[11.1]Acts ix. 31.[11.2]See the atrociously naïve avowal of 3 Macc. vii. 12, 13.[11.3]Read the 3d Book (apocryphal) of Maccabees, entire, and compare it with that of Esther.[11.4]Suetonius,Caius, 22, 52; Dion Cassius, lix. 26, 28; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 25, &c.; Josephus,Ant.XVIII., viii.; XIX., i. 1–2;B. J., II. x.[11.5]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 30.[11.6]Philo,In Flaccum, § 7;Leg. ad Caium, § 18, 20, 26, 43.[11.7]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 29; Josephus,Ant. XVIII. viii.;B. J.II. x.: Tacitus,Ann. XII. 54;Hist. V. 9, completing the first passage by the second.[11.8]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 27, 30, 44, and following.[11.9]Acts ix. 31.[11.10]Gal. i. 18, 19; ii. 9.[11.11]Acts xi. 29, 30.[11.12]Acts ix. 32.[11.13]At this day,Ludd.[11.14]Acts ix. 32–35.[11.15]Jaffa.[11.16]Jos.Ant.XIV., x. 6.[11.17]Acts ix. 43; x. 6, 17, 32.[11.18]Mischna,Ketuboth, vii. 10.[11.19]Compare Gruter, p. 891, 4; Reinesius,Inscript., XIV. 61; Mommsen,Inscr. regni Neap., 622, 2094, 3052, 4985; Pape,Wört der Griech. Eigenn., on this word Cf. Jos.B. J.IV., iii. 6.[11.20]Acts ix. 36, and following.[11.21]Ibid. ix. 39. The Greek runs: ὅσα ἐποίει μετ’ αὐτῶν οὖσα.[11.22]Ibid. ix, 32, 44.[11.23]Acts x. 9–16; xi. 5–10.[11.24]Ibid. x. 1; xi. 18.[11.25]There were at least thirty-two. (Orelli & Heuzen,Inscr. Lat., Nos. 90, 512, 6756.)[11.26]Compare Acts xxvii. 1. and Heuzen, No. 6709.[11.27]Compare Luke vii. 2, and following. Luke is priding himself, it is true, upon this idea of virtuous centurions, Jews in heart without circumcision (see Introduction). But the example of Izates (Jos.Ant., xx., ii. 5), proves that such situations were possible. Compare Jos.B. J., II., xxviii. 2; Orelli,Inscr., No. 2523.[11.28]Acts x. 2, 7.[11.29]This seems, it is true, in contradiction to Gal. ii. 7–9. But the conduct of Peter in that which relates to the admission of the Gentiles was never very consistent. Gal. ii. 12.[11.30]Acts xi. 18.[11.31]Ibid. xv. 1, and following.[11.32]II. Cor. ii 32, 33; Acts ix. 23–25.[11.33]Gal. i. 18.[11.34]Ibid. i. 18.[11.35]Ibid. i. 23.[11.36]Actsix. 26.[11.37]Gal. i. 18.[11.38]Actsix. 26.[11.39]Acts ix. 27. All this portion of the Acts has too little historical value to enable us to affirm that this fine action of Barnabas took place during the fifteen days that Paul passed at Jerusalem. But there is no doubt, in the manner in which theActspresent the case, a true sentiment of the relations of Paul and Barnabas.[11.40]Gal. i. 19, 20.[11.41]Ibid. i. 18. Impossible, consequently, to admit as exact the 28th and 29th verses of Acts ix. The author of theActsmakes an abusive employment of these ambushes and murderous projects. The Acts vary from the Epistle to the Galatians in supposing the sojourn of St. Paul at Jerusalem too long, and too near to his conversion. Naturally the Epistle merits our preference, at least, as to its chronology and the material circumstances.[11.42]See especially the Epistle to the Galatians.[11.43]Epistle to the Galatians, i. 11, 12, and nearly throughout; I. Cor. ix. 1, and following; xv. 1, and following; II. Cor. xi. 21, and following.[11.44]We find this sentiment more or less directly; Rom. xii. 14; I. Cor. xiii. 2; II. Cor. iii. 6; I. Thess. iv. 8; v. 2, 6.[11.45]Gal. i. 22, 23.[11.46]Actsxx. 17, 21.[11.47]Actsix. 29, 30.[11.48]48. Gal. i. 21.[11.49]Acts ix. 30; xi. 25. The capital chronological datum for this epoch of the life of St. Paul is Gal. i. 18; ii. 1.[11.50]Cilicia had a church in the year 51.Actsxv. 23, 41.[11.51]It is in the Epistle to the Galatians (towards 56), that Paul places himself for the first time openly in the rank of the apostles (i. 1, and the following). According to Gal. ii. 7–10, he had received this title in 51. Still he did not assume it, even in the subscription of the two Epistles to the Thessalonians, which are of the year 53. I. Thess. ii. 6, does not imply an official title. The author of theActsnever gives Paul the name of “apostle.” “The apostles,” for the author of theActs, are “the Twelve.” Acts xiv. 4, 14, is an exception.CHAPTER XII.[12.1]Acts xi. 19.[12.2]Josephus,Wars of the Jews, ii. 4. Rome and Alexandria were the two chief ones; compare Strabo xvi. ii. 5.[12.3]Compare Otfried Müller,Antiochian Antiquities, Göttingen, 1839, p. 68. John Chrysostom, onSaint Ignatius, 4 (opp. t. ii. p. 597, edit. Montfaucon):On Matthew, Homilies lxxxv. 4. (vol. viii. p. 810). He estimates the population of Antioch at two hundred thousand souls, without counting slaves, infants, and the immense suburbs. The present city has a population of not more than seven thousand.[12.4]The corresponding streets of Palmyra, Gerasium, Gadara, and Sebaste, were probably imitations of the grandCorsoof Antioch.[12.5]Some traces of it are found in the direction ofBâb Bolos.[12.6]Dion Chrysostome, Orat. xlvii. (vol. ii. p. 229, edit. Reiske), Libanius,Antiochicus, p. 337, 340, 342, 356 (edit. Reiske), Malala, p. 232, et seq., 276, 280, et seq. (Bonn, edition.) The constructor of these great works was Antiochus Epiphanes.[12.7]Libanius,Antioch.342, 344.[12.8]Pausanias, vi. ii. 7; Malala, p. 201; Visconti Mus. Pio-clemen., vol. iii. 46. See especially the medals of Antioch.[12.9]Pierian, Bottian, Penean, Tempean, Castalian, Olympic games, Jopolis (which was referred to Io). The city pretended to be indebted for its celebrity to Inachus, to Orestes, to Daphne and to Triptolemus.[12.10]See Malala, p. 199; Spartian,Life of Adrian, p. 14; Julian,Misopogon, p. 361, 362; Ammian Marcellin., xxii. 14; Eckhel,Doct. num vet.part i. 3, p. 326; Guigniaut,Religions de l'Ant. planchesNo. 268.[12.11]John Chrysostom,Ad pop. Antioch.homil. xix. 1; (vol. ii. p. 189.) De sanctis martyr. i. (vol. ii. p. 651.)[12.12]Libanius, Antioch., p. 348.[12.13]Act. SS. Maii, v. p. 383, 409, 414, 415, 416; Assemani,Bib. or., ii. 323.[12.14]Juvenal Sat., iii. 62, et seq.; Stacc.Silves, i. vi. 72.[12.15]TacitusAnn.ii. 69.[12.16]Malala, p. 284, 287, et seq.; Libanius,De Angariis, p. 555, et seq.;De carcere vinctis, p. 445, et seq.;ad Timocratem, p. 385;Antioch, 323; Philost.,Vit Apoll.i. 16; Lucian,De Saltatione, 76; Diod. Sic. fragm. lib. xxxiv. No. 34 (p. 358, ed. Dindorf); John Chrysos. Homil. vii. in Matt. 5 (vol. vii. p. 113); lxxiii.in Matt.3 (ibid. p. 712);De consubst. contra Anon., 1 (vol i., p. 501);De Anna, 1 (vol. iv. p. 730),De David et Saüleiii. 1 (vol. iv. 768, 770); Julian Misopogon, p. 343, 350, edit. Spanheim;Actes de Sainte Thècle, attributed to Basil of Seleucia, published by P. Pantius (Auvers, 1608) p. 70.[12.17]Philostr.Apoll.iii. 58; Ausonius,Clar. Urb., 2; J. CapitolinVerus, 7;Marcus Aurelius, 25; Herodian ii. 10; John of Antioch in the Excerpta Valesiana, p. 844; Suidas, at the word Ἰοβιανός.[12.18]JulianMisopogon, p. 344, 365, etc.; Eunap.Vie des Soph., p. 496, edit. Boissònade (Didot);Ammien Marcellinxxii. 14.[12.19]John Chrysos.De Lazaro, ii. 11 (vol. 1. p. 722, 723).[12.20]Cic. pro. Archiâ, 3, making allowance for the usual exaggeration of an advocate.[12.21]PhilostratusVie d' Apollonius, iii. 58.[12.22]Malala, p. 287, 289.[12.23]John Chrysos., Homil. vii.On Matt.5, 6. (vol. vii. p. 113); See O. Müller,Antiq. Antioch., p. 33 note.