“His sone was called the flour of courtlyness;As witnes weill in to the schort trettyEftir the Bruce, quha redis in that story.”(The Wallace,Bk.vii. 900-2.)
“His sone was called the flour of courtlyness;As witnes weill in to the schort trettyEftir the Bruce, quha redis in that story.”(The Wallace,Bk.vii. 900-2.)
“His sone was called the flour of courtlyness;As witnes weill in to the schort trettyEftir the Bruce, quha redis in that story.”(The Wallace,Bk.vii. 900-2.)
31Fergus de Ardrossane.Ardrossan is on the coast of Ayr. Fergus had at first joined Bruce, was captured, and procured his release by going over to Edward II., from whom he in 1312 received the “barony of Bisshoplande,” near Kirkintilloch (Bain, iii., Nos. 51, 227, 265). Probably he reverted to Bruce after Bannockburn. He is among those mentioned in theAnnals(p. 344). He received a fresh grant of the lands of Ardrossan and others apparently in 1316 (Reg. Mag. Sig., pp. 10, 51).
33Wokingis Firth.This name is evidently corrupt. Innes identifies it with Larne Lough, and so also do Bain and Skeat, citing from Reeves (Eccles. History of Down and Connor) forms such as Wolderfrith, etc., and the present Olderfleet Castle on that Lough (Bain, iii. xxxiv, note). In a letter of Edward II., 1311, we have “Wolrikesford, near Knacfergus (Carrickfergus), in Ulster,” whence a fleet is to sail against Robert Bruce (Bain, iii., No. 216). In 1327 King Robert is to get corn from the Ulster men delivered at “Ulringfirth” (ibid., 922). TheAnnalssay, first, that the Scots put it at “Clondonne,” or Glen Dun, in Antrim, south of Torr Head, the nearest point (eighteen miles) to the Scottish coast, and, immediately after, that they entered Ireland “near Cragfergus, in Ulster” (p. 344). Robert Bruce was at “Glendouyne” when he executed the agreement mentioned above. Probably the Scots touched at Glendun, and then coasted down to Larne Lough.
38sex thousand men.Six thousand is the number in theAnnals(p. 344).
47Maundvell.The Scots “drove out Sir Thomas de Maundevile and other loyal men from their own land” (Annals of Ireland, p. 344). The Bysets were descended from John Byset, who was banished from Scotland by Alexander II., and who got land in Antrim under the de Burghs. The Logans were large proprietors in the north of Ireland(Reeves’sDown and ConnorinInnes), as also were the Savages (ibid.). John Logan and Sir Hugh Byset are the heroes of a great slaughter of the Scots in Ulster on November 1, 1316 (Annals, Fragment, p. 298). Sir Hugh afterwards joined the Scots (Bain, iii., No. 632).
80In that battale.Near the river Bann (Annals, 344). “tane or slane.”—The Earl of Ulster, Richard de Burgh, was put to flight; his son, William de Burgh, and John de Statona were captured, and many English slain. The Scots were successful (Annals, pp. 344-5).
102the kyngis.Reguli, petty kings or important chiefs, a usual Gaelic equivalent.Cf.Bk.XVIII. 9 and note.
105Makfulchiane(C),Makgullane,Makgoulchane(H). Jamieson says Irish Macleans (MacGillian); Innes suggests MacCoolechan: “MacEthelan” is among the chiefs inFoedera(iii., p. 476). Most likely we have to do withO’Fuillchainin the formMacFuillchain, from which, byMacFhuillchain, could also comeMacGuillchain, as in H.
106Makartane,Makmartane(C),Macarthane(H). “Macartan” was one of “the septs of Ire, son of Miletus” (Annals of Clonmacnoise, p. 30).
113Endwillane.Innes suggests “the Pass of Emerdullam” (1343), which he identifies with Moiry Pass, where Moiry Castle is about a quarter of a mile from Kilnsaggart, or Kilsaggart. Apparently this is Moiry Castle, north of Dundalk.
133At Kilsaggart.Kilnasaggart (“cell of the priest”), about a quarter of a mile from Moiry Castle; for which see onBk.XVI. 62.
135Dundawk.Dundalk, within the English Pale. For spelling,cf.in XI. 437 andAppendixG.
138Richard of Clare.Barbour has been censured by his editors, following the cue of Lord Hailes (Annals, ii. 70, note), for the prominence given to Richard de Clare in the opposition to the Scots. True, as Hailes pointed out and reasons from, he was not the Justiciar of Ireland, a post occupied at this time by Sir Edmund de Butler (Historic and Munic. Docts., Ireland, p. 328); after November 23, 1316, by Roger de Mortimer (Patent Rolls); and so was not technically “in all Irland luf-tenand.” Nevertheless it is perfectly certain that Clare took the leading part, at this stage at least, in the defence of English interests, and that Barbour’s statement to this extent is justified. Thus, in a letter to Edward of February 15, 1316, it is mentioned, with respect to the operations of the Scots, that the writer, to protect the King’s honour, will take counsel with certain lords and Richard de Clare, a reference which Bain (Index) interprets to mean that Clare was in command in Ireland. The writer, too, thinks it worth mentioning that Clare was not at the battle (of Arscoll).Again, on May 16, Clare is pardoned an ancestral debt for his great labour and cost repelling the disturbance stirred up in Ireland by the Scottish enemies” (Bain, iii., Nos. 469, 488;Patent Rolls, p. 459). And there is a further grant of same date to de Clare, “in consideration of his great labours as above,” of certain privileges, castles, and lands, “to hold during pleasure, and the continuance of the disturbance by the Scots, in aid of his maintenance on the King’s service” (Patent Rolls, p. 459).
