Chapter 19

[152]See p.194,supra.[153]Prov. 4 : 18.[154]See Lepsius’sTodtenbuch; Bunsen’sEgypt’s Place in Universal History, V., 125-133;Renouf’sThe Religion of Ancient Egypt, pp. 179-208.[155]SeeLenormantandChevallier’sAncient History of the East, I., 308.[156]Renouf’sThe Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 208.[157]Bunsen’sEgypt’s Place, V., 133.[158]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 127.[159]Ibid., V., 174 f.[160]This is the rendering of Birch.Ebershas looked for an explanation of this gloss, in the rite of circumcision (Ægypten u. d. Bücher Mose’s, p. 284 f.); but the primary reference to the “arm” of the god, and to the union secured through the interflowing blood, point to the blood-covenant as the employed figure of speech; although circumcision, as will be seen presently, was likewise a symbol of the blood-covenant—for one’s self and for one’s seed.Brugschalso sees a similar meaning, to that suggested byEbers, in this reference to the blood. His rendering of the original text is: “Reach me your hands. I have become that which ye are” (Religion u. Mythol. d. alt. Ægypt., I., 219).Le Page Renouf, looking for the symbolisms ofmaterialnature in all these statements, would find here “the crimson of a sunset” in the “blood which flows from the Sun-god Rā, as he hastens to his suicide” (Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., Vol. VIII., Part 2, p. 211). This, however, does not conflict with thespiritualsymbolism of oneness of nature through oneness of blood. And no one of these last three suggested meanings accounts for the oneness with the gods through blood, which the deceased claims, unless the symbolism of blood-covenanting be recognized in the terminology. That symbolism being recognized, the precise source of the flowing blood becomes a minor matter.[161]See Wilkinson’sAnc. Egypt., III., 473;Renouf’sRelig. of Anc. Egypt, pp. 191-193;Lenormant’sChaldean Magic, p. 88.[162]SeeTodtenbuch, chap. LXVIII.;Egypt’s Place, V., 211.[163]SeePierret’sVocabulaire Hiéroglyphique, p. 721 f.; also, Birch’s “Dict. of Hierog.” inEgypt’s Place, V., 519.[164]See page65f.,supra.[165]SeeTodtenbuch, chap. CLVI.;Egypt’s Place, V., 315;Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., VIII., 2, 211.This amulet is also calledtet; a word of the same phonetic force astet, the “arm,” or the “bracelet,” but of different letters. This word(inline illustration)seems to have the root-idea of “word;” as if it were applied to the text of the blood-covenant.The amulet as constructed for the mummy, was stained with the water or liquid of the tree calledankh am(inline illustration). The amulet itself, according toBrugsch, was also calledankh merer(inline illustration). Butankh(inline illustration)means either tolive(the ordinary meaning), or toswear, tomake oath(more rarely), andmerer(inline illustration)is a reduplicated form ofmer(inline illustration)to love,love,friendship. The meaning ofankh merer, as applied to the blood-amulet may be, oath, or covenant, or pledge of love or friendship. The wordmerer, in the compoundankh merer, is followed with the determinative of the flying scarabæus(inline illustration)which was commonly placed (Anc. Egypt., III., 346) upon the breast, in lieu of the heart of the dead (Ibid., III., 486). See page100,infra.And here the inquiry is suggested, Was theankh amthe same as the modernhenneh? Note the connection ofhennehwith the marriage festivities in the East to-day.“Paint one hand with henna, mother;Paint one hand and leave the other.Bracelets on the right with henna;On the left give drink to henna.”(Jessup’sSyrian Home Life, p. 34.)[166]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 232.[167]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 174, 254, 282.[168]Ibid., V., 323.[169]SeeZeitschrift für Ægyptische Sprache,erstes Heft, 1885, p. 16.[170]See page81f.,supra.[171]SeePierret,Brugsch, Birch,s. v.[172]Uarda, I., 192.[173]Ferriol’sRecueil de cent Estampes representant differentes Nations du Levant,Carte 43, andExplication, p. 16.[174]First Miss. Voyage to the So. Sea Islands, pp. 352-363.[175]Ibid., p. 196.[176]Ellis’sPolynesian Researches, I., 529.[177]Psa. 56 : 8.[178]“The Goose Girl,” in Grimm’sHousehold Tales.[179]1 Kings 18 : 26-28.[180]Van Lennep’sBible Lands, pp. 767-769.[181]See Herrera’sGen. Hist. of Cont. and Isl. of America, III., 209, 211, 216, 300 f.; Clavigero’sHist. of Mex., Bk. VI., chaps. 22, 38; Motolinia’sHist. Ind. de Nueva España, p. 22; Landa’sRelat. Yucatan, XXXV.;Ximenez’sHist. Ind. Gautem., pp. 171-181; Palacio’sSan Salv. and Hond.(in Squier’sColl., I.) 65 ff., 106, 116;Simon’sTer. Not. Conq. Tier. Firm. en Nue Gran.(in Kingsborough’sAntiq. of Mex., VIII.) 208, 248; all cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 20-26, 28, 33. See, also, Bancroft’sNative Races of Pacif. Coast, I., 665, 723; II., 259, 306, 708, 710.[182]Serving the purpose of the Otaheitan shark’s-teeth. See page86f.,supra.[183]Réville’sNative Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 84 f.[184]Cited in Adam’sCuriosities of Superstition.[185]Cited in Benson’sRemarkable Trials and Notorious Characters, p. 11.[186]Cited in Drake’sThe Witchcraft Delusion in New England, I., 187; II., 214.[187]Ibid., I, xviii. See also,Appendix,infra.[188]Faust, Swanwick’s translation, Part I., lines 1360-1386.[189]See Tylor’sPrimitive Culture, II., 402; citing Boecler’sEhsten Aberglaübische Gebraüche, 4.[190]Egypt’s Place, V. 188.[191]This is illustrated byEbers, in his romance of “Uarda;” where the surgeon, Nebsecht, finds such difficulty in obtaining a human heart, in order to its anatomical study. See, also, Birch’s statement, inEgypt’s Place, V., 135, andPierret’sDict. d’Arch. Égypt., s. v. “Cœur.”[192]Anc. Egypt., III., 472, note 6.[193]Ibid., III., 466, note 3.[194]In the Book of the Dead, Chapter xxxvi. tells “How a Person has his Heart made (or given) to him in the Hades.” And in preparing the mummy, a scarabæus,—a symbol of the creative or life-giving god—was put in the place of the heart. (See Rubric, chapter xxx., Book of the Dead;Anc. Egypt., III., 346, 486; also, note inUarda, I., 305 f.).[195]Egypt’s Place, V., 14.[196]Ibid., V., 283.[197]Anc. Egypt., II., 27, note.[198]Prov. 4 : 23.[199]Anc. Egypt., II., 27, 31; III., 409.[200]Ibid., II., 32, Plate No. 300.[201]Ibid., II., 27 note 1.[202]Comp.Ibid., III., 409, 416 f.[203]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 254.[204]Rec. of Past, II., 137-152.[205]See Lynd’sHist. of Dakotas, p. 73.[206]See citations from various original sources, in Bancroft’sNative Races of Pacific Coast, II., 306-310, 707-709.