[12.24]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 355–366.[12.25]Juvenal, iii. 62 et seq. and Forcellini, in the wordambubaja, where he observes that the wordambubais Syriac.[12.26]Libanius,Antiochp. 315;De carcere vinctis, p. 455; Julian Misopogon, p. 367, edit. Spanheim.[12.27]Libanius,Pro rhetoribus, p. 211.[12.28]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 363.[12.29]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 354 et seq.[12.30]The actual enclosure, which is of the time of Justinian, presents the same particulars.[12.31]Libanius,Antioch., p. 337, 338, 339.[12.32]The lakeAk Denir, which forms on this side the actual limit of the territory of Antakieh, had, as it appears, no existence in olden times. See Ritter,Erdkunde, xvii. p. 1149, 1613 et seq.[12.33]JosephusAnt., xii. iii. 1; xiv. xii. 6;Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 5; vii. iii. 2–4.[12.34]Josephus,against Apion, ii. 4;Wars of the Jews, vii. iii. 2–4.[12.35]Malala, p. 244, 245; Jos.,Wars of the Jews, vii. v. 2.[12.36]Actsvi. 5.[12.37]Ibid. xi. 19, et seq.[12.38]Compare Josephus,Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 2.[12.39]Actsxv. 20, 21. The proper reading is Ἕλληνας Ἕλληνιστας comes from a false agreement with ix. 29.[12.40]Malala, p. 245. The narrative of Malala cannot, indeed, be exact, Josephus says not a word respecting the invasion of which the chronographer makes mention.[12.41]Malala, p 243, 265–266. Compare “Memoirs of Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres,” session of 17 August, 1865.[12.42]S Athanasius,Tomus ad Antioch. (Opp. vol. i. p. 771, edit. Montfaucon); S. John Chrysostom,Ad pop. Antioch, Homil. i. and ii. beginning (vol. ii. p. i and xx.);In Inscr.Act. ii. beginning (vol. iii. 60);Chron. Pasch., p. 296 (Paris); Theodoret, Hist. Eccl., ii. 27; iii. 2. 8. 9. The agreement of these passages does not permit of ἐν τῆ καλουμένη Παλαιᾷ being rendered by “in that which was called the old town,” as the editors have sometimes done.[12.43]Malala, p. 242.[12.44]Pococke,Descript. of the East, vol. ii. part i. p. 192 (London 1745), Chesney,Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, i. 425, et seq.[12.45]That is to say, opposite to that part of the old town which is still inhabited.[12.46]See below.[12.47]The type of the Maronites is reproduced in a striking manner in the country of Antakieh, Soneideieb, and Beylan.[12.48]F. Naironi,Anoplia fidei Cathol.(Rome, 1694), p 58, et seq., and the work of S. Em. Paul Peter Masad, present patriarch of the Maronites, entitled Kitab ed. durr ed. manzoum (in Arabic, printed at the convent of Zamisch in the Kesronan, 1863).[12.49]Actsxi. 19, 20; xiii. 1.[12.50]Gal. ii. 11, et seq., presumes it to be so.CHAPTER XIII.[13.1]Actsxi. 22, &c.[13.2]Actsxi. 25.[13.3]Actsxi. 26.[13.4]Libanius.Pro templis, p. 164, &c.;De carcere vinctis, p. 458.; Theodoret,Hist. Eccl.iv. 28; Jean Chrysost.; Homil. lxxii.in Matt.3 (vol. vii. p. 705).In Epist. ad Ephes.Hom. vi. 4 (vol. xi. p. 44); In i. Tim. Hom. xiv. 3 &c. (ibid. p. 628, &c.); Nicephore xii. 44; Glycas p. 257 (Paris edition).[13.5]Actsxi. 26.[13.6]The passages I. Petri iv. 16, and James ii. 7, compared with Suet.Nero16, and with Tac.Ann.xv. 44, confirm this idea. See alsoActsxxvi. 28.[13.7]It is true that we find Ἀσιανός (Actsxx. 4; Philo. Legatio, 36; Strabo, etc.). But it seems to be a Latinism like Δαλδιανοί, and the names of the sects Σιμωνιανοί, Κηρινθιανοί, Σηθιανοί, etc. The Greek derivative χριστός had been χριστειος. It serves nothing to say that the terminationanusis a Doric form of the Greek ηνος; this was not known at all during the first century.[13.8]Tac. (loc. cit.) so interprets it.[13.9]Suet.Claud.25. We shall discuss this passage in our next book.[13.10]CorpusInscr. Gr.Nos. 2883 d., 3857 g., 3857 p., 3865 l. Tertul.Apol.3; Lactance Divin. Inst. iv. 7. Comp. the French formchrestien.[13.11]James ii. 7, only implies an occasional usage.[13.12]Actsxxiv. 5; Tertull.Adv. Marcionemiv. 8.[13.13]Nesârâ.The names ofmeschihoioin Syriac,mesihiin Arabic, are relatively modern, and outlined from χριστιανός. The name of “Galileans” is much more recent. Julian gave it an official signification. Jul.Epist.vii.; Gregory, Orat. iv. (Invect. i.), 76; S. Cyrille d'Alex.Contre Julienii. p. 39, (Spanheim ed.);Philopatris, dialogue falsely attributed to Lucian, though really of the time of Julien, § 12; TheodoretHist. Eccl.iii. 4. I believe that in Epictetus (Arrien,Dissert.iv., vii., 6) and in Marcus Aurelius (Penséesxi. 3), this name does not designate Christians, but rather “assassins” (Sicaires), fanatical disciples of Judas the Galilean or the Gaulonite, and of John of Gisehala.[13.14]I. Petri iv. 16; James ii. 7.[13.15]Actsxiii. 2.[13.16]Ibid xiii 1.[13.17]See chapter vi.[13.18]Actsxiii. 1.[13.19]Euseb.Chron.at the year 43;Hist. Eccl.iii. 22. IgnatiiEpist. ad Antioch.(apocr.) 7.[13.20]I. Cor. xiv. entire.[13.21]II. Cor. xii. 1–5.[13.22]It places this vision fourteen years before he wrote the second Epistle to the Corinthians, which dates about the year 57. It is not impossible, however, that he was still at Tarsus.[13.23]For Jewish ideas about the heavens, seeTestam. des 12 patr.Levi. 3;Ascension d'Isaïe, vi. 13; viii. 8, and all the rest of the book; Talm. of Babyl.,Chagiga12 b.; MidraschimBereschith rabba, sect. xix. fol. 19 c.;Schemoth rabba, sect. xv. fol. 115 d.;Bammiabar rabba, sect, xiii fol. 218 a.;Debarim rabba, sect. ii. fol. 253 a.;Schir hasschirim rabba, fol. 24 d.[13.24]Comp. Talmud of Babylon,Chagiga, 14 b.[13.25]Comp.Ascension d'Isaïe, vi. 15; vii. 3, &c.[13.26]II. Cor. xii. 12; Rom. xv. 19.[13.27]I. Cor. xii. entire.[13.28]Actsxi. 29; xxiv. 17; Gal. ii. 10; Rom. xv. 26; I. Cor. xvi. 1; II. Cor. viii. 4, 14; ix. 1, 12.[13.29]Jos.Ant.XVIII., vi., 3, 4; XX., v. 2.[13.30]James ii. 5, &c.[13.31]Actsxi. 28; Jos.Ant.XX., ii. 6; v. 2; Euseb.Hist. Eccl.ii. 8, 12. Comp.Actsxii. 20; Tac. Ann. xii. 43; Suet.Claud.18; Dion Cass. lx. 11. Aurelius Victor, Cas., 4; Euseb.Chron.year 43, &c. The reign of Claudius was afflicted almost every year by partial famines.[13.32]Actsxi. 27, &c.[13.33]The book ofActs(xi. 30; xii. 25) includes Paul in this journey. But Paul declares that between his first sojourn of two weeks and his journey for the affair of the circumcision, he did not visit Jerusalem. (Gal. ii. 1.) See Introduction.[13.34]Gal. i., 17–19.[13.35]Actsxiii. 3; xv. 36; xviii. 23.[13.36]Ibid. xiv. 25; xviii. 22.CHAPTER XIV.[14.1]The inscriptions of these countries fully confirm the indications of Josephus. (Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr.I. B. L., 1865. pp. 106, 109.)[14.2]Josephus,Ant.xix. iv.B. J., ii. xi.[14.3]Ib.xix. v. i.; vi. i.;B. J., II. xi. 5; Dion Cassius, LX. 8.[14.4]Dion Cassius, LIX. 24.[14.5]Jos.Ant.xix. ix. 1.[14.6]Ibid. XIX. vi. 1, 3; ii. 3, 4; viii. 2; ix. 1.[14.7]Ibid. XIX. vii. 4.[14.8]Ibid. XIX. vi. 3.[14.9]Juvenal, Sat. vi. 158, 159; Persius, Sat. v. 180.[14.10]Philo.In Flaccum, §5, and following.[14.11]Jos.Ant.XIX. v. 2, and sequel; xx. vi. 3.;B. J., II. xii. 7. The restrictive measures which he took against the Jews of Rome (Actsxviii. 