken to Rome as slaves, and then freed. Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 23; Tacitus,Ann.ii. 85.[8.12]SeeLife of Jesus.[8.13]Matt. xv. 2, and following; Mark vii. 3; Gal. i. 14.[8.14]Compare Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 2; Jos. Ant. XV. v. 3. It was supposed that God Himself had not revealed Himself in the theophanies of the ancient law, but that he had substituted in his place a sort of intermediary, themaleak Jehovah. See the Hebrew dictionaries on the word מלאך.[8.15]Deut. xvii. 7.[8.16]Acts vii. 59; xxii. 20; xxvi 10.[8.17]John xviii. 31.[8.18]Josephus, Ant. XVIII. iv. 2.[8.19]Ib., Ib., XV. xi. 4; XVIII. iv. 2. Compare XX. i. 1, 2.[8.20]The whole trial of Jesus proves this. CompareActsxxiv. 27; xxv. 9.[8.21]Suetonius,Caius, 6; Dion Cassius lix. 8, 12; Josephus Ant. XVIII. v. 3; vi. 10; 2 Cor. xi. 32.[8.22]Ventidius Cumanus experienced quite similar adventures. It is true that Josephus exaggerates the misfortunes of all those who are opposed to his nation.[8.23]Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 134, and following.[8.24]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iv. 3.[8.25]Ib., XVIII. v. 3.[8.26]Actsviii. 2. The words ἀνὴρ eὐλαβὴς designate a proselyte, not a pure Jew. See Acts ii. 5.[8.27]Actsviii. 1, and following; xi. 19; Acts xxvi. 10, would even lead to the belief that there were other deaths than that of Stephen. But we must not misconstrue words in our versions of a style so loose. Compare Acts ix. 1–2 with xxii. 5 and xxvi. 12.[8.28]Compare Acts i. 4; viii. 1, 14; Gal i. 17, and following.[8.29]Acts ix. 26–30 prove, in fact, that in the mind of the author the expressions of viii. I had not a meaning so absolute as might be supposed. [Except that after the first panic was over some of the disciples, at first wholly scattered, may have returned by the time of Saul’s arrival.—Tr.][8.30]This happened in the case of the Essenians.[8.31]This happened to the Franciscans.[8.32]I. Thess. ii. 14.[8.33]Acts viii. 3; ix. 13, 14, 21, 26; xxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 9, and following; Gal. i. 13, 23; I. Cor. xv. 9; Phil. iii. 6; I. Tim. i. 13.[8.34]Gal. i. 14; Acts xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5.[8.35]Acts ix. 13, 21, 26.
[8.1]Acts iv. 6. SeeLife of Jesus.
[8.2]Acts iv. 1–31; v. 47–41.
[8.3]SeeLife of Jesus.
[8.4]Acts v. 41.
[8.5]Ib. iv. 5–6; v. 17. Comp. James ii. 6.
[8.6]Γένος αρχιερατιχον, Acts i.; αρχιερεις in JosephusAnt.xx. viii. 8.
[8.7]Acts xv. 5; xxi. 20.
[8.8]Let us add that the reciprocal antipathy of Jesus and the Pharisees seems to have been exaggerated by the synoptical Evangelists, perhaps on account of the events which, at the time of the great war, led to the flight of the Christians beyond the Jordan. It cannot be denied that James, brother of the Lord, was pretty nearly a Pharisee.
[8.9]Acts v. 34, and following. SeeLife of Jesus.
[8.10]Acts vi. 8; vii. 59.
[8.11]Probably descendants of Jews who had been taken to Rome as slaves, and then freed. Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 23; Tacitus,Ann.ii. 85.
[8.12]SeeLife of Jesus.
[8.13]Matt. xv. 2, and following; Mark vii. 3; Gal. i. 14.
[8.14]Compare Gal. iii. 19; Heb. ii. 2; Jos. Ant. XV. v. 3. It was supposed that God Himself had not revealed Himself in the theophanies of the ancient law, but that he had substituted in his place a sort of intermediary, themaleak Jehovah. See the Hebrew dictionaries on the word מלאך.
[8.15]Deut. xvii. 7.
[8.16]Acts vii. 59; xxii. 20; xxvi 10.
[8.17]John xviii. 31.
[8.18]Josephus, Ant. XVIII. iv. 2.
[8.19]Ib., Ib., XV. xi. 4; XVIII. iv. 2. Compare XX. i. 1, 2.
[8.20]The whole trial of Jesus proves this. CompareActsxxiv. 27; xxv. 9.
[8.21]Suetonius,Caius, 6; Dion Cassius lix. 8, 12; Josephus Ant. XVIII. v. 3; vi. 10; 2 Cor. xi. 32.
[8.22]Ventidius Cumanus experienced quite similar adventures. It is true that Josephus exaggerates the misfortunes of all those who are opposed to his nation.
[8.23]Madden, History of Jewish Coinage, p. 134, and following.