[207]The Nahuas were “skilled ones,” or “experts,” who had emigrated Northward from the Maya land (Réville’sNative Religions, p. 20).[208]Clavigero’sAnc. Hist. of Mex., II., 45-49, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 307.[209]The proper centre of the Maya nations lay in Yucatan (Réville’sNative Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 18).[210]Gomara, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 310 f.[211]Herrera, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 706 f.[212]Native Religions of Mexico and Peru(Hibbert Lectures, 1884), p. 43 f. See, also, pp. 45, 46, 82, 99.[213]See Pindar’sOlympian Odes, Ode 1, line 146; Sophocles’Trachiniæ, line 766; Virgil’sÆneid, Bk. XI., line 81 f.[214]Homer’sOdyssey, Bk. III., lines 11, 12, 461-463;Iliad, Bk. II., lines 427, 428.[215]Cicero’sDe Divinatione, Bk. I., chap. 52, § 119.[216]See Sanchoniathon’s references to blood libations, in Cory’sAncient Fragments, pp. 7, 11, 16.[217]See “The Hindu Pantheon,” in Birdwood’sIndian Arts, p. 96.[218]Frere’sOld Deccan Days, p. 266.[219]Williams’sMiddle Kingdom, I., 194.[220]Edkins’sReligion in China, p. 22.[221]Williams’sMid. King., I., 76-78.[222]The inscription was first found, in 1875, in the tomb of Setee I., the father of Rameses II., the Pharaoh of the oppression. A translation of it appeared in theTransactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Vol. 4, Part I. Again it has been found, in the tomb of Rameses III. Its earliest and its latest translations were made byM. Édouard Naville, the eminent Swiss Egyptologist. Meantime,Brugsch, De Bergmann, Lauth,Lefébure, and others, have aided in its elucidation (SeeProceed. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., for March 3, 1885).Is there not a reference to this legend in the Book of the Dead, chapter xviii., sixth section?[223]Mandrakes, or “love-apples,” among the ancient Egyptians, as also among the Orientals generally, from the days of Jacob (Gen. 30 : 14-17) until to-day, carried the idea of promoting a loving union; and the Egyptian name for mandrakes—tetmut—combined the root-wordtetalready referred to as meaning “arm,” or “bracelet,” andmut—with the signification of “attesting,” or “confirming.” Thus the blood and the mandrake juice would be a trueassiratum. (SeePierret’sVocabulaire Hiéroglyphique, p. 723.) “Belief in this plant [the mandrake] is as old as history.” (Napier’sFolk-Lore, p. 90.) See, also, Lang’sCustom and Myth, pp. 143-155.[224]Mendieta’sHist. Eccl. Ind., 77 ff.; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 38; also Brinton’sMyths of the New World, p. 258.[225]See Cory’sAnc. Frag., p. 59 f.[226]Ibid., p. 15.[227]Comp. Fabri’sEvagatorium, III., 218.[228]Beginnings of History, p. 52, note.[229]Bryant’sOdyssey, Bks. x. and xi.[230]See Sayce’sAnc. Emp. of East, p. 146.[231]Among the ancient Peruvians, there was said to be a class of devil-worshipers, known ascanchus, orrumapmicuc, the members of which sucked the blood from sleeping youth, to their own nourishing and to the speedy dying away of the persons thus depleted. (See Arriaga’sExtirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru, p. 21 f.; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 48.). See, also, Ralston’sRussian Folk Tales, pp. 311-328.[232]Farrer’sPrimitive Manners and Customs, p. 23 f.[233]The primitive belief seems to have had a sound basis in scientific fact.[234]Transfusion of Human Blood, pp. 2-4.[235]Ibid., p. 5.[236]See pages85-88,supra.[237]Transf. of Blood, p. 5.[238]2 Kings 5 : 1-14.[239]Hist. Nat.xxvi., 5.[240]SeeNotes and Queries, for Feb. 28, 1857; with citation from Soane’sNew Curiosities of Literature, I., 72.[241]Ibid.; also Mills’sHistory of Chivalry, chap. IV., note.[242]See citation from Soane, inNotes and Queries, supra.[243]Citation from “Saturday Review,” for Feb. 14, 1857, inNotes and Queries, supra.[244]See Grimm’sHousehold Tales, I., 23-30.[245]Cox and Jones’sPopular Romances of the Middle Ages, pp. 85-87.[246]Cox and Jones’sRomances of the Middle Ages, p. 292.[247]Lettsom’sNibel. Lied, p. 158.[248]Kalila wa-Dimna, p. 315-319.[249]Fielde’sPagoda Shadows, p. 88.[250]Croniques de France, 1516,feuillet c c i j, cited from Soane, inNotes and Queries, supra.[251]Roussel’sTrans. of Blood, p. 6. A different version of this story is given inBruys’sHistoire des Papes, IV., 278; but the other version is supported by two independent sources, inInfessuræ Diarium, andBurchardi Diarium. SeeNotes and Queries, 5th Series, III., 496, and IV., 38; also Hare’sWalks in Rome, p. 590.[252]Dict. Méd. et Chirurg. Prat., Art. “Transfusion.”[253]Shooter’sKafirs of Natal, p. 117.[254]Ibid., p. 216.[255]Bonwick’sDaily Life and Origin of Tasmanians, p. 89; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 43.[256]Hist., IV., 64.[257]Jesuits in No. Am. in 17th Cent., p. 389 f.[258]Ragueneau; cited by Parkman.[259]Jesuits in No. Am., Introduction, p. xxxix.[260]Ibid., p. 250.[261]City of the Saints, p. 117. See also Appendix.[262]Reisen in Brit. Guian., II., 430; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., VI., 36.[263]Trans. of Ethn. Soc.new series, III., 240, cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 36.[264]Beecham’sAshantee and the Gold Coast, p. 211; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., IV., 33.[265]See Tylor’sPrimitive Culture, I., 459; also Bock’sHead Hunters of Borneo, passim.[266]Mrs. Finn’s “Fellaheen of Palestine” inSurv. of West. Pal.“Special Papers,” p. 360.[267]This is Mrs. Finn’s rendering of it; but it should be “Isacrificedhim with my teeth.” The Arabic word is obviouslydhabaha(ذبح), identical with the Hebrewzabhakh(זָבַח) “to sacrifice.”[268]Lang’sCustom and Myth, p. 95 f.; also Grimm’sHousehold Tales, p. lxviii.[269]Cox and Jones’sPop. Rom. of Mid. Ages, p. 310.[270]Lettsom’sNibel. Lied, p. 373.[271]Thompson’sAlcedo’s Geog. and Hist. Dict. of America, I., 408; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., VI., 19.[272]Travels in Nubia, p. 356.[273]Trans. of Ethn. Soc.II., 246, and Angas’sAustr. and New Zeal.I., 73, 227, 462, cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 26.[274]SeeDict. Méd. et Chir. Prat.Art. “Transfusion”; alsoRoussel’sTransf. of Blood, pp. 78-88.[275]Transf. of Blood, p. 19.[276]See page20,supra.[277]Thro. Dark Cont., I., 123-131.[278]Thompson’sThro. Masâi Land, p. 430.[279]Ibid., p. 452.[280]Shooter’sKafirs of Natal, notes, p. 399.[281]H. A. L., inSport in Many Lands.[282]SeeTrans. Royal Asiat. Soc., I., 69; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., V., 26 f.