2; SuetoniusClaude, 25; Dion Cassius, LX. 6) were connected with local circumstances.[14.12]Jos.Ant.xix. vi. 3.[14.13]Ibid. xix. vii 2;B. J.II. xi. 6; V. iv. 2. Tacitus, Hist. v. 12.[14.14]Tacitus,Ann.vi. 47.[14.15]Jos.Ant.XIX. vii. 2; vii. 21; viii. 1; XX. i. 1.[14.16]Ibid. XIX. viii. 1.[14.17]Suetonius,Caius, 22, 26, 35; Dion Cassius, lix. 24; lx. 8. Tacitus,Ann.xi. 8. As a type of the part these little Eastern Kings played, study the career of Herod Agrippa I. in Josephus (Ant.xviii. and xix.) Compare Horace,Sat.I. vii.[14.18]Supra.[14.19]Acts xii. 3.[14.20]Ibid. xii. 1, and following.[14.21]James was in fact beheaded, and not stoned to death.[14.22]Acts xii. 3, and following.[14.23]Ibid.xii. 9, 11. The account in the Acts is so lively and just, that it is difficult to find any place in it for any prolonged legendary elaboration.[14.24]Jos.Ant.xix. viii. 2; Acts xii. 18, 23.[14.25]Ibid. xix. vii. 4.[14.26]Acts.xii. 23. Compare 2 Macc. ix. 9; Jos.B. J.I. xxxiii. 5; Talmud of Bab.Sota, 35 a.[14.27]Jos.Ant.XIX. vi. 1; XX. i. 1, 2.[14.28]Ibid. xx. v. 2;B. J.ii. xv. 1; xviii. 7, and following; IV. x. 6; V. i. 6; Tacitus,Ann., xv. 28.Hist.i. 11; ii. 79; Suetonius,Vesp.6;Corpus Inscr. Græc.No. 4957. (cf. ibid. iii. p. 311.)[14.29]Jos.Ant.XX. i. 3.[14.30]Ibid. XX. v. 4,B. J.II. xii.[14.31]Josephus, who relates with so much care, the history of these agitations in all its details, never mixes up the Christians with them.[14.32]Jos.Against Apion, ii. 39; Dion Cassius, lxvi. 4.[14.33]Jos.,B. J., IV., iv. 3; V., xiii. 6; Suetonius,Aug., 93; Strabo, XVI., ii. 34, 37; Tacitus,Hist., v. 5.[14.34]Jos.,Ant., XIII., ix. 1; xi. 3; xv. 4; XV., vii. 9.[14.35]Jos.,B. J., II., xvii. 10;Vita, 23.[14.36]Matt, xxiii. 13.[14.37]Jos.,Ant., XX., vii. 1, 3; Compare XVI., vii. 6.[14.38]Ibid. XX., ii. 4.[14.39]Ibid. XX, ii. 5, 6; iv. 1.[14.40]Jos.,B. J., II., xx. 2.[14.41]Seneca, fragment in St. Augustin.De civ. Dei, vi. 11.[14.42]Jos.,Ant., XX., ii.-iv.[14.43]Tacitus,Ann., xii. 13, 14. The greater part of the names of this] family are Persian.[14.44]The name of “Helen” proves this. Still, it is remarkable that the Greek does not figure upon the bi-lingual inscription (Syriac and Syro-Chaldaic) of the tomb of a princess of the family, discovered and brought to Paris by M. de Saulcy. SeeJournal Asiatique, Dec., 1865.[14.45]Cf. Bereschith rabba, xlvi. 51 d.[14.46]It is according to all appearances the monument known at this day under the name of “Tomb of the Kings.” SeeJournal Asiatique, passage cited.[14.47]Jos.,B. J., ii., xix. 2; vi., vi. 4.[14.48]Talmud of Jerusalem,Peah, 15 b., where there are put into the mouth of one of the Monobaze maxims that exactly recall the Gospel (Matt. vi. 19 and following). Talmud of Bab.,Baba Bathra, 11 a;Joma, 37 a;Nazir, 19 b;Schabbath, 68 b;Sifra, 70 a;Bereschith rabba, xlvi., fol. 51 d.[14.49]Moses of Khorene, ii. 35; Orose, vii. 6.[14.50]Luke, xxi. 21.[14.51]Τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, an expression so familiar with Josephus, when he defends the position of the Jews in the pagan world.CHAPTER XV.
[11.1]Acts ix. 31.[11.2]See the atrociously naïve avowal of 3 Macc. vii. 12, 13.[11.3]Read the 3d Book (apocryphal) of Maccabees, entire, and compare it with that of Esther.[11.4]Suetonius,Caius, 22, 52; Dion Cassius, lix. 26, 28; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 25, &c.; Josephus,Ant.XVIII., viii.; XIX., i. 1–2;B. J., II. x.[11.5]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 30.[11.6]Philo,In Flaccum, § 7;Leg. ad Caium, § 18, 20, 26, 43.[11.7]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 29; Josephus,Ant. XVIII. viii.;B. J.II. x.: Tacitus,Ann. XII. 54;Hist. V. 9, completing the first passage by the second.[11.8]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 27, 30, 44, and following.[11.9]Acts ix. 31.[11.10]Gal. i. 18, 19; ii. 9.[11.11]Acts xi. 29, 30.[11.12]Acts ix. 32.[11.13]At this day,Ludd.[11.14]Acts ix. 32–35.[11.15]Jaffa.[11.16]Jos.Ant.XIV., x. 6.[11.17]Acts ix. 43; x. 6, 17, 32.[11.18]Mischna,Ketuboth, vii. 10.[11.19]Compare Gruter, p. 891, 4; Reinesius,Inscript., XIV. 61; Mommsen,Inscr. regni Neap., 622, 2094, 3052, 4985; Pape,Wört der Griech. Eigenn., on this word Cf. Jos.B. J.IV., iii. 6.[11.20]Acts ix. 36, and following.[11.21]Ibid. ix. 39. The Greek runs: ὅσα ἐποίει μετ’ αὐτῶν οὖσα.[11.22]Ibid. ix, 32, 44.[11.23]Acts x. 9–16; xi. 5–10.[11.24]Ibid. x. 1; xi. 18.[11.25]There were at least thirty-two. (Orelli & Heuzen,Inscr. Lat., Nos. 90, 512, 6756.)[11.26]Compare Acts xxvii. 1. and Heuzen, No. 6709.[11.27]Compare Luke vii. 2, and following. Luke is priding himself, it is true, upon this idea of virtuous centurions, Jews in heart without circumcision (see Introduction). But the example of Izates (Jos.Ant., xx., ii. 5), proves that such situations were possible. Compare Jos.B. J., II., xxviii. 2; Orelli,Inscr., No. 2523.[11.28]Acts x. 2, 7.[11.29]This seems, it is true, in contradiction to Gal. ii. 7–9. But the conduct of Peter in that which relates to the admission of the Gentiles was never very consistent. Gal. ii. 12.[11.30]Acts xi. 18.[11.31]Ibid. xv. 1, and following.[11.32]II. Cor. ii 32, 33; Acts ix. 23–25.[11.33]Gal. i. 18.[11.34]Ibid. i. 18.[11.35]Ibid. i. 23.[11.36]Actsix. 26.[11.37]Gal. i. 18.[11.38]Actsix. 26.[11.39]Acts ix. 27. All this portion of the Acts has too little historical value to enable us to affirm that this fine action of Barnabas took place during the fifteen days that Paul passed at Jerusalem. But there is no doubt, in the manner in which theActspresent the case, a true sentiment of the relations of Paul and Barnabas.[11.40]Gal. i. 19, 20.[11.41]Ibid. i. 18. Impossible, consequently, to admit as exact the 28th and 29th verses of Acts ix. The author of theActsmakes an abusive employment of these ambushes and murderous projects. The Acts vary from the Epistle to the Galatians in supposing the sojourn of St. Paul at Jerusalem too long, and too near to his conversion. Naturally the Epistle merits our preference, at least, as to its chronology and the material circumstances.[11.42]See especially the Epistle to the Galatians.[11.43]Epistle to the Galatians, i. 11, 12, and nearly throughout; I. Cor. ix. 1, and following; xv. 1, and following; II. Cor. xi. 21, and following.[11.44]We find this sentiment more or less directly; Rom. xii. 14; I. Cor. xiii. 2; II. Cor. iii. 6; I. Thess. iv. 8; v. 2, 6.[11.45]Gal. i. 22, 23.[11.46]Actsxx. 17, 21.[11.47]Actsix. 29, 30.[11.48]48. Gal. i. 21.[11.49]Acts ix. 30; xi. 25. The capital chronological datum for this epoch of the life of St. Paul is Gal. i. 18; ii. 1.[11.50]Cilicia had a church in the year 51.Actsxv. 23, 41.[11.51]It is in the Epistle to the Galatians (towards 56), that Paul places himself for the first time openly in the rank of the apostles (i. 1, and the following). According to Gal. ii. 7–10, he had received this title in 51. Still he did not assume it, even in the subscription of the two Epistles to the Thessalonians, which are of the year 53. I. Thess. ii. 6, does not imply an official title. The author of theActsnever gives Paul the name of “apostle.” “The apostles,” for the author of theActs, are “the Twelve.” Acts xiv. 4, 14, is an exception.