[8.24]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iv. 3.
[8.25]Ib., XVIII. v. 3.
[8.26]Actsviii. 2. The words ἀνὴρ eὐλαβὴς designate a proselyte, not a pure Jew. See Acts ii. 5.
[8.27]Actsviii. 1, and following; xi. 19; Acts xxvi. 10, would even lead to the belief that there were other deaths than that of Stephen. But we must not misconstrue words in our versions of a style so loose. Compare Acts ix. 1–2 with xxii. 5 and xxvi. 12.
[8.28]Compare Acts i. 4; viii. 1, 14; Gal i. 17, and following.
[8.29]Acts ix. 26–30 prove, in fact, that in the mind of the author the expressions of viii. I had not a meaning so absolute as might be supposed. [Except that after the first panic was over some of the disciples, at first wholly scattered, may have returned by the time of Saul’s arrival.—Tr.]
[8.30]This happened in the case of the Essenians.
[8.31]This happened to the Franciscans.
[8.32]I. Thess. ii. 14.
[8.33]Acts viii. 3; ix. 13, 14, 21, 26; xxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 9, and following; Gal. i. 13, 23; I. Cor. xv. 9; Phil. iii. 6; I. Tim. i. 13.
[8.34]Gal. i. 14; Acts xxvi. 5; Phil. iii. 5.
[8.35]Acts ix. 13, 21, 26.
CHAPTER IX.
[9.1]Acts viii. 1, 4; xi. 19.[9.2]Acts viii. 5, and following. That it was not the apostle is evident from a comparison of the passages,Actsviii. 1, 5, 12, 14, 40; xxi. 8. It is true that the verse,Actsxxi. 9, compared with what is said by Papias (in Eusebius His. Ecc. iii. 39), Polycrates (ib. v. 24), Clement of Alexandria (Strom, iii. 6), would identify the Apostle Philip, of whom these three ecclesiastical writers are speaking, with the Philip who plays so important a part in theActs. But it is more natural to admit that the statement in the verse in question is a mistake, and that the verse was only interpolated to contradict the tradition of the churches of Asia and even of Hierapolis, whither the Philip who had daughters prophetesses retired. The particular data possessed by the author of the 4th Gospel (written, as it seems, in Asia Minor), in regard to the Apostle Philip are thus explained.[9.3]SeeLife of Jesus, ch. xiv. It may be, however, that the habitual tendency of the author of theActsshows itself here again. SeeIntrod., and supra.[9.4]Actsviii. 5–40.[9.5]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iv. 1, 2.[9.6]At this day Jît, on the road from Nablous to Jaffa, an hour and a half from Nablous and from Sebastieh. See RobinsonBib. Res. ii. p. 308, note; iii. 134 (2d ed.), and his map.[9.7]The accounts relative to this personage, given by the Christian writers, are so fabulous that doubts may be raised even as to the reality of his existence. These doubts are all the more specious from the fact that in the Pseudo-Clementine literature “Simon the Magician” is often a pseudonym for St. Paul. But we cannot admit that the legend of Simon rests upon this foundation alone. How could the author of theActs, so favorable to St. Paul, have admitteda doctrine the hostile bearing of which could not have escaped him? The chronological series of the Simonian School, the writings which remain to us of it, the precise facts of topography and chronology given by St. Justin, fellow-countryman of our thaumaturgist, are inexplicable, moreover, upon the hypothesis of Simon’s having been an imaginary person. (See especially JustinApol.ii. 15, andDial. cum Tryph.120.)[9.8]Acts viii. 5, and following.[9.9]Ib. viii. 9, and following.[9.10]Justin,Apol.i. 26, 56.[9.11]Homil.Pseudo-Clem. xvii. 15, 17; Quadratus, in EusebiusHist. Ecc.iv. 3.[9.12]Actsviii. 25.[9.13]Ib. viii. 26–40.[9.14]I. Macc. x. 86, 89; xi. 60, and following. Jos.Ant.XIII., xiii. 3; XV. vii. 3; XVIII. xi. 5;B. J., I. iv. 2.[9.15]RobinsonBib. Res., II. p. 41 and 514, 515 (2d ed).[9.16]Talm. of Bab.Erubin53 b and 54 a;Sota, 46 b.[9.17]Isaiah liii. 7.[9.18]At this day Mérawi, near to Gebel-Barkal (Lepsius,Denkmæleri pl. 1 and 2bis.) Strabo XVII., i. 54.[9.19]Strabo, XVII, i. 54; Pliny VI, xxxv. 8; Dion Cassius liv. 5; EusebiusHist. Ecc.ii. 1.[9.20]The descendants of these Jews still exist under the name of Falâsyân. The missionaries who converted them came from Egypt. Their translation of the Bible was made from the Greek version. The Falâsyân are not Israelites by blood.