[152]See p.194,supra.

[152]See p.194,supra.

[153]Prov. 4 : 18.

[153]Prov. 4 : 18.

[154]See Lepsius’sTodtenbuch; Bunsen’sEgypt’s Place in Universal History, V., 125-133;Renouf’sThe Religion of Ancient Egypt, pp. 179-208.

[154]See Lepsius’sTodtenbuch; Bunsen’sEgypt’s Place in Universal History, V., 125-133;Renouf’sThe Religion of Ancient Egypt, pp. 179-208.

[155]SeeLenormantandChevallier’sAncient History of the East, I., 308.

[155]SeeLenormantandChevallier’sAncient History of the East, I., 308.

[156]Renouf’sThe Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 208.

[156]Renouf’sThe Religion of Ancient Egypt, p. 208.

[157]Bunsen’sEgypt’s Place, V., 133.

[157]Bunsen’sEgypt’s Place, V., 133.

[158]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 127.

[158]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 127.

[159]Ibid., V., 174 f.

[159]Ibid., V., 174 f.

[160]This is the rendering of Birch.Ebershas looked for an explanation of this gloss, in the rite of circumcision (Ægypten u. d. Bücher Mose’s, p. 284 f.); but the primary reference to the “arm” of the god, and to the union secured through the interflowing blood, point to the blood-covenant as the employed figure of speech; although circumcision, as will be seen presently, was likewise a symbol of the blood-covenant—for one’s self and for one’s seed.Brugschalso sees a similar meaning, to that suggested byEbers, in this reference to the blood. His rendering of the original text is: “Reach me your hands. I have become that which ye are” (Religion u. Mythol. d. alt. Ægypt., I., 219).Le Page Renouf, looking for the symbolisms ofmaterialnature in all these statements, would find here “the crimson of a sunset” in the “blood which flows from the Sun-god Rā, as he hastens to his suicide” (Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., Vol. VIII., Part 2, p. 211). This, however, does not conflict with thespiritualsymbolism of oneness of nature through oneness of blood. And no one of these last three suggested meanings accounts for the oneness with the gods through blood, which the deceased claims, unless the symbolism of blood-covenanting be recognized in the terminology. That symbolism being recognized, the precise source of the flowing blood becomes a minor matter.