[11.1]Acts ix. 31.
[11.2]See the atrociously naïve avowal of 3 Macc. vii. 12, 13.
[11.3]Read the 3d Book (apocryphal) of Maccabees, entire, and compare it with that of Esther.
[11.4]Suetonius,Caius, 22, 52; Dion Cassius, lix. 26, 28; Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 25, &c.; Josephus,Ant.XVIII., viii.; XIX., i. 1–2;B. J., II. x.
[11.5]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 30.
[11.6]Philo,In Flaccum, § 7;Leg. ad Caium, § 18, 20, 26, 43.
[11.7]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 29; Josephus,Ant. XVIII. viii.;B. J.II. x.: Tacitus,Ann. XII. 54;Hist. V. 9, completing the first passage by the second.
[11.8]Philo,Leg. ad Caium, § 27, 30, 44, and following.
[11.9]Acts ix. 31.
[11.10]Gal. i. 18, 19; ii. 9.
[11.11]Acts xi. 29, 30.
[11.12]Acts ix. 32.
[11.13]At this day,Ludd.
[11.14]Acts ix. 32–35.
[11.15]Jaffa.
[11.16]Jos.Ant.XIV., x. 6.
[11.17]Acts ix. 43; x. 6, 17, 32.
[11.18]Mischna,Ketuboth, vii. 10.
[11.19]Compare Gruter, p. 891, 4; Reinesius,Inscript., XIV. 61; Mommsen,Inscr. regni Neap., 622, 2094, 3052, 4985; Pape,Wört der Griech. Eigenn., on this word Cf. Jos.B. J.IV., iii. 6.
[11.20]Acts ix. 36, and following.
[11.21]Ibid. ix. 39. The Greek runs: ὅσα ἐποίει μετ’ αὐτῶν οὖσα.
[11.22]Ibid. ix, 32, 44.
[11.23]Acts x. 9–16; xi. 5–10.
[11.24]Ibid. x. 1; xi. 18.
[11.25]There were at least thirty-two. (Orelli & Heuzen,Inscr. Lat., Nos. 90, 512, 6756.)
[11.26]Compare Acts xxvii. 1. and Heuzen, No. 6709.
[11.27]Compare Luke vii. 2, and following. Luke is priding himself, it is true, upon this idea of virtuous centurions, Jews in heart without circumcision (see Introduction). But the example of Izates (Jos.Ant., xx., ii. 5), proves that such situations were possible. Compare Jos.B. J., II., xxviii. 2; Orelli,Inscr., No. 2523.
[11.28]Acts x. 2, 7.
[11.29]This seems, it is true, in contradiction to Gal. ii. 7–9. But the conduct of Peter in that which relates to the admission of the Gentiles was never very consistent. Gal. ii. 12.
[11.30]Acts xi. 18.
[11.31]Ibid. xv. 1, and following.
[11.32]II. Cor. ii 32, 33; Acts ix. 23–25.
[11.33]Gal. i. 18.
[11.34]Ibid. i. 18.
[11.35]Ibid. i. 23.
[11.36]Actsix. 26.
[11.37]Gal. i. 18.
[11.38]Actsix. 26.
[11.39]Acts ix. 27. All this portion of the Acts has too little historical value to enable us to affirm that this fine action of Barnabas took place during the fifteen days that Paul passed at Jerusalem. But there is no doubt, in the manner in which theActspresent the case, a true sentiment of the relations of Paul and Barnabas.
[11.40]Gal. i. 19, 20.
[11.41]Ibid. i. 18. Impossible, consequently, to admit as exact the 28th and 29th verses of Acts ix. The author of theActsmakes an abusive employment of these ambushes and murderous projects. The Acts vary from the Epistle to the Galatians in supposing the sojourn of St. Paul at Jerusalem too long, and too near to his conversion. Naturally the Epistle merits our preference, at least, as to its chronology and the material circumstances.
[11.42]See especially the Epistle to the Galatians.
[11.43]Epistle to the Galatians, i. 11, 12, and nearly throughout; I. Cor. ix. 1, and following; xv. 1, and following; II. Cor. xi. 21, and following.
[11.44]We find this sentiment more or less directly; Rom. xii. 14; I. Cor. xiii. 2; II. Cor. iii. 6; I. Thess. iv. 8; v. 2, 6.
[11.45]Gal. i. 22, 23.
[11.46]Actsxx. 17, 21.
[11.47]Actsix. 29, 30.
[11.48]48. Gal. i. 21.
[11.49]Acts ix. 30; xi. 25. The capital chronological datum for this epoch of the life of St. Paul is Gal. i. 18; ii. 1.
[11.50]Cilicia had a church in the year 51.Actsxv. 23, 41.
[11.51]It is in the Epistle to the Galatians (towards 56), that Paul places himself for the first time openly in the rank of the apostles (i. 1, and the following). According to Gal. ii. 7–10, he had received this title in 51. Still he did not assume it, even in the subscription of the two Epistles to the Thessalonians, which are of the year 53. I. Thess. ii. 6, does not imply an official title. The author of theActsnever gives Paul the name of “apostle.” “The apostles,” for the author of theActs, are “the Twelve.” Acts xiv. 4, 14, is an exception.
CHAPTER XII.