[9.21]John xii. 20; Acts x. 2.[9.22]SeeDeut.xxiii. 1. It is true that εὐνοῦχος might be taken by catachresis to designate a chamberlain as functionary of the Oriental Court. But δυνάστης was sufficient to render this idea; εὐνοῦχος ought then to be taken here in its proper sense.[9.23]Actsviii. 26, 29.[9.24]To conclude thence that all this history was invented by the author of theActsseems to us rash. The author of theActsinsists with satisfaction upon the facts which support his opinions; but we do not believe that he introduces into his narrative facts purely symbolical or deliberately invented. SeeIntrod.[9.25]For the analogous state of the first Mormons, see Jules Remy,Voyage au pays des Mormons(Paris, 1860), i. p. 195, and following.[9.26]Actsviii. 39–40. CompareLukeiv. 14.[9.27]Actsix. 32, 38.[9.28]Ib. viii. 40; xi. 11.[9.29]Ib. xxi. 8.[9.30]Jos.B. J.III. ix. 1.[9.31]Actsxxiii. 23, and following; xxv. 1, 5; TacitusHist.ii. 79.[9.32]Jos.B. J.III. ix. 1.[9.33]Jos.Ant.XX. viii. 7;B. J.II. xiii. 5; xiv. 5; xviii. 1.[9.34]Palm. of Jerusalem,Sota, 21 b.[9.35]Jos.Ant.XIX. vii. 3–4; viii. 2.[9.36]Actsxi. 19.[9.37]Ib. ix. 2, 10, 19.
[9.1]Acts viii. 1, 4; xi. 19.
[9.2]Acts viii. 5, and following. That it was not the apostle is evident from a comparison of the passages,Actsviii. 1, 5, 12, 14, 40; xxi. 8. It is true that the verse,Actsxxi. 9, compared with what is said by Papias (in Eusebius His. Ecc. iii. 39), Polycrates (ib. v. 24), Clement of Alexandria (Strom, iii. 6), would identify the Apostle Philip, of whom these three ecclesiastical writers are speaking, with the Philip who plays so important a part in theActs. But it is more natural to admit that the statement in the verse in question is a mistake, and that the verse was only interpolated to contradict the tradition of the churches of Asia and even of Hierapolis, whither the Philip who had daughters prophetesses retired. The particular data possessed by the author of the 4th Gospel (written, as it seems, in Asia Minor), in regard to the Apostle Philip are thus explained.
[9.3]SeeLife of Jesus, ch. xiv. It may be, however, that the habitual tendency of the author of theActsshows itself here again. SeeIntrod., and supra.
[9.4]Actsviii. 5–40.
[9.5]Jos.Ant.XVIII. iv. 1, 2.
[9.6]At this day Jît, on the road from Nablous to Jaffa, an hour and a half from Nablous and from Sebastieh. See RobinsonBib. Res. ii. p. 308, note; iii. 134 (2d ed.), and his map.
[9.7]The accounts relative to this personage, given by the Christian writers, are so fabulous that doubts may be raised even as to the reality of his existence. These doubts are all the more specious from the fact that in the Pseudo-Clementine literature “Simon the Magician” is often a pseudonym for St. Paul. But we cannot admit that the legend of Simon rests upon this foundation alone. How could the author of theActs, so favorable to St. Paul, have admitteda doctrine the hostile bearing of which could not have escaped him? The chronological series of the Simonian School, the writings which remain to us of it, the precise facts of topography and chronology given by St. Justin, fellow-countryman of our thaumaturgist, are inexplicable, moreover, upon the hypothesis of Simon’s having been an imaginary person. (See especially JustinApol.ii. 15, andDial. cum Tryph.120.)
[9.8]Acts viii. 5, and following.
[9.9]Ib. viii. 9, and following.
[9.10]Justin,Apol.i. 26, 56.
[9.11]Homil.Pseudo-Clem. xvii. 15, 17; Quadratus, in EusebiusHist. Ecc.iv. 3.
[9.12]Actsviii. 25.
[9.13]Ib. viii. 26–40.
[9.14]I. Macc. x. 86, 89; xi. 60, and following. Jos.Ant.XIII., xiii. 3; XV. vii. 3; XVIII. xi. 5;B. J., I. iv. 2.
[9.15]RobinsonBib. Res., II. p. 41 and 514, 515 (2d ed).
[9.16]Talm. of Bab.Erubin53 b and 54 a;Sota, 46 b.
[9.17]Isaiah liii. 7.
[9.18]At this day Mérawi, near to Gebel-Barkal (Lepsius,Denkmæleri pl. 1 and 2bis.) Strabo XVII., i. 54.
[9.19]Strabo, XVII, i. 54; Pliny VI, xxxv. 8; Dion Cassius liv. 5; EusebiusHist. Ecc.ii. 1.
[9.20]The descendants of these Jews still exist under the name of Falâsyân. The missionaries who converted them came from Egypt. Their translation of the Bible was made from the Greek version. The Falâsyân are not Israelites by blood.