[160]This is the rendering of Birch.Ebershas looked for an explanation of this gloss, in the rite of circumcision (Ægypten u. d. Bücher Mose’s, p. 284 f.); but the primary reference to the “arm” of the god, and to the union secured through the interflowing blood, point to the blood-covenant as the employed figure of speech; although circumcision, as will be seen presently, was likewise a symbol of the blood-covenant—for one’s self and for one’s seed.Brugschalso sees a similar meaning, to that suggested byEbers, in this reference to the blood. His rendering of the original text is: “Reach me your hands. I have become that which ye are” (Religion u. Mythol. d. alt. Ægypt., I., 219).Le Page Renouf, looking for the symbolisms ofmaterialnature in all these statements, would find here “the crimson of a sunset” in the “blood which flows from the Sun-god Rā, as he hastens to his suicide” (Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., Vol. VIII., Part 2, p. 211). This, however, does not conflict with thespiritualsymbolism of oneness of nature through oneness of blood. And no one of these last three suggested meanings accounts for the oneness with the gods through blood, which the deceased claims, unless the symbolism of blood-covenanting be recognized in the terminology. That symbolism being recognized, the precise source of the flowing blood becomes a minor matter.

[161]See Wilkinson’sAnc. Egypt., III., 473;Renouf’sRelig. of Anc. Egypt, pp. 191-193;Lenormant’sChaldean Magic, p. 88.

[161]See Wilkinson’sAnc. Egypt., III., 473;Renouf’sRelig. of Anc. Egypt, pp. 191-193;Lenormant’sChaldean Magic, p. 88.

[162]SeeTodtenbuch, chap. LXVIII.;Egypt’s Place, V., 211.

[162]SeeTodtenbuch, chap. LXVIII.;Egypt’s Place, V., 211.

[163]SeePierret’sVocabulaire Hiéroglyphique, p. 721 f.; also, Birch’s “Dict. of Hierog.” inEgypt’s Place, V., 519.

[163]SeePierret’sVocabulaire Hiéroglyphique, p. 721 f.; also, Birch’s “Dict. of Hierog.” inEgypt’s Place, V., 519.

[164]See page65f.,supra.

[164]See page65f.,supra.

[165]SeeTodtenbuch, chap. CLVI.;Egypt’s Place, V., 315;Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., VIII., 2, 211.This amulet is also calledtet; a word of the same phonetic force astet, the “arm,” or the “bracelet,” but of different letters. This word(inline illustration)seems to have the root-idea of “word;” as if it were applied to the text of the blood-covenant.The amulet as constructed for the mummy, was stained with the water or liquid of the tree calledankh am(inline illustration). The amulet itself, according toBrugsch, was also calledankh merer(inline illustration). Butankh(inline illustration)means either tolive(the ordinary meaning), or toswear, tomake oath(more rarely), andmerer(inline illustration)is a reduplicated form ofmer(inline illustration)to love,love,friendship. The meaning ofankh merer, as applied to the blood-amulet may be, oath, or covenant, or pledge of love or friendship. The wordmerer, in the compoundankh merer, is followed with the determinative of the flying scarabæus(inline illustration)which was commonly placed (Anc. Egypt., III., 346) upon the breast, in lieu of the heart of the dead (Ibid., III., 486). See page100,infra.And here the inquiry is suggested, Was theankh amthe same as the modernhenneh? Note the connection ofhennehwith the marriage festivities in the East to-day.“Paint one hand with henna, mother;Paint one hand and leave the other.Bracelets on the right with henna;On the left give drink to henna.”(Jessup’sSyrian Home Life, p. 34.)

[165]SeeTodtenbuch, chap. CLVI.;Egypt’s Place, V., 315;Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., VIII., 2, 211.

This amulet is also calledtet; a word of the same phonetic force astet, the “arm,” or the “bracelet,” but of different letters. This word(inline illustration)seems to have the root-idea of “word;” as if it were applied to the text of the blood-covenant.

The amulet as constructed for the mummy, was stained with the water or liquid of the tree calledankh am(inline illustration). The amulet itself, according toBrugsch, was also calledankh merer(inline illustration). Butankh(inline illustration)means either tolive(the ordinary meaning), or toswear, tomake oath(more rarely), andmerer(inline illustration)is a reduplicated form ofmer(inline illustration)to love,love,friendship. The meaning ofankh merer, as applied to the blood-amulet may be, oath, or covenant, or pledge of love or friendship. The wordmerer, in the compoundankh merer, is followed with the determinative of the flying scarabæus(inline illustration)which was commonly placed (Anc. Egypt., III., 346) upon the breast, in lieu of the heart of the dead (Ibid., III., 486). See page100,infra.

And here the inquiry is suggested, Was theankh amthe same as the modernhenneh? Note the connection ofhennehwith the marriage festivities in the East to-day.

“Paint one hand with henna, mother;

Paint one hand and leave the other.

Bracelets on the right with henna;

On the left give drink to henna.”

(Jessup’sSyrian Home Life, p. 34.)

[166]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 232.

[166]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 232.

[167]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 174, 254, 282.

[167]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 174, 254, 282.

[168]Ibid., V., 323.

[168]Ibid., V., 323.

[169]SeeZeitschrift für Ægyptische Sprache,erstes Heft, 1885, p. 16.

[169]SeeZeitschrift für Ægyptische Sprache,erstes Heft, 1885, p. 16.

[170]See page81f.,supra.

[170]See page81f.,supra.

[171]SeePierret,Brugsch, Birch,s. v.

[171]SeePierret,Brugsch, Birch,s. v.