[12.1]Acts xi. 19.[12.2]Josephus,Wars of the Jews, ii. 4. Rome and Alexandria were the two chief ones; compare Strabo xvi. ii. 5.[12.3]Compare Otfried Müller,Antiochian Antiquities, Göttingen, 1839, p. 68. John Chrysostom, onSaint Ignatius, 4 (opp. t. ii. p. 597, edit. Montfaucon):On Matthew, Homilies lxxxv. 4. (vol. viii. p. 810). He estimates the population of Antioch at two hundred thousand souls, without counting slaves, infants, and the immense suburbs. The present city has a population of not more than seven thousand.[12.4]The corresponding streets of Palmyra, Gerasium, Gadara, and Sebaste, were probably imitations of the grandCorsoof Antioch.[12.5]Some traces of it are found in the direction ofBâb Bolos.[12.6]Dion Chrysostome, Orat. xlvii. (vol. ii. p. 229, edit. Reiske), Libanius,Antiochicus, p. 337, 340, 342, 356 (edit. Reiske), Malala, p. 232, et seq., 276, 280, et seq. (Bonn, edition.) The constructor of these great works was Antiochus Epiphanes.[12.7]Libanius,Antioch.342, 344.[12.8]Pausanias, vi. ii. 7; Malala, p. 201; Visconti Mus. Pio-clemen., vol. iii. 46. See especially the medals of Antioch.[12.9]Pierian, Bottian, Penean, Tempean, Castalian, Olympic games, Jopolis (which was referred to Io). The city pretended to be indebted for its celebrity to Inachus, to Orestes, to Daphne and to Triptolemus.[12.10]See Malala, p. 199; Spartian,Life of Adrian, p. 14; Julian,Misopogon, p. 361, 362; Ammian Marcellin., xxii. 14; Eckhel,Doct. num vet.part i. 3, p. 326; Guigniaut,Religions de l'Ant. planchesNo. 268.[12.11]John Chrysostom,Ad pop. Antioch.homil. xix. 1; (vol. ii. p. 189.) De sanctis martyr. i. (vol. ii. p. 651.)[12.12]Libanius, Antioch., p. 348.[12.13]Act. SS. Maii, v. p. 383, 409, 414, 415, 416; Assemani,Bib. or., ii. 323.[12.14]Juvenal Sat., iii. 62, et seq.; Stacc.Silves, i. vi. 72.[12.15]TacitusAnn.ii. 69.[12.16]Malala, p. 284, 287, et seq.; Libanius,De Angariis, p. 555, et seq.;De carcere vinctis, p. 445, et seq.;ad Timocratem, p. 385;Antioch, 323; Philost.,Vit Apoll.i. 16; Lucian,De Saltatione, 76; Diod. Sic. fragm. lib. xxxiv. No. 34 (p. 358, ed. Dindorf); John Chrysos. Homil. vii. in Matt. 5 (vol. vii. p. 113); lxxiii.in Matt.3 (ibid. p. 712);De consubst. contra Anon., 1 (vol i., p. 501);De Anna, 1 (vol. iv. p. 730),De David et Saüleiii. 1 (vol. iv. 768, 770); Julian Misopogon, p. 343, 350, edit. Spanheim;Actes de Sainte Thècle, attributed to Basil of Seleucia, published by P. Pantius (Auvers, 1608) p. 70.[12.17]Philostr.Apoll.iii. 58; Ausonius,Clar. Urb., 2; J. CapitolinVerus, 7;Marcus Aurelius, 25; Herodian ii. 10; John of Antioch in the Excerpta Valesiana, p. 844; Suidas, at the word Ἰοβιανός.[12.18]JulianMisopogon, p. 344, 365, etc.; Eunap.Vie des Soph., p. 496, edit. Boissònade (Didot);Ammien Marcellinxxii. 14.[12.19]John Chrysos.De Lazaro, ii. 11 (vol. 1. p. 722, 723).[12.20]Cic. pro. Archiâ, 3, making allowance for the usual exaggeration of an advocate.[12.21]PhilostratusVie d' Apollonius, iii. 58.[12.22]Malala, p. 287, 289.[12.23]John Chrysos., Homil. vii.On Matt.5, 6. (vol. vii. p. 113); See O. Müller,Antiq. Antioch., p. 33 note.[12.24]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 355–366.[12.25]Juvenal, iii. 62 et seq. and Forcellini, in the wordambubaja, where he observes that the wordambubais Syriac.[12.26]Libanius,Antiochp. 315;De carcere vinctis, p. 455; Julian Misopogon, p. 367, edit. Spanheim.[12.27]Libanius,Pro rhetoribus, p. 211.[12.28]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 363.[12.29]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 354 et seq.[12.30]The actual enclosure, which is of the time of Justinian, presents the same particulars.[12.31]Libanius,Antioch., p. 337, 338, 339.[12.32]The lakeAk Denir, which forms on this side the actual limit of the territory of Antakieh, had, as it appears, no existence in olden times. See Ritter,Erdkunde, xvii. p. 1149, 1613 et seq.[12.33]JosephusAnt., xii. iii. 1; xiv. xii. 6;Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 5; vii. iii. 2–4.[12.34]Josephus,against Apion, ii. 4;Wars of the Jews, vii. iii. 2–4.[12.35]Malala, p. 244, 245; Jos.,Wars of the Jews, vii. v. 2.[12.36]Actsvi. 5.[12.37]Ibid. xi. 19, et seq.[12.38]Compare Josephus,Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 2.[12.39]Actsxv. 20, 21. The proper reading is Ἕλληνας Ἕλληνιστας comes from a false agreement with ix. 29.[12.40]Malala, p. 245. The narrative of Malala cannot, indeed, be exact, Josephus says not a word respecting the invasion of which the chronographer makes mention.[12.41]Malala, p 243, 265–266. Compare “Memoirs of Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres,” session of 17 August, 1865.[12.42]S Athanasius,Tomus ad Antioch. (Opp. vol. i. p. 771, edit. Montfaucon); S. John Chrysostom,Ad pop. Antioch, Homil. i. and ii. beginning (vol. ii. p. i and xx.);In Inscr.Act. ii. beginning (vol. iii. 60);Chron. Pasch., p. 296 (Paris); Theodoret, Hist. Eccl., ii. 27; iii. 2. 8. 9. The agreement of these passages does not permit of ἐν τῆ καλουμένη Παλαιᾷ being rendered by “in that which was called the old town,” as the editors have sometimes done.[12.43]Malala, p. 242.[12.44]Pococke,Descript. of the East, vol. ii. part i. p. 192 (London 1745), Chesney,Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, i. 425, et seq.[12.45]That is to say, opposite to that part of the old town which is still inhabited.[12.46]See below.[12.47]The type of the Maronites is reproduced in a striking manner in the country of Antakieh, Soneideieb, and Beylan.[12.48]F. Naironi,Anoplia fidei Cathol.(Rome, 1694), p 58, et seq., and the work of S. Em. Paul Peter Masad, present patriarch of the Maronites, entitled Kitab ed. durr ed. manzoum (in Arabic, printed at the convent of Zamisch in the Kesronan, 1863).[12.49]Actsxi. 19, 20; xiii. 1.[12.50]Gal. ii. 11, et seq., presumes it to be so.
[12.1]Acts xi. 19.
[12.2]Josephus,Wars of the Jews, ii. 4. Rome and Alexandria were the two chief ones; compare Strabo xvi. ii. 5.
[12.3]Compare Otfried Müller,Antiochian Antiquities, Göttingen, 1839, p. 68. John Chrysostom, onSaint Ignatius, 4 (opp. t. ii. p. 597, edit. Montfaucon):On Matthew, Homilies lxxxv. 4. (vol. viii. p. 810). He estimates the population of Antioch at two hundred thousand souls, without counting slaves, infants, and the immense suburbs. The present city has a population of not more than seven thousand.
[12.4]The corresponding streets of Palmyra, Gerasium, Gadara, and Sebaste, were probably imitations of the grandCorsoof Antioch.
[12.5]Some traces of it are found in the direction ofBâb Bolos.
[12.6]Dion Chrysostome, Orat. xlvii. (vol. ii. p. 229, edit. Reiske), Libanius,Antiochicus, p. 337, 340, 342, 356 (edit. Reiske), Malala, p. 232, et seq., 276, 280, et seq. (Bonn, edition.) The constructor of these great works was Antiochus Epiphanes.
[12.7]Libanius,Antioch.342, 344.
[12.8]Pausanias, vi. ii. 7; Malala, p. 201; Visconti Mus. Pio-clemen., vol. iii. 46. See especially the medals of Antioch.
[12.9]Pierian, Bottian, Penean, Tempean, Castalian, Olympic games, Jopolis (which was referred to Io). The city pretended to be indebted for its celebrity to Inachus, to Orestes, to Daphne and to Triptolemus.
[12.10]See Malala, p. 199; Spartian,Life of Adrian, p. 14; Julian,Misopogon, p. 361, 362; Ammian Marcellin., xxii. 14; Eckhel,Doct. num vet.part i. 3, p. 326; Guigniaut,Religions de l'Ant. planchesNo. 268.
[12.11]John Chrysostom,Ad pop. Antioch.homil. xix. 1; (vol. ii. p. 189.) De sanctis martyr. i. (vol. ii. p. 651.)
[12.12]Libanius, Antioch., p. 348.
[12.13]Act. SS. Maii, v. p. 383, 409, 414, 415, 416; Assemani,Bib. or., ii. 323.
[12.14]Juvenal Sat., iii. 62, et seq.; Stacc.Silves, i. vi. 72.
[12.15]TacitusAnn.ii. 69.