[9.21]John xii. 20; Acts x. 2.
[9.22]SeeDeut.xxiii. 1. It is true that εὐνοῦχος might be taken by catachresis to designate a chamberlain as functionary of the Oriental Court. But δυνάστης was sufficient to render this idea; εὐνοῦχος ought then to be taken here in its proper sense.
[9.23]Actsviii. 26, 29.
[9.24]To conclude thence that all this history was invented by the author of theActsseems to us rash. The author of theActsinsists with satisfaction upon the facts which support his opinions; but we do not believe that he introduces into his narrative facts purely symbolical or deliberately invented. SeeIntrod.
[9.25]For the analogous state of the first Mormons, see Jules Remy,Voyage au pays des Mormons(Paris, 1860), i. p. 195, and following.
[9.26]Actsviii. 39–40. CompareLukeiv. 14.
[9.27]Actsix. 32, 38.
[9.28]Ib. viii. 40; xi. 11.
[9.29]Ib. xxi. 8.
[9.30]Jos.B. J.III. ix. 1.
[9.31]Actsxxiii. 23, and following; xxv. 1, 5; TacitusHist.ii. 79.
[9.32]Jos.B. J.III. ix. 1.
[9.33]Jos.Ant.XX. viii. 7;B. J.II. xiii. 5; xiv. 5; xviii. 1.
[9.34]Palm. of Jerusalem,Sota, 21 b.
[9.35]Jos.Ant.XIX. vii. 3–4; viii. 2.
[9.36]Actsxi. 19.
[9.37]Ib. ix. 2, 10, 19.
CHAPTER X.
[10.1]This date resulted from the comparison of chapters ix., xi., xii. of theActswith Gal. i. 18; ii. 1, and from the synchronism presented by Chapter xii. of theActswith profane history, a synchronism which fixes the date of the incidents detailed in this chapter at the year 44.[10.2]Actsix. 11; xxi. 39; xxii. 3.[10.3]In the Epistle to Philemon, written about the year 61, he calls himself an “old man” (v. 9);Actsvii. 57, he calls himself a young man.[10.4]In the same way that those named “Jesus” often called themselves “Jason;” the “Josephs,” “Hegesippe;” the “Eliacim,” “Alcime,” etc. St. Jerome (De Viris Ill.5) supposes Paul took his name from the proconsul Sergius Paulus (Actsxiii. 9). Such an explanation seems hardly admissible. If theActsonly give to Saul the name of “Paul,” after his relations with that personage, that would argue that the supposed conversion of Sergius was the first important act of Paul as apostle of the Gentiles.[10.5]Actsxiii. 9, and following. The closing phrases of all the Epistles; II. Peter iii. 15.[10.6]The Ebionite calumnies (Epiphan.Adv. hær.xxx. 16, 25) should not be seriously taken.[10.7]St. Jerome,loc. cit.Inadmissible as the present St. Jerome, though this tradition appears to have some foundation.[10.8]Rom. xi. 1; Phil. iii. 5.[10.9]Actsxxii. 28.[10.10]Actsxxiii. 6.[10.11]Phil. iii. 5;Actsxxvi. 5.[10.12]Actsvi. 9; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 36.[10.13]Strabo XIV. x. 13.[10.14]Ibid. XIV. x. 14, 15; PhilostratusVie d'Apollonius, 1, 7.[10.15]Jos.Ant., last paragraph, Cf.Vie de Jésus.[10.16]Philostratus,loc. cit.[10.17]Actsxvii. 22, etc.; xxi. 37.[10.18]Gal. vi. 11; Rom. xvi. 22.[10.19]II. Cor. xi. 6.[10.20]Actsxxi. 40. I have elsewhere explained the sense of the word Ἑβραïστί.Hist. des Langes Sémit.ii. 1, 5; iii. 1, 2.[10.21]Actsxxvi. 14.[10.22]I. Cor. xv. 33, Cf. Meinecke.Menandri fragm.p. 75.[10.23]Tit. i. 12;Actsxvii. 28. The authenticity of the Epistle to Titus is very doubtful. As to the discourse in chapter xvii. of theActs, it is the work of the author of theActsrather than of St. Paul.[10.24]The verse quoted from Aratus (Phænom. 5) is really found in Cleanthes (Hymn to Jupiter, 5). Both are doubtless taken from some anonymous religious hymn.[10.25]Gal. i. 14.[10.26]Actsxvii. 22, etc. Observe note 23.[10.27]SeeVie de Jésus, p. 72.[10.28]Actsxviii. 3.[10.29]Ibid.xviii. 3; I. Cor. iv. 12; I. Thess. ii. 9; II. Thess. iii. 8.[10.30]Actsxxiii. 16.[10.31]II. Cor. viii. 18, 22; xii. 18.[10.32]Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21.[10.33]See above all the Epistle to Philemon.[10.34]Gal. v. 12; Phil. iii. 2.[10.35]II. Cor. x. 10.[10.36]Acta Pauli et Theclæ3, in Tischendorf,Acta Apost., apocr. (Leipzig, 1851), p. 41, and the notes (an ancient text perhaps, the original spoken of by Tertullian); thePhilopatris, 12 (composed about 363); Malala Chronogr. p. 257, edit. Bonn; Nicephore,Hist. Eccl.ii. 37. All these passages, above all that ofPhilopatris, admit that these were ancient portraits.