[172]Uarda, I., 192.

[172]Uarda, I., 192.

[173]Ferriol’sRecueil de cent Estampes representant differentes Nations du Levant,Carte 43, andExplication, p. 16.

[173]Ferriol’sRecueil de cent Estampes representant differentes Nations du Levant,Carte 43, andExplication, p. 16.

[174]First Miss. Voyage to the So. Sea Islands, pp. 352-363.

[174]First Miss. Voyage to the So. Sea Islands, pp. 352-363.

[175]Ibid., p. 196.

[175]Ibid., p. 196.

[176]Ellis’sPolynesian Researches, I., 529.

[176]Ellis’sPolynesian Researches, I., 529.

[177]Psa. 56 : 8.

[177]Psa. 56 : 8.

[178]“The Goose Girl,” in Grimm’sHousehold Tales.

[178]“The Goose Girl,” in Grimm’sHousehold Tales.

[179]1 Kings 18 : 26-28.

[179]1 Kings 18 : 26-28.

[180]Van Lennep’sBible Lands, pp. 767-769.

[180]Van Lennep’sBible Lands, pp. 767-769.

[181]See Herrera’sGen. Hist. of Cont. and Isl. of America, III., 209, 211, 216, 300 f.; Clavigero’sHist. of Mex., Bk. VI., chaps. 22, 38; Motolinia’sHist. Ind. de Nueva España, p. 22; Landa’sRelat. Yucatan, XXXV.;Ximenez’sHist. Ind. Gautem., pp. 171-181; Palacio’sSan Salv. and Hond.(in Squier’sColl., I.) 65 ff., 106, 116;Simon’sTer. Not. Conq. Tier. Firm. en Nue Gran.(in Kingsborough’sAntiq. of Mex., VIII.) 208, 248; all cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 20-26, 28, 33. See, also, Bancroft’sNative Races of Pacif. Coast, I., 665, 723; II., 259, 306, 708, 710.

[181]See Herrera’sGen. Hist. of Cont. and Isl. of America, III., 209, 211, 216, 300 f.; Clavigero’sHist. of Mex., Bk. VI., chaps. 22, 38; Motolinia’sHist. Ind. de Nueva España, p. 22; Landa’sRelat. Yucatan, XXXV.;Ximenez’sHist. Ind. Gautem., pp. 171-181; Palacio’sSan Salv. and Hond.(in Squier’sColl., I.) 65 ff., 106, 116;Simon’sTer. Not. Conq. Tier. Firm. en Nue Gran.(in Kingsborough’sAntiq. of Mex., VIII.) 208, 248; all cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 20-26, 28, 33. See, also, Bancroft’sNative Races of Pacif. Coast, I., 665, 723; II., 259, 306, 708, 710.

[182]Serving the purpose of the Otaheitan shark’s-teeth. See page86f.,supra.

[182]Serving the purpose of the Otaheitan shark’s-teeth. See page86f.,supra.

[183]Réville’sNative Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 84 f.

[183]Réville’sNative Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 84 f.

[184]Cited in Adam’sCuriosities of Superstition.

[184]Cited in Adam’sCuriosities of Superstition.

[185]Cited in Benson’sRemarkable Trials and Notorious Characters, p. 11.

[185]Cited in Benson’sRemarkable Trials and Notorious Characters, p. 11.

[186]Cited in Drake’sThe Witchcraft Delusion in New England, I., 187; II., 214.

[186]Cited in Drake’sThe Witchcraft Delusion in New England, I., 187; II., 214.

[187]Ibid., I, xviii. See also,Appendix,infra.

[187]Ibid., I, xviii. See also,Appendix,infra.

[188]Faust, Swanwick’s translation, Part I., lines 1360-1386.

[188]Faust, Swanwick’s translation, Part I., lines 1360-1386.

[189]See Tylor’sPrimitive Culture, II., 402; citing Boecler’sEhsten Aberglaübische Gebraüche, 4.

[189]See Tylor’sPrimitive Culture, II., 402; citing Boecler’sEhsten Aberglaübische Gebraüche, 4.

[190]Egypt’s Place, V. 188.

[190]Egypt’s Place, V. 188.

[191]This is illustrated byEbers, in his romance of “Uarda;” where the surgeon, Nebsecht, finds such difficulty in obtaining a human heart, in order to its anatomical study. See, also, Birch’s statement, inEgypt’s Place, V., 135, andPierret’sDict. d’Arch. Égypt., s. v. “Cœur.”

[191]This is illustrated byEbers, in his romance of “Uarda;” where the surgeon, Nebsecht, finds such difficulty in obtaining a human heart, in order to its anatomical study. See, also, Birch’s statement, inEgypt’s Place, V., 135, andPierret’sDict. d’Arch. Égypt., s. v. “Cœur.”

[192]Anc. Egypt., III., 472, note 6.

[192]Anc. Egypt., III., 472, note 6.

[193]Ibid., III., 466, note 3.

[193]Ibid., III., 466, note 3.

[194]In the Book of the Dead, Chapter xxxvi. tells “How a Person has his Heart made (or given) to him in the Hades.” And in preparing the mummy, a scarabæus,—a symbol of the creative or life-giving god—was put in the place of the heart. (See Rubric, chapter xxx., Book of the Dead;Anc. Egypt., III., 346, 486; also, note inUarda, I., 305 f.).

[194]In the Book of the Dead, Chapter xxxvi. tells “How a Person has his Heart made (or given) to him in the Hades.” And in preparing the mummy, a scarabæus,—a symbol of the creative or life-giving god—was put in the place of the heart. (See Rubric, chapter xxx., Book of the Dead;Anc. Egypt., III., 346, 486; also, note inUarda, I., 305 f.).