[12.16]Malala, p. 284, 287, et seq.; Libanius,De Angariis, p. 555, et seq.;De carcere vinctis, p. 445, et seq.;ad Timocratem, p. 385;Antioch, 323; Philost.,Vit Apoll.i. 16; Lucian,De Saltatione, 76; Diod. Sic. fragm. lib. xxxiv. No. 34 (p. 358, ed. Dindorf); John Chrysos. Homil. vii. in Matt. 5 (vol. vii. p. 113); lxxiii.in Matt.3 (ibid. p. 712);De consubst. contra Anon., 1 (vol i., p. 501);De Anna, 1 (vol. iv. p. 730),De David et Saüleiii. 1 (vol. iv. 768, 770); Julian Misopogon, p. 343, 350, edit. Spanheim;Actes de Sainte Thècle, attributed to Basil of Seleucia, published by P. Pantius (Auvers, 1608) p. 70.
[12.17]Philostr.Apoll.iii. 58; Ausonius,Clar. Urb., 2; J. CapitolinVerus, 7;Marcus Aurelius, 25; Herodian ii. 10; John of Antioch in the Excerpta Valesiana, p. 844; Suidas, at the word Ἰοβιανός.
[12.18]JulianMisopogon, p. 344, 365, etc.; Eunap.Vie des Soph., p. 496, edit. Boissònade (Didot);Ammien Marcellinxxii. 14.
[12.19]John Chrysos.De Lazaro, ii. 11 (vol. 1. p. 722, 723).
[12.20]Cic. pro. Archiâ, 3, making allowance for the usual exaggeration of an advocate.
[12.21]PhilostratusVie d' Apollonius, iii. 58.
[12.22]Malala, p. 287, 289.
[12.23]John Chrysos., Homil. vii.On Matt.5, 6. (vol. vii. p. 113); See O. Müller,Antiq. Antioch., p. 33 note.
[12.24]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 355–366.
[12.25]Juvenal, iii. 62 et seq. and Forcellini, in the wordambubaja, where he observes that the wordambubais Syriac.
[12.26]Libanius,Antiochp. 315;De carcere vinctis, p. 455; Julian Misopogon, p. 367, edit. Spanheim.
[12.27]Libanius,Pro rhetoribus, p. 211.
[12.28]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 363.
[12.29]Libanius,Antiochichus, p. 354 et seq.
[12.30]The actual enclosure, which is of the time of Justinian, presents the same particulars.
[12.31]Libanius,Antioch., p. 337, 338, 339.
[12.32]The lakeAk Denir, which forms on this side the actual limit of the territory of Antakieh, had, as it appears, no existence in olden times. See Ritter,Erdkunde, xvii. p. 1149, 1613 et seq.
[12.33]JosephusAnt., xii. iii. 1; xiv. xii. 6;Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 5; vii. iii. 2–4.
[12.34]Josephus,against Apion, ii. 4;Wars of the Jews, vii. iii. 2–4.
[12.35]Malala, p. 244, 245; Jos.,Wars of the Jews, vii. v. 2.
[12.36]Actsvi. 5.
[12.37]Ibid. xi. 19, et seq.
[12.38]Compare Josephus,Wars of the Jews, ii. xviii. 2.
[12.39]Actsxv. 20, 21. The proper reading is Ἕλληνας Ἕλληνιστας comes from a false agreement with ix. 29.
[12.40]Malala, p. 245. The narrative of Malala cannot, indeed, be exact, Josephus says not a word respecting the invasion of which the chronographer makes mention.
[12.41]Malala, p 243, 265–266. Compare “Memoirs of Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres,” session of 17 August, 1865.
[12.42]S Athanasius,Tomus ad Antioch. (Opp. vol. i. p. 771, edit. Montfaucon); S. John Chrysostom,Ad pop. Antioch, Homil. i. and ii. beginning (vol. ii. p. i and xx.);In Inscr.Act. ii. beginning (vol. iii. 60);Chron. Pasch., p. 296 (Paris); Theodoret, Hist. Eccl., ii. 27; iii. 2. 8. 9. The agreement of these passages does not permit of ἐν τῆ καλουμένη Παλαιᾷ being rendered by “in that which was called the old town,” as the editors have sometimes done.
[12.43]Malala, p. 242.
[12.44]Pococke,Descript. of the East, vol. ii. part i. p. 192 (London 1745), Chesney,Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, i. 425, et seq.
[12.45]That is to say, opposite to that part of the old town which is still inhabited.
[12.46]See below.
[12.47]The type of the Maronites is reproduced in a striking manner in the country of Antakieh, Soneideieb, and Beylan.
[12.48]F. Naironi,Anoplia fidei Cathol.(Rome, 1694), p 58, et seq., and the work of S. Em. Paul Peter Masad, present patriarch of the Maronites, entitled Kitab ed. durr ed. manzoum (in Arabic, printed at the convent of Zamisch in the Kesronan, 1863).
[12.49]Actsxi. 19, 20; xiii. 1.
[12.50]Gal. ii. 11, et seq., presumes it to be so.
CHAPTER XIII.
[13.1]Actsxi. 22, &c.[13.2]Actsxi. 25.[13.3]Actsxi. 26.[13.4]Libanius.Pro templis, p. 164, &c.;De carcere vinctis, p. 458.; Theodoret,Hist. Eccl.iv. 28; Jean Chrysost.; Homil. lxxii.in Matt.3 (vol. vii. p. 705).In Epist. ad Ephes.Hom. vi. 4 (vol. xi. p. 44); In i. Tim. Hom. xiv. 3 &c. (ibid. p. 628, &c.); Nicephore xii. 44; Glycas p. 257 (Paris edition).[13.5]Actsxi. 26.[13.6]The passages I. Petri iv. 16, and James ii. 7, compared with Suet.Nero16, and with Tac.Ann.xv. 44, confirm this idea. See alsoActsxxvi. 28.[13.7]It is true that we find Ἀσιανός (Actsxx. 4; Philo. Legatio, 36; Strabo, etc.). But it seems to be a Latinism like Δαλδιανοί, and the names of the sects Σιμωνιανοί, Κηρινθιανοί, Σηθιανοί, etc. The Greek derivative χριστός had been χριστειος. It serves nothing to say that the terminationanusis a Doric form of the Greek ηνος; this was not known at all during the first century.[13.8]Tac. (loc. cit.) so interprets it.[13.9]Suet.Claud.25. We shall discuss this passage in our next book.[13.10]CorpusInscr. Gr.Nos. 2883 d., 3857 g., 3857 p., 3865 l. Tertul.Apol.3; Lactance Divin. Inst. iv. 7. Comp. the French formchrestien.[13.11]James ii. 7, only implies an occasional usage.[13.12]Actsxxiv. 5; Tertull.Adv. Marcionemiv. 8.[13.13]Nesârâ.The names ofmeschihoioin Syriac,mesihiin Arabic, are relatively modern, and outlined from χριστιανός. The name of “Galileans” is much more recent. Julian gave it an official signification. Jul.Epist.vii.; Gregory, Orat. iv. (Invect. i.), 76; S. Cyrille d'Alex.Contre Julienii. p. 39, (Spanheim ed.);Philopatris, dialogue falsely attributed to Lucian, though really of the time of Julien, § 12; TheodoretHist. Eccl.iii. 4. I believe that in Epictetus (Arrien,Dissert.iv., vii., 6) and in Marcus Aurelius (Penséesxi. 3), this name does not designate Christians, but rather “assassins” (Sicaires), fanatical disciples of Judas the Galilean or the Gaulonite, and of John of Gisehala.[13.14]I. Petri iv. 16; James ii. 7.[13.15]Actsxiii. 2.[13.16]Ibid xiii 1.[13.17]See chapter vi.[13.18]Actsxiii. 1.[13.19]Euseb.Chron.at the year 43;Hist. Eccl.iii. 22. IgnatiiEpist. ad Antioch.(apocr.) 7.[13.20]I. Cor. xiv. entire.[13.21]II. Cor. xii. 1–5.[13.22]It places this vision fourteen years before he wrote the second Epistle to the Corinthians, which dates about the year 57. It is not impossible, however, that he was still at Tarsus.[13.23]For Jewish ideas about the heavens, seeTestam. des 12 patr.Levi. 3;Ascension d'Isaïe, vi. 13; viii. 8, and all the rest of the book; Talm. of Babyl.,Chagiga12 b.; MidraschimBereschith rabba, sect. xix. fol. 19 c.;Schemoth rabba, sect. xv. fol. 115 d.;Bammiabar rabba, sect, xiii fol. 218 a.;Debarim rabba, sect. ii. fol. 253 a.;Schir hasschirim rabba, fol. 24 d.[13.24]Comp. Talmud of Babylon,Chagiga, 14 b.[13.25]Comp.Ascension d'Isaïe, vi. 15; vii. 3, &c.[13.26]II. Cor. xii. 12; Rom. xv. 19.[13.27]I. Cor. xii. entire.[13.28]Actsxi. 29; xxiv. 17; Gal. ii. 10; Rom. xv. 26; I. Cor. xvi. 1; II. Cor. viii. 4, 14; ix. 1, 12.[13.29]Jos.Ant.XVIII., vi., 3, 4; XX., v. 2.[13.30]James ii. 5, &c.[13.31]Actsxi. 28; Jos.Ant.XX., ii. 6; v. 2; Euseb.Hist. Eccl.ii. 8, 12. Comp.Actsxii. 20; Tac. Ann. xii. 43; Suet.Claud.18; Dion Cass. lx. 11. Aurelius Victor, Cas., 4; Euseb.Chron.year 43, &c. The reign of Claudius was afflicted almost every year by partial famines.[13.32]Actsxi. 27, &c.[13.33]The book ofActs(xi. 30; xii. 25) includes Paul in this journey. But Paul declares that between his first sojourn of two weeks and his journey for the affair of the circumcision, he did not visit Jerusalem. (Gal. ii. 1.) See Introduction.[13.34]Gal. i., 17–19.[13.35]Actsxiii. 3; xv. 36; xviii. 23.[13.36]Ibid. xiv. 25; xviii. 22.