[10.37]I. Cor. ii. 1, etc.; II. Cor. x. 1, 2, 10; xi. 6.[10.38]I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. x. 10.[10.39]II. Cor. xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10.[10.40]I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. i. 8, 9; x. 10; xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10; Gal. iv. 13, 14.[10.41]II. Cor. xii. 7–10.[10.42]I. Cor. vii. 7, 8, and the context.[10.43]I. Cor. vii. 7, 8; ix. 5. This second passage is far from being demonstrative. Phil. iv. 3, would imply the contrary. Comp. Clement of Alexandria,Strom.iii. 6, and Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iii. 30. The passage I. Cor. vii. 7, 8 alone has any weight on this point.[10.44]I. Cor. vii. 7–9.[10.45]Actsxxii. 3; xxvi. 4.[10.46]Ibid. xxii. 3. Paul does not speak of this matter in certain parts of his Epistles where he would naturally mention him (Phil. iii. 5). There is an absolute contradiction between the principles of Gamaliel (Actsv. 34, etc.) and the conduct of Paul before his conversion.[10.47]Gal. i. 13, 14;Actsxxii. 3; xxvi. 5.[10.48]II. Cor. v. 16, does not implicate him. The passagesActsxxii. 3, xxvi. 4, give reason to believe that Paul was at Jerusalem at the same time as Jesus. But it does not follow that he saw him.[10.49]Actsxxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 10, 11.[10.50]Ibid. xxvi. 11.[10.51]High-Priest from 37 to 42; Jos.Ant. XVIII. v. 3; XIX. vi. 2.[10.52]Actsix. 1, 2, 14; xxii. 5; xxvi. 12.[10.53]SeeRevue Numismatique, new series, vol. iii. (1858), p. 296, etc.; 362, etc.;Revue Archéol., April, 1864, p. 284, etc.[10.54]Jos. B. J. II. xx. 2.[10.55]II. Cor. xi. 32. The Roman money at Damascus is wanting during the reigns of Caligula and Claud. Eckhel,Doctrina num. vet., part 1, vol. iii. p. 330. Damascus money, stamped “Arétas Philhellenius” (ibid.), seems to be of our Hâreth (communication of M. Waddington).[10.56]Jos.Ant.XVIII. v. 1, 3.[10.57]Comp.Actsxii. 3; xxiv. 27; xxv. 9.[10.58]Actsv. 34, etc.[10.59]See an analogous trait in the conversion of Omar. Ibn-Hiseham.Sirat errasoul, p. 226 (Wüstenfeld edition).[10.60]Actsix. 3; xxii. 6; xxvi. 13.[10.61]Actsix. 4, 8; xxii. 7, 11; xxvi. 14, 16.[10.62]It is here that the tradition of the middle ages locates the miracle.[10.63]This results fromActsix. 3, 8; xxii. 6, 11.[10.64]Nahr el-Aroadj.[10.65]The plain is really more than seventeen hundred feet above the level of the sea.[10.66]Actsxxvi. 14.[10.67]From Jerusalem to Damascus is over eight days' journey.[10.68]Actsix. 8, 9, 18; xxii. 11, 13.[10.69]II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.[10.70]I experienced a crisis of this kind at Byblos; and with other principles I would certainly have taken the hallucinations that I had then for visions.[10.71]We possess thirteen accounts of this important episode:Actsix. 1, etc.; xxii. 5, etc.; xxvi. 12, etc. The differences remarked between these passages prove that the apostle himself varied in the accounts he gave of his conversion. That inActsix. itself is not homogeneous, as we shall soon see. Comp. Gal. i. 15–17; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8;Actsix. 27.[10.72]With the Mormons, and in the American trances, almost all the conversions are also induced by nervous excitement, producing hallucinations.[10.73]The circumstance that the companions of Paul saw and heard as he did may be legendary, especially as the accounts are on this point, being in direct contradiction. Comp.Actsix. 7; xxii. 9; xxvi. 13. The hypothesis of a fall from a horse is refuted by these accounts. The opinion which rejects entirely the narration in theActs, founded on ἐν ἐμοί of Gal. i. 16, is exaggerated, ἐν Ἐμοί in this passage, has the sense of “for me.” Comp. Gal. i. 24. Paul surely had at a fixed moment, a vision which resulted in his conversion.[10.74]Actsix. 3, 7; xxii. 6, 9, 11; xxvi. 13.