[195]Egypt’s Place, V., 14.

[195]Egypt’s Place, V., 14.

[196]Ibid., V., 283.

[196]Ibid., V., 283.

[197]Anc. Egypt., II., 27, note.

[197]Anc. Egypt., II., 27, note.

[198]Prov. 4 : 23.

[198]Prov. 4 : 23.

[199]Anc. Egypt., II., 27, 31; III., 409.

[199]Anc. Egypt., II., 27, 31; III., 409.

[200]Ibid., II., 32, Plate No. 300.

[200]Ibid., II., 32, Plate No. 300.

[201]Ibid., II., 27 note 1.

[201]Ibid., II., 27 note 1.

[202]Comp.Ibid., III., 409, 416 f.

[202]Comp.Ibid., III., 409, 416 f.

[203]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 254.

[203]SeeEgypt’s Place, V., 254.

[204]Rec. of Past, II., 137-152.

[204]Rec. of Past, II., 137-152.

[205]See Lynd’sHist. of Dakotas, p. 73.

[205]See Lynd’sHist. of Dakotas, p. 73.

[206]See citations from various original sources, in Bancroft’sNative Races of Pacific Coast, II., 306-310, 707-709.

[206]See citations from various original sources, in Bancroft’sNative Races of Pacific Coast, II., 306-310, 707-709.

[207]The Nahuas were “skilled ones,” or “experts,” who had emigrated Northward from the Maya land (Réville’sNative Religions, p. 20).

[207]The Nahuas were “skilled ones,” or “experts,” who had emigrated Northward from the Maya land (Réville’sNative Religions, p. 20).

[208]Clavigero’sAnc. Hist. of Mex., II., 45-49, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 307.

[208]Clavigero’sAnc. Hist. of Mex., II., 45-49, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 307.

[209]The proper centre of the Maya nations lay in Yucatan (Réville’sNative Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 18).

[209]The proper centre of the Maya nations lay in Yucatan (Réville’sNative Religions of Mexico and Peru, p. 18).

[210]Gomara, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 310 f.

[210]Gomara, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 310 f.

[211]Herrera, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 706 f.

[211]Herrera, cited in Bancroft’sNative Races, II., 706 f.

[212]Native Religions of Mexico and Peru(Hibbert Lectures, 1884), p. 43 f. See, also, pp. 45, 46, 82, 99.

[212]Native Religions of Mexico and Peru(Hibbert Lectures, 1884), p. 43 f. See, also, pp. 45, 46, 82, 99.

[213]See Pindar’sOlympian Odes, Ode 1, line 146; Sophocles’Trachiniæ, line 766; Virgil’sÆneid, Bk. XI., line 81 f.

[213]See Pindar’sOlympian Odes, Ode 1, line 146; Sophocles’Trachiniæ, line 766; Virgil’sÆneid, Bk. XI., line 81 f.

[214]Homer’sOdyssey, Bk. III., lines 11, 12, 461-463;Iliad, Bk. II., lines 427, 428.

[214]Homer’sOdyssey, Bk. III., lines 11, 12, 461-463;Iliad, Bk. II., lines 427, 428.

[215]Cicero’sDe Divinatione, Bk. I., chap. 52, § 119.

[215]Cicero’sDe Divinatione, Bk. I., chap. 52, § 119.

[216]See Sanchoniathon’s references to blood libations, in Cory’sAncient Fragments, pp. 7, 11, 16.

[216]See Sanchoniathon’s references to blood libations, in Cory’sAncient Fragments, pp. 7, 11, 16.

[217]See “The Hindu Pantheon,” in Birdwood’sIndian Arts, p. 96.

[217]See “The Hindu Pantheon,” in Birdwood’sIndian Arts, p. 96.

[218]Frere’sOld Deccan Days, p. 266.

[218]Frere’sOld Deccan Days, p. 266.

[219]Williams’sMiddle Kingdom, I., 194.

[219]Williams’sMiddle Kingdom, I., 194.

[220]Edkins’sReligion in China, p. 22.

[220]Edkins’sReligion in China, p. 22.

[221]Williams’sMid. King., I., 76-78.

[221]Williams’sMid. King., I., 76-78.

[222]The inscription was first found, in 1875, in the tomb of Setee I., the father of Rameses II., the Pharaoh of the oppression. A translation of it appeared in theTransactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Vol. 4, Part I. Again it has been found, in the tomb of Rameses III. Its earliest and its latest translations were made byM. Édouard Naville, the eminent Swiss Egyptologist. Meantime,Brugsch, De Bergmann, Lauth,Lefébure, and others, have aided in its elucidation (SeeProceed. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., for March 3, 1885).Is there not a reference to this legend in the Book of the Dead, chapter xviii., sixth section?

[222]The inscription was first found, in 1875, in the tomb of Setee I., the father of Rameses II., the Pharaoh of the oppression. A translation of it appeared in theTransactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Vol. 4, Part I. Again it has been found, in the tomb of Rameses III. Its earliest and its latest translations were made byM. Édouard Naville, the eminent Swiss Egyptologist. Meantime,Brugsch, De Bergmann, Lauth,Lefébure, and others, have aided in its elucidation (SeeProceed. of Soc. of Bib. Arch., for March 3, 1885).

Is there not a reference to this legend in the Book of the Dead, chapter xviii., sixth section?