[13.1]Actsxi. 22, &c.
[13.2]Actsxi. 25.
[13.3]Actsxi. 26.
[13.4]Libanius.Pro templis, p. 164, &c.;De carcere vinctis, p. 458.; Theodoret,Hist. Eccl.iv. 28; Jean Chrysost.; Homil. lxxii.in Matt.3 (vol. vii. p. 705).In Epist. ad Ephes.Hom. vi. 4 (vol. xi. p. 44); In i. Tim. Hom. xiv. 3 &c. (ibid. p. 628, &c.); Nicephore xii. 44; Glycas p. 257 (Paris edition).
[13.5]Actsxi. 26.
[13.6]The passages I. Petri iv. 16, and James ii. 7, compared with Suet.Nero16, and with Tac.Ann.xv. 44, confirm this idea. See alsoActsxxvi. 28.
[13.7]It is true that we find Ἀσιανός (Actsxx. 4; Philo. Legatio, 36; Strabo, etc.). But it seems to be a Latinism like Δαλδιανοί, and the names of the sects Σιμωνιανοί, Κηρινθιανοί, Σηθιανοί, etc. The Greek derivative χριστός had been χριστειος. It serves nothing to say that the terminationanusis a Doric form of the Greek ηνος; this was not known at all during the first century.
[13.8]Tac. (loc. cit.) so interprets it.
[13.9]Suet.Claud.25. We shall discuss this passage in our next book.
[13.10]CorpusInscr. Gr.Nos. 2883 d., 3857 g., 3857 p., 3865 l. Tertul.Apol.3; Lactance Divin. Inst. iv. 7. Comp. the French formchrestien.
[13.11]James ii. 7, only implies an occasional usage.
[13.12]Actsxxiv. 5; Tertull.Adv. Marcionemiv. 8.
[13.13]Nesârâ.The names ofmeschihoioin Syriac,mesihiin Arabic, are relatively modern, and outlined from χριστιανός. The name of “Galileans” is much more recent. Julian gave it an official signification. Jul.Epist.vii.; Gregory, Orat. iv. (Invect. i.), 76; S. Cyrille d'Alex.Contre Julienii. p. 39, (Spanheim ed.);Philopatris, dialogue falsely attributed to Lucian, though really of the time of Julien, § 12; TheodoretHist. Eccl.iii. 4. I believe that in Epictetus (Arrien,Dissert.iv., vii., 6) and in Marcus Aurelius (Penséesxi. 3), this name does not designate Christians, but rather “assassins” (Sicaires), fanatical disciples of Judas the Galilean or the Gaulonite, and of John of Gisehala.
[13.14]I. Petri iv. 16; James ii. 7.
[13.15]Actsxiii. 2.
[13.16]Ibid xiii 1.
[13.17]See chapter vi.
[13.18]Actsxiii. 1.
[13.19]Euseb.Chron.at the year 43;Hist. Eccl.iii. 22. IgnatiiEpist. ad Antioch.(apocr.) 7.
[13.20]I. Cor. xiv. entire.
[13.21]II. Cor. xii. 1–5.
[13.22]It places this vision fourteen years before he wrote the second Epistle to the Corinthians, which dates about the year 57. It is not impossible, however, that he was still at Tarsus.
[13.23]For Jewish ideas about the heavens, seeTestam. des 12 patr.Levi. 3;Ascension d'Isaïe, vi. 13; viii. 8, and all the rest of the book; Talm. of Babyl.,Chagiga12 b.; MidraschimBereschith rabba, sect. xix. fol. 19 c.;Schemoth rabba, sect. xv. fol. 115 d.;Bammiabar rabba, sect, xiii fol. 218 a.;Debarim rabba, sect. ii. fol. 253 a.;Schir hasschirim rabba, fol. 24 d.
[13.24]Comp. Talmud of Babylon,Chagiga, 14 b.
[13.25]Comp.Ascension d'Isaïe, vi. 15; vii. 3, &c.
[13.26]II. Cor. xii. 12; Rom. xv. 19.
[13.27]I. Cor. xii. entire.
[13.28]Actsxi. 29; xxiv. 17; Gal. ii. 10; Rom. xv. 26; I. Cor. xvi. 1; II. Cor. viii. 4, 14; ix. 1, 12.
[13.29]Jos.Ant.XVIII., vi., 3, 4; XX., v. 2.
[13.30]James ii. 5, &c.
[13.31]Actsxi. 28; Jos.Ant.XX., ii. 6; v. 2; Euseb.Hist. Eccl.ii. 8, 12. Comp.Actsxii. 20; Tac. Ann. xii. 43; Suet.Claud.18; Dion Cass. lx. 11. Aurelius Victor, Cas., 4; Euseb.Chron.year 43, &c. The reign of Claudius was afflicted almost every year by partial famines.
[13.32]Actsxi. 27, &c.
[13.33]The book ofActs(xi. 30; xii. 25) includes Paul in this journey. But Paul declares that between his first sojourn of two weeks and his journey for the affair of the circumcision, he did not visit Jerusalem. (Gal. ii. 1.) See Introduction.
[13.34]Gal. i., 17–19.
[13.35]Actsxiii. 3; xv. 36; xviii. 23.
[13.36]Ibid. xiv. 25; xviii. 22.
CHAPTER XIV.