[10.75]This was my experience during my illness at Byblos. My recollections of the evening preceding the day of the trance are totally effaced.[10.76]II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.[10.77]Actsix. 27; Gal. i. 16; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8; Hom. Pseudo-Clem, xvii. 13–19. Comp. the experience of Omar,Sirat errasoul, p. 226, etc.[10.78]Actsix. 8; xxii. 11.[10.79]Its ancient Arabic name wasTarik el Adhwa. It is now calledTarik el Mustekim, answering to Ῥύμη ἐυθεῖα. The eastern gate (Bâb Sharki) and a few vestiges of the colonnades yet remain. See the Arabic texts given by Wustenfield in theZeitschrift für vergleichende Erdkundeof Lüdde for the year 1842, p. 168; Porter,Syria and Palestine, p. 477; Wilson,The Lands of the Bible, II., 345, 355–52.[10.80]Actsxxii. 11.[10.81]The account given inActsix. appears to have been formed from two mingled narratives. One, the more original, comprises vv. 9, &c. The other more developed, containing more dialogue and legend, includes verses 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. The 12th verse belongs neither to that which precedes nor to that which follows it. The account in chapter xxii. 12–16, is more conformed to the above-mentioned texts.[10.82]Actsix. 12. It should read ἄνδρα ἐν ὁράματι according to manuscript B. of the Vatican. Comp. verse 10.[10.83]Actsix. 18; comp.Tobit, ii. 9; vi. 10; xi. 13.[10.84]Actsix. 18; xxii. 16.[10.85]Gal. i. 2, 8–9, 11, &c.; I. Cor. ix. 1; xi. 23; xv. 8, 9; Col. i. 25; Ephes. i. 19; iii. 3, 7, 8;Actsxx. 24; xxii. 14–15, 21; xxvi. 16; Homiliæ Pseudo-Clem., xvii. 13–19.[10.86]Gal. i. 17.[10.87]Ἀραβία is “the province of Arabia,” principally composed of the Hauran[10.88]Gal. i. 17, &c.;Actsix. 19, &c.; xxvi. 20. The author of theActsbelieves that this first sojourn at Damascus was short, and thatPaul shortly after his conversion, came to Jerusalem and preached there. (Comp. xxii. 17.) But the passage of the epistle to the Galatians is peremptory.[10.89]Insc. discovered by Waddington and De Vogüé (Revue Archéol., April, 1864, p. 284, &c.,Comptes Rendusde l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1865, p. 106–108).[10.90]Dion Cass. lix. 12.[10.91]I have discussed this in theBulletin Archéologiqueof Langperier and De Wette, September, 1856.[10.92]Gal. i. 16, with following verses, prove that Paul preached immediately after his conversion.[10.93]Jos. B. J., I., ii. 25; II., xx. 2.[10.94]Actsix. 20–22.[10.95]Gal. i. 16. It is the sense of οὐ προσανεθέμην σαρκὶ και αἵματι.
[10.1]This date resulted from the comparison of chapters ix., xi., xii. of theActswith Gal. i. 18; ii. 1, and from the synchronism presented by Chapter xii. of theActswith profane history, a synchronism which fixes the date of the incidents detailed in this chapter at the year 44.
[10.2]Actsix. 11; xxi. 39; xxii. 3.
[10.3]In the Epistle to Philemon, written about the year 61, he calls himself an “old man” (v. 9);Actsvii. 57, he calls himself a young man.
[10.4]In the same way that those named “Jesus” often called themselves “Jason;” the “Josephs,” “Hegesippe;” the “Eliacim,” “Alcime,” etc. St. Jerome (De Viris Ill.5) supposes Paul took his name from the proconsul Sergius Paulus (Actsxiii. 9). Such an explanation seems hardly admissible. If theActsonly give to Saul the name of “Paul,” after his relations with that personage, that would argue that the supposed conversion of Sergius was the first important act of Paul as apostle of the Gentiles.
[10.5]Actsxiii. 9, and following. The closing phrases of all the Epistles; II. Peter iii. 15.
[10.6]The Ebionite calumnies (Epiphan.Adv. hær.xxx. 16, 25) should not be seriously taken.
[10.7]St. Jerome,loc. cit.Inadmissible as the present St. Jerome, though this tradition appears to have some foundation.
[10.8]Rom. xi. 1; Phil. iii. 5.
[10.9]Actsxxii. 28.
[10.10]Actsxxiii. 6.
[10.11]Phil. iii. 5;Actsxxvi. 5.
[10.12]Actsvi. 9; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 36.
[10.13]Strabo XIV. x. 13.
[10.14]Ibid. XIV. x. 14, 15; PhilostratusVie d'Apollonius, 1, 7.
[10.15]Jos.Ant., last paragraph, Cf.Vie de Jésus.