[223]Mandrakes, or “love-apples,” among the ancient Egyptians, as also among the Orientals generally, from the days of Jacob (Gen. 30 : 14-17) until to-day, carried the idea of promoting a loving union; and the Egyptian name for mandrakes—tetmut—combined the root-wordtetalready referred to as meaning “arm,” or “bracelet,” andmut—with the signification of “attesting,” or “confirming.” Thus the blood and the mandrake juice would be a trueassiratum. (SeePierret’sVocabulaire Hiéroglyphique, p. 723.) “Belief in this plant [the mandrake] is as old as history.” (Napier’sFolk-Lore, p. 90.) See, also, Lang’sCustom and Myth, pp. 143-155.

[223]Mandrakes, or “love-apples,” among the ancient Egyptians, as also among the Orientals generally, from the days of Jacob (Gen. 30 : 14-17) until to-day, carried the idea of promoting a loving union; and the Egyptian name for mandrakes—tetmut—combined the root-wordtetalready referred to as meaning “arm,” or “bracelet,” andmut—with the signification of “attesting,” or “confirming.” Thus the blood and the mandrake juice would be a trueassiratum. (SeePierret’sVocabulaire Hiéroglyphique, p. 723.) “Belief in this plant [the mandrake] is as old as history.” (Napier’sFolk-Lore, p. 90.) See, also, Lang’sCustom and Myth, pp. 143-155.

[224]Mendieta’sHist. Eccl. Ind., 77 ff.; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 38; also Brinton’sMyths of the New World, p. 258.

[224]Mendieta’sHist. Eccl. Ind., 77 ff.; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 38; also Brinton’sMyths of the New World, p. 258.

[225]See Cory’sAnc. Frag., p. 59 f.

[225]See Cory’sAnc. Frag., p. 59 f.

[226]Ibid., p. 15.

[226]Ibid., p. 15.

[227]Comp. Fabri’sEvagatorium, III., 218.

[227]Comp. Fabri’sEvagatorium, III., 218.

[228]Beginnings of History, p. 52, note.

[228]Beginnings of History, p. 52, note.

[229]Bryant’sOdyssey, Bks. x. and xi.

[229]Bryant’sOdyssey, Bks. x. and xi.

[230]See Sayce’sAnc. Emp. of East, p. 146.

[230]See Sayce’sAnc. Emp. of East, p. 146.

[231]Among the ancient Peruvians, there was said to be a class of devil-worshipers, known ascanchus, orrumapmicuc, the members of which sucked the blood from sleeping youth, to their own nourishing and to the speedy dying away of the persons thus depleted. (See Arriaga’sExtirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru, p. 21 f.; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 48.). See, also, Ralston’sRussian Folk Tales, pp. 311-328.

[231]Among the ancient Peruvians, there was said to be a class of devil-worshipers, known ascanchus, orrumapmicuc, the members of which sucked the blood from sleeping youth, to their own nourishing and to the speedy dying away of the persons thus depleted. (See Arriaga’sExtirpacion de la Idolatria del Piru, p. 21 f.; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., II., 48.). See, also, Ralston’sRussian Folk Tales, pp. 311-328.

[232]Farrer’sPrimitive Manners and Customs, p. 23 f.

[232]Farrer’sPrimitive Manners and Customs, p. 23 f.

[233]The primitive belief seems to have had a sound basis in scientific fact.

[233]The primitive belief seems to have had a sound basis in scientific fact.

[234]Transfusion of Human Blood, pp. 2-4.

[234]Transfusion of Human Blood, pp. 2-4.

[235]Ibid., p. 5.

[235]Ibid., p. 5.

[236]See pages85-88,supra.

[236]See pages85-88,supra.

[237]Transf. of Blood, p. 5.

[237]Transf. of Blood, p. 5.

[238]2 Kings 5 : 1-14.

[238]2 Kings 5 : 1-14.

[239]Hist. Nat.xxvi., 5.

[239]Hist. Nat.xxvi., 5.

[240]SeeNotes and Queries, for Feb. 28, 1857; with citation from Soane’sNew Curiosities of Literature, I., 72.

[240]SeeNotes and Queries, for Feb. 28, 1857; with citation from Soane’sNew Curiosities of Literature, I., 72.

[241]Ibid.; also Mills’sHistory of Chivalry, chap. IV., note.

[241]Ibid.; also Mills’sHistory of Chivalry, chap. IV., note.

[242]See citation from Soane, inNotes and Queries, supra.

[242]See citation from Soane, inNotes and Queries, supra.

[243]Citation from “Saturday Review,” for Feb. 14, 1857, inNotes and Queries, supra.

[243]Citation from “Saturday Review,” for Feb. 14, 1857, inNotes and Queries, supra.

[244]See Grimm’sHousehold Tales, I., 23-30.

[244]See Grimm’sHousehold Tales, I., 23-30.

[245]Cox and Jones’sPopular Romances of the Middle Ages, pp. 85-87.

[245]Cox and Jones’sPopular Romances of the Middle Ages, pp. 85-87.

[246]Cox and Jones’sRomances of the Middle Ages, p. 292.

[246]Cox and Jones’sRomances of the Middle Ages, p. 292.

[247]Lettsom’sNibel. Lied, p. 158.

[247]Lettsom’sNibel. Lied, p. 158.

[248]Kalila wa-Dimna, p. 315-319.

[248]Kalila wa-Dimna, p. 315-319.

[249]Fielde’sPagoda Shadows, p. 88.

[249]Fielde’sPagoda Shadows, p. 88.

[250]Croniques de France, 1516,feuillet c c i j, cited from Soane, inNotes and Queries, supra.

[250]Croniques de France, 1516,feuillet c c i j, cited from Soane, inNotes and Queries, supra.