[14.1]The inscriptions of these countries fully confirm the indications of Josephus. (Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr.I. B. L., 1865. pp. 106, 109.)[14.2]Josephus,Ant.xix. iv.B. J., ii. xi.[14.3]Ib.xix. v. i.; vi. i.;B. J., II. xi. 5; Dion Cassius, LX. 8.[14.4]Dion Cassius, LIX. 24.[14.5]Jos.Ant.xix. ix. 1.[14.6]Ibid. XIX. vi. 1, 3; ii. 3, 4; viii. 2; ix. 1.[14.7]Ibid. XIX. vii. 4.[14.8]Ibid. XIX. vi. 3.[14.9]Juvenal, Sat. vi. 158, 159; Persius, Sat. v. 180.[14.10]Philo.In Flaccum, §5, and following.[14.11]Jos.Ant.XIX. v. 2, and sequel; xx. vi. 3.;B. J., II. xii. 7. The restrictive measures which he took against the Jews of Rome (Actsxviii. 2; SuetoniusClaude, 25; Dion Cassius, LX. 6) were connected with local circumstances.[14.12]Jos.Ant.xix. vi. 3.[14.13]Ibid. xix. vii 2;B. J.II. xi. 6; V. iv. 2. Tacitus, Hist. v. 12.[14.14]Tacitus,Ann.vi. 47.[14.15]Jos.Ant.XIX. vii. 2; vii. 21; viii. 1; XX. i. 1.[14.16]Ibid. XIX. viii. 1.[14.17]Suetonius,Caius, 22, 26, 35; Dion Cassius, lix. 24; lx. 8. Tacitus,Ann.xi. 8. As a type of the part these little Eastern Kings played, study the career of Herod Agrippa I. in Josephus (Ant.xviii. and xix.) Compare Horace,Sat.I. vii.[14.18]Supra.[14.19]Acts xii. 3.[14.20]Ibid. xii. 1, and following.[14.21]James was in fact beheaded, and not stoned to death.[14.22]Acts xii. 3, and following.[14.23]Ibid.xii. 9, 11. The account in the Acts is so lively and just, that it is difficult to find any place in it for any prolonged legendary elaboration.[14.24]Jos.Ant.xix. viii. 2; Acts xii. 18, 23.[14.25]Ibid. xix. vii. 4.[14.26]Acts.xii. 23. Compare 2 Macc. ix. 9; Jos.B. J.I. xxxiii. 5; Talmud of Bab.Sota, 35 a.[14.27]Jos.Ant.XIX. vi. 1; XX. i. 1, 2.[14.28]Ibid. xx. v. 2;B. J.ii. xv. 1; xviii. 7, and following; IV. x. 6; V. i. 6; Tacitus,Ann., xv. 28.Hist.i. 11; ii. 79; Suetonius,Vesp.6;Corpus Inscr. Græc.No. 4957. (cf. ibid. iii. p. 311.)[14.29]Jos.Ant.XX. i. 3.[14.30]Ibid. XX. v. 4,B. J.II. xii.[14.31]Josephus, who relates with so much care, the history of these agitations in all its details, never mixes up the Christians with them.[14.32]Jos.Against Apion, ii. 39; Dion Cassius, lxvi. 4.[14.33]Jos.,B. J., IV., iv. 3; V., xiii. 6; Suetonius,Aug., 93; Strabo, XVI., ii. 34, 37; Tacitus,Hist., v. 5.[14.34]Jos.,Ant., XIII., ix. 1; xi. 3; xv. 4; XV., vii. 9.[14.35]Jos.,B. J., II., xvii. 10;Vita, 23.[14.36]Matt, xxiii. 13.[14.37]Jos.,Ant., XX., vii. 1, 3; Compare XVI., vii. 6.[14.38]Ibid. XX., ii. 4.[14.39]Ibid. XX, ii. 5, 6; iv. 1.[14.40]Jos.,B. J., II., xx. 2.[14.41]Seneca, fragment in St. Augustin.De civ. Dei, vi. 11.[14.42]Jos.,Ant., XX., ii.-iv.[14.43]Tacitus,Ann., xii. 13, 14. The greater part of the names of this] family are Persian.[14.44]The name of “Helen” proves this. Still, it is remarkable that the Greek does not figure upon the bi-lingual inscription (Syriac and Syro-Chaldaic) of the tomb of a princess of the family, discovered and brought to Paris by M. de Saulcy. SeeJournal Asiatique, Dec., 1865.[14.45]Cf. Bereschith rabba, xlvi. 51 d.[14.46]It is according to all appearances the monument known at this day under the name of “Tomb of the Kings.” SeeJournal Asiatique, passage cited.[14.47]Jos.,B. J., ii., xix. 2; vi., vi. 4.[14.48]Talmud of Jerusalem,Peah, 15 b., where there are put into the mouth of one of the Monobaze maxims that exactly recall the Gospel (Matt. vi. 19 and following). Talmud of Bab.,Baba Bathra, 11 a;Joma, 37 a;Nazir, 19 b;Schabbath, 68 b;Sifra, 70 a;Bereschith rabba, xlvi., fol. 51 d.[14.49]Moses of Khorene, ii. 35; Orose, vii. 6.[14.50]Luke, xxi. 21.[14.51]Τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, an expression so familiar with Josephus, when he defends the position of the Jews in the pagan world.
[14.1]The inscriptions of these countries fully confirm the indications of Josephus. (Comptes Rendus de l'Acad. des Inscr.I. B. L., 1865. pp. 106, 109.)
[14.2]Josephus,Ant.xix. iv.B. J., ii. xi.
[14.3]Ib.xix. v. i.; vi. i.;B. J., II. xi. 5; Dion Cassius, LX. 8.
[14.4]Dion Cassius, LIX. 24.
[14.5]Jos.Ant.xix. ix. 1.
[14.6]Ibid. XIX. vi. 1, 3; ii. 3, 4; viii. 2; ix. 1.
[14.7]Ibid. XIX. vii. 4.
[14.8]Ibid. XIX. vi. 3.
[14.9]Juvenal, Sat. vi. 158, 159; Persius, Sat. v. 180.
[14.10]Philo.In Flaccum, §5, and following.
[14.11]Jos.Ant.XIX. v. 2, and sequel; xx. vi. 3.;B. J., II. xii. 7. The restrictive measures which he took against the Jews of Rome (Actsxviii. 2; SuetoniusClaude, 25; Dion Cassius, LX. 6) were connected with local circumstances.
[14.12]Jos.Ant.xix. vi. 3.
[14.13]Ibid. xix. vii 2;B. J.II. xi. 6; V. iv. 2. Tacitus, Hist. v. 12.
[14.14]Tacitus,Ann.vi. 47.
[14.15]Jos.Ant.XIX. vii. 2; vii. 21; viii. 1; XX. i. 1.
[14.16]Ibid. XIX. viii. 1.
[14.17]Suetonius,Caius, 22, 26, 35; Dion Cassius, lix. 24; lx. 8. Tacitus,Ann.xi. 8. As a type of the part these little Eastern Kings played, study the career of Herod Agrippa I. in Josephus (Ant.xviii. and xix.) Compare Horace,Sat.I. vii.
[14.18]Supra.
[14.19]Acts xii. 3.
[14.20]Ibid. xii. 1, and following.
[14.21]James was in fact beheaded, and not stoned to death.
[14.22]Acts xii. 3, and following.
[14.23]Ibid.xii. 9, 11. The account in the Acts is so lively and just, that it is difficult to find any place in it for any prolonged legendary elaboration.
[14.24]Jos.Ant.xix. viii. 2; Acts xii. 18, 23.
[14.25]Ibid. xix. vii. 4.
[14.26]Acts.xii. 23. Compare 2 Macc. ix. 9; Jos.B. J.I. xxxiii. 5; Talmud of Bab.Sota, 35 a.
[14.27]Jos.Ant.XIX. vi. 1; XX. i. 1, 2.
[14.28]Ibid. xx. v. 2;B. J.ii. xv. 1; xviii. 7, and following; IV. x. 6; V. i. 6; Tacitus,Ann., xv. 28.Hist.i. 11; ii. 79; Suetonius,Vesp.6;Corpus Inscr. Græc.No. 4957. (cf. ibid. iii. p. 311.)
[14.29]Jos.Ant.XX. i. 3.
[14.30]Ibid. XX. v. 4,B. J.II. xii.
[14.31]Josephus, who relates with so much care, the history of these agitations in all its details, never mixes up the Christians with them.
[14.32]Jos.Against Apion, ii. 39; Dion Cassius, lxvi. 4.
[14.33]Jos.,B. J., IV., iv. 3; V., xiii. 6; Suetonius,Aug., 93; Strabo, XVI., ii. 34, 37; Tacitus,Hist., v. 5.
[14.34]Jos.,Ant., XIII., ix. 1; xi. 3; xv. 4; XV., vii. 9.
[14.35]Jos.,B. J., II., xvii. 10;Vita, 23.
[14.36]Matt, xxiii. 13.
[14.37]Jos.,Ant., XX., vii. 1, 3; Compare XVI., vii. 6.
[14.38]Ibid. XX., ii. 4.
[14.39]Ibid. XX, ii. 5, 6; iv. 1.
[14.40]Jos.,B. J., II., xx. 2.
[14.41]Seneca, fragment in St. Augustin.De civ. Dei, vi. 11.
[14.42]Jos.,Ant., XX., ii.-iv.
[14.43]Tacitus,Ann., xii. 13, 14. The greater part of the names of this] family are Persian.
[14.44]The name of “Helen” proves this. Still, it is remarkable that the Greek does not figure upon the bi-lingual inscription (Syriac and Syro-Chaldaic) of the tomb of a princess of the family, discovered and brought to Paris by M. de Saulcy. SeeJournal Asiatique, Dec., 1865.
[14.45]Cf. Bereschith rabba, xlvi. 51 d.
[14.46]It is according to all appearances the monument known at this day under the name of “Tomb of the Kings.” SeeJournal Asiatique, passage cited.
[14.47]Jos.,B. J., ii., xix. 2; vi., vi. 4.
[14.48]Talmud of Jerusalem,Peah, 15 b., where there are put into the mouth of one of the Monobaze maxims that exactly recall the Gospel (Matt. vi. 19 and following). Talmud of Bab.,Baba Bathra, 11 a;Joma, 37 a;Nazir, 19 b;Schabbath, 68 b;Sifra, 70 a;Bereschith rabba, xlvi., fol. 51 d.
[14.49]Moses of Khorene, ii. 35; Orose, vii. 6.
[14.50]Luke, xxi. 21.
[14.51]Τὰ πάτρια ἔθη, an expression so familiar with Josephus, when he defends the position of the Jews in the pagan world.
CHAPTER XV.