[10.16]Philostratus,loc. cit.
[10.17]Actsxvii. 22, etc.; xxi. 37.
[10.18]Gal. vi. 11; Rom. xvi. 22.
[10.19]II. Cor. xi. 6.
[10.20]Actsxxi. 40. I have elsewhere explained the sense of the word Ἑβραïστί.Hist. des Langes Sémit.ii. 1, 5; iii. 1, 2.
[10.21]Actsxxvi. 14.
[10.22]I. Cor. xv. 33, Cf. Meinecke.Menandri fragm.p. 75.
[10.23]Tit. i. 12;Actsxvii. 28. The authenticity of the Epistle to Titus is very doubtful. As to the discourse in chapter xvii. of theActs, it is the work of the author of theActsrather than of St. Paul.
[10.24]The verse quoted from Aratus (Phænom. 5) is really found in Cleanthes (Hymn to Jupiter, 5). Both are doubtless taken from some anonymous religious hymn.
[10.25]Gal. i. 14.
[10.26]Actsxvii. 22, etc. Observe note 23.
[10.27]SeeVie de Jésus, p. 72.
[10.28]Actsxviii. 3.
[10.29]Ibid.xviii. 3; I. Cor. iv. 12; I. Thess. ii. 9; II. Thess. iii. 8.
[10.30]Actsxxiii. 16.
[10.31]II. Cor. viii. 18, 22; xii. 18.
[10.32]Rom. xvi. 7, 11, 21.
[10.33]See above all the Epistle to Philemon.
[10.34]Gal. v. 12; Phil. iii. 2.
[10.35]II. Cor. x. 10.
[10.36]Acta Pauli et Theclæ3, in Tischendorf,Acta Apost., apocr. (Leipzig, 1851), p. 41, and the notes (an ancient text perhaps, the original spoken of by Tertullian); thePhilopatris, 12 (composed about 363); Malala Chronogr. p. 257, edit. Bonn; Nicephore,Hist. Eccl.ii. 37. All these passages, above all that ofPhilopatris, admit that these were ancient portraits.
[10.37]I. Cor. ii. 1, etc.; II. Cor. x. 1, 2, 10; xi. 6.
[10.38]I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. x. 10.
[10.39]II. Cor. xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10.
[10.40]I. Cor. ii. 3; II. Cor. i. 8, 9; x. 10; xi. 30; xii. 5, 9, 10; Gal. iv. 13, 14.
[10.41]II. Cor. xii. 7–10.
[10.42]I. Cor. vii. 7, 8, and the context.
[10.43]I. Cor. vii. 7, 8; ix. 5. This second passage is far from being demonstrative. Phil. iv. 3, would imply the contrary. Comp. Clement of Alexandria,Strom.iii. 6, and Euseb.Hist. Eccl.iii. 30. The passage I. Cor. vii. 7, 8 alone has any weight on this point.
[10.44]I. Cor. vii. 7–9.
[10.45]Actsxxii. 3; xxvi. 4.
[10.46]Ibid. xxii. 3. Paul does not speak of this matter in certain parts of his Epistles where he would naturally mention him (Phil. iii. 5). There is an absolute contradiction between the principles of Gamaliel (Actsv. 34, etc.) and the conduct of Paul before his conversion.
[10.47]Gal. i. 13, 14;Actsxxii. 3; xxvi. 5.
[10.48]II. Cor. v. 16, does not implicate him. The passagesActsxxii. 3, xxvi. 4, give reason to believe that Paul was at Jerusalem at the same time as Jesus. But it does not follow that he saw him.
[10.49]Actsxxii. 4, 19; xxvi. 10, 11.
[10.50]Ibid. xxvi. 11.
[10.51]High-Priest from 37 to 42; Jos.Ant. XVIII. v. 3; XIX. vi. 2.
[10.52]Actsix. 1, 2, 14; xxii. 5; xxvi. 12.
[10.53]SeeRevue Numismatique, new series, vol. iii. (1858), p. 296, etc.; 362, etc.;Revue Archéol., April, 1864, p. 284, etc.
[10.54]Jos. B. J. II. xx. 2.
[10.55]II. Cor. xi. 32. The Roman money at Damascus is wanting during the reigns of Caligula and Claud. Eckhel,Doctrina num. vet., part 1, vol. iii. p. 330. Damascus money, stamped “Arétas Philhellenius” (ibid.), seems to be of our Hâreth (communication of M. Waddington).
[10.56]Jos.Ant.XVIII. v. 1, 3.
[10.57]Comp.Actsxii. 3; xxiv. 27; xxv. 9.
[10.58]Actsv. 34, etc.
[10.59]See an analogous trait in the conversion of Omar. Ibn-Hiseham.Sirat errasoul, p. 226 (Wüstenfeld edition).
[10.60]Actsix. 3; xxii. 6; xxvi. 13.
[10.61]Actsix. 4, 8; xxii. 7, 11; xxvi. 14, 16.