[251]Roussel’sTrans. of Blood, p. 6. A different version of this story is given inBruys’sHistoire des Papes, IV., 278; but the other version is supported by two independent sources, inInfessuræ Diarium, andBurchardi Diarium. SeeNotes and Queries, 5th Series, III., 496, and IV., 38; also Hare’sWalks in Rome, p. 590.

[251]Roussel’sTrans. of Blood, p. 6. A different version of this story is given inBruys’sHistoire des Papes, IV., 278; but the other version is supported by two independent sources, inInfessuræ Diarium, andBurchardi Diarium. SeeNotes and Queries, 5th Series, III., 496, and IV., 38; also Hare’sWalks in Rome, p. 590.

[252]Dict. Méd. et Chirurg. Prat., Art. “Transfusion.”

[252]Dict. Méd. et Chirurg. Prat., Art. “Transfusion.”

[253]Shooter’sKafirs of Natal, p. 117.

[253]Shooter’sKafirs of Natal, p. 117.

[254]Ibid., p. 216.

[254]Ibid., p. 216.

[255]Bonwick’sDaily Life and Origin of Tasmanians, p. 89; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 43.

[255]Bonwick’sDaily Life and Origin of Tasmanians, p. 89; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 43.

[256]Hist., IV., 64.

[256]Hist., IV., 64.

[257]Jesuits in No. Am. in 17th Cent., p. 389 f.

[257]Jesuits in No. Am. in 17th Cent., p. 389 f.

[258]Ragueneau; cited by Parkman.

[258]Ragueneau; cited by Parkman.

[259]Jesuits in No. Am., Introduction, p. xxxix.

[259]Jesuits in No. Am., Introduction, p. xxxix.

[260]Ibid., p. 250.

[260]Ibid., p. 250.

[261]City of the Saints, p. 117. See also Appendix.

[261]City of the Saints, p. 117. See also Appendix.

[262]Reisen in Brit. Guian., II., 430; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., VI., 36.

[262]Reisen in Brit. Guian., II., 430; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., VI., 36.

[263]Trans. of Ethn. Soc.new series, III., 240, cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 36.

[263]Trans. of Ethn. Soc.new series, III., 240, cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 36.

[264]Beecham’sAshantee and the Gold Coast, p. 211; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., IV., 33.

[264]Beecham’sAshantee and the Gold Coast, p. 211; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., IV., 33.

[265]See Tylor’sPrimitive Culture, I., 459; also Bock’sHead Hunters of Borneo, passim.

[265]See Tylor’sPrimitive Culture, I., 459; also Bock’sHead Hunters of Borneo, passim.

[266]Mrs. Finn’s “Fellaheen of Palestine” inSurv. of West. Pal.“Special Papers,” p. 360.

[266]Mrs. Finn’s “Fellaheen of Palestine” inSurv. of West. Pal.“Special Papers,” p. 360.

[267]This is Mrs. Finn’s rendering of it; but it should be “Isacrificedhim with my teeth.” The Arabic word is obviouslydhabaha(ذبح), identical with the Hebrewzabhakh(זָבַח) “to sacrifice.”

[267]This is Mrs. Finn’s rendering of it; but it should be “Isacrificedhim with my teeth.” The Arabic word is obviouslydhabaha(ذبح), identical with the Hebrewzabhakh(זָבַח) “to sacrifice.”

[268]Lang’sCustom and Myth, p. 95 f.; also Grimm’sHousehold Tales, p. lxviii.

[268]Lang’sCustom and Myth, p. 95 f.; also Grimm’sHousehold Tales, p. lxviii.

[269]Cox and Jones’sPop. Rom. of Mid. Ages, p. 310.

[269]Cox and Jones’sPop. Rom. of Mid. Ages, p. 310.

[270]Lettsom’sNibel. Lied, p. 373.

[270]Lettsom’sNibel. Lied, p. 373.

[271]Thompson’sAlcedo’s Geog. and Hist. Dict. of America, I., 408; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., VI., 19.

[271]Thompson’sAlcedo’s Geog. and Hist. Dict. of America, I., 408; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., VI., 19.

[272]Travels in Nubia, p. 356.

[272]Travels in Nubia, p. 356.

[273]Trans. of Ethn. Soc.II., 246, and Angas’sAustr. and New Zeal.I., 73, 227, 462, cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 26.

[273]Trans. of Ethn. Soc.II., 246, and Angas’sAustr. and New Zeal.I., 73, 227, 462, cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., III., 26.

[274]SeeDict. Méd. et Chir. Prat.Art. “Transfusion”; alsoRoussel’sTransf. of Blood, pp. 78-88.

[274]SeeDict. Méd. et Chir. Prat.Art. “Transfusion”; alsoRoussel’sTransf. of Blood, pp. 78-88.

[275]Transf. of Blood, p. 19.

[275]Transf. of Blood, p. 19.

[276]See page20,supra.

[276]See page20,supra.

[277]Thro. Dark Cont., I., 123-131.

[277]Thro. Dark Cont., I., 123-131.

[278]Thompson’sThro. Masâi Land, p. 430.

[278]Thompson’sThro. Masâi Land, p. 430.

[279]Ibid., p. 452.

[279]Ibid., p. 452.

[280]Shooter’sKafirs of Natal, notes, p. 399.

[280]Shooter’sKafirs of Natal, notes, p. 399.

[281]H. A. L., inSport in Many Lands.

[281]H. A. L., inSport in Many Lands.

[282]SeeTrans. Royal Asiat. Soc., I., 69; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., V., 26 f.

[282]SeeTrans. Royal Asiat. Soc., I., 69; cited in Spencer’sDes. Soc., V., 26 f.

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