[10.62]It is here that the tradition of the middle ages locates the miracle.
[10.63]This results fromActsix. 3, 8; xxii. 6, 11.
[10.64]Nahr el-Aroadj.
[10.65]The plain is really more than seventeen hundred feet above the level of the sea.
[10.66]Actsxxvi. 14.
[10.67]From Jerusalem to Damascus is over eight days' journey.
[10.68]Actsix. 8, 9, 18; xxii. 11, 13.
[10.69]II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.
[10.70]I experienced a crisis of this kind at Byblos; and with other principles I would certainly have taken the hallucinations that I had then for visions.
[10.71]We possess thirteen accounts of this important episode:Actsix. 1, etc.; xxii. 5, etc.; xxvi. 12, etc. The differences remarked between these passages prove that the apostle himself varied in the accounts he gave of his conversion. That inActsix. itself is not homogeneous, as we shall soon see. Comp. Gal. i. 15–17; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8;Actsix. 27.
[10.72]With the Mormons, and in the American trances, almost all the conversions are also induced by nervous excitement, producing hallucinations.
[10.73]The circumstance that the companions of Paul saw and heard as he did may be legendary, especially as the accounts are on this point, being in direct contradiction. Comp.Actsix. 7; xxii. 9; xxvi. 13. The hypothesis of a fall from a horse is refuted by these accounts. The opinion which rejects entirely the narration in theActs, founded on ἐν ἐμοί of Gal. i. 16, is exaggerated, ἐν Ἐμοί in this passage, has the sense of “for me.” Comp. Gal. i. 24. Paul surely had at a fixed moment, a vision which resulted in his conversion.
[10.74]Actsix. 3, 7; xxii. 6, 9, 11; xxvi. 13.
[10.75]This was my experience during my illness at Byblos. My recollections of the evening preceding the day of the trance are totally effaced.
[10.76]II. Cor. xii. 1, etc.
[10.77]Actsix. 27; Gal. i. 16; I. Cor. ix. 1; xv. 8; Hom. Pseudo-Clem, xvii. 13–19. Comp. the experience of Omar,Sirat errasoul, p. 226, etc.
[10.78]Actsix. 8; xxii. 11.
[10.79]Its ancient Arabic name wasTarik el Adhwa. It is now calledTarik el Mustekim, answering to Ῥύμη ἐυθεῖα. The eastern gate (Bâb Sharki) and a few vestiges of the colonnades yet remain. See the Arabic texts given by Wustenfield in theZeitschrift für vergleichende Erdkundeof Lüdde for the year 1842, p. 168; Porter,Syria and Palestine, p. 477; Wilson,The Lands of the Bible, II., 345, 355–52.
[10.80]Actsxxii. 11.
[10.81]The account given inActsix. appears to have been formed from two mingled narratives. One, the more original, comprises vv. 9, &c. The other more developed, containing more dialogue and legend, includes verses 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. The 12th verse belongs neither to that which precedes nor to that which follows it. The account in chapter xxii. 12–16, is more conformed to the above-mentioned texts.
[10.82]Actsix. 12. It should read ἄνδρα ἐν ὁράματι according to manuscript B. of the Vatican. Comp. verse 10.
[10.83]Actsix. 18; comp.Tobit, ii. 9; vi. 10; xi. 13.
[10.84]Actsix. 18; xxii. 16.
[10.85]Gal. i. 2, 8–9, 11, &c.; I. Cor. ix. 1; xi. 23; xv. 8, 9; Col. i. 25; Ephes. i. 19; iii. 3, 7, 8;Actsxx. 24; xxii. 14–15, 21; xxvi. 16; Homiliæ Pseudo-Clem., xvii. 13–19.
[10.86]Gal. i. 17.
[10.87]Ἀραβία is “the province of Arabia,” principally composed of the Hauran
[10.88]Gal. i. 17, &c.;Actsix. 19, &c.; xxvi. 20. The author of theActsbelieves that this first sojourn at Damascus was short, and thatPaul shortly after his conversion, came to Jerusalem and preached there. (Comp. xxii. 17.) But the passage of the epistle to the Galatians is peremptory.
[10.89]Insc. discovered by Waddington and De Vogüé (Revue Archéol., April, 1864, p. 284, &c.,Comptes Rendusde l'Acad. des Inscr. et B. L., 1865, p. 106–108).
[10.90]Dion Cass. lix. 12.
[10.91]I have discussed this in theBulletin Archéologiqueof Langperier and De Wette, September, 1856.
[10.92]Gal. i. 16, with following verses, prove that Paul preached immediately after his conversion.
[10.93]Jos. B. J., I., ii. 25; II., xx. 2.
[10.94]Actsix. 20–22.
[10.95]Gal. i. 16. It is the sense of οὐ προσανεθέμην σαρκὶ και αἵματι.
CHAPTER XI.