142Erll of Kyldare.The Geraldines, or Fitz-Geralds, had been Earls of Kildare since 1294 (Annals of Ireland, p. 323 and Index).
143The Bremayne with the Wardune.This pair appear in later operations as “Richard de Birmingham” and “Robert de Verdon” (Annals, p. 350). But on May 18, 1316, Nicholas de Verdun gets 200 marks for losses sustained against the Scots (Patent Rolls).
145The Butler.Edmund de Butler, Justiciary (cf.on 138).
146Moris le Fyss Thomas.Maurice Fitz-Thomas, who married, in 1312, the daughter of the Earl of Ulster, and afterwards (1329) was created Earl of Desmond (Annals, p. 341).
172on the morn.June 29, 1315 (Annals, p. 345).
188Half-deill ane dyner.In theAlexanderClarus says of the army of Alexander:
“And thay ar anely till dynareTo our great hoste” (pp. 308-9).
“And thay ar anely till dynareTo our great hoste” (pp. 308-9).
“And thay ar anely till dynareTo our great hoste” (pp. 308-9).
224-6 “The Scots took the town, spoiled and burned, and slew all who resisted” (Annals, 344).
252Kilross.“(Cill-rois of Adamnan) is now Maghross, or Carrickmacross” (Innes).
254Richard of Clare.According to theAnnals, Edmund de Butler (p. 345).
257A gret hoost.“A great army”; and Richard de Burgh with “an innumerable army” as well. They came together to the district of Dundalk (p. 345).
270to ges.Barbour usually “guesses” ten thousand to “a battle,” as here and elsewhere.
280gadering of the cuntre.I.e., “mere countrymen not skilled soldiers.” This great army was raised from Munster, Leinster, and Connaught (Annals, p. 345), and Edward Bruce’s description is no doubt right.
289stedis trappit.See note onBk.XI. 130.
300fled scalit.“They fled—how is unknown” (Annals, p. 345). The date iscircaJuly 22, 1315.
313Judas Machabeus.See note onBk.I. 466.
329Odymsy.“Fyn O’Dymsy” among those summoned to Bannockburn (Foedera, iii. 476). O’Dempsy was “dux Reganorum,” or chief of theUi’ Riagain; Iregan in Queen’s County (Annals, p. 333). In theAnnals of ClonmacnoiseBruce is taken north “by the procurement of O’Neal and Ulstermen” (p. 269).
332To se his land.I.e., in Leinster. He, of course, takes them out of the way (cf.on 360).
337A gret revar.Skeat holds that this is the Blackwater flowing into the southern end of Lough Neagh, which was the boundary between the English Pale and the independent country of the Tyrone O’Neils, and was of old known as the Avon More, “the great river.” But this is inconsistent with lines 369-371, where one of the rivers is the northern Bann, “ane arme of se,” and Skeat’s ingenious explanation of the latter phrase, taking sea = Lough, Beg or Neagh, is quite superfluous. In fact, he is astray as to vital details, as witness what is said on Thomas Dun (line 376). Barbour himself is unsatisfactorily vague in his geographical matter, and none of theAnnalsmakes any mention of the trick here descanted upon, nor of the intervention of the pirate Thomas. But the main features can be found in theAnnals of Clonmacnoise, pp. 269-271, andAnnals of Loch Cé, 265-7. The Scots and the Ulster men (Antrim and Down) were at Innis Kaeyne (Innishkeen), seven miles west of Dundalk. The English marched to Louth, just south of them. The Scots retired through Ulster (Antrim and Down), not, as Skeat suggests, by the west shore of Lough Neagh, until they came to Coleraine, not far from the Bann estuary. Then they crossed the river by the bridge, which they broke down so that the English who followed them could not cross, and the Bann lay between the two armies. Thereupon the English plundered on the Ulster side, apparently among the sympathizers with the Scots, finally retreating to Connor (cf.lines 396, 460). In the interval must have occurred the attempted drowning out of the Scots and the passage back over the river by means of Thomas of Dun, who had sailed up the estuary of the Bann (line 371).
354The ysche of a louch.“The outlet of a loch”; from the hurried nature of the operation necessarily a small loch or a narrow outlet; possibly, too, a loch since drained off. It cannot be Lough Beg, for that would be too far away for Thomas Dun. On the other hand, they must have been brought some distance up the west side of the Bann, for after they had crossed it was still not known where they were (line 386), and they soon got in touch with the English, who were ten miles from Connor, to which they afterwards retreated (460).
360With mekill payne.To add to the difficulties of this passage, the misleading of the Scots seems to be claimed for the Lacys in the case regarding them (see on line 8). The Lacys explain that on the occasion on which they had a conference (parliamentaverunt) with Edward Bruce they,by their cunning (per eorum cautelam), led Edward Bruce with his army among the Irish who were felons to the King—that is, apparently, the North Ulster men (see on 337). Among them Edward Bruce marched for fourteen days, and lost a great number of men and horses on the march towards Leinster, to which he could have come in two days if he had been rightly directed (Chartularies of St. Mary’s, I., p. 408). It is scarcely likely that Edward Bruce was twice tricked in this way, and the Irishman, Dempsy or another, may have been the agent of the Lacys. But to be able to follow the whole operation we should require much more information than is available.
373Ullister.Ulster in the ancient sense of Antrim and Down.
376Thomas of Dun.Skeat compiles an hypothetical biography for this “scummar of the se,” but Thomas was an uncomfortably well-known personage. He was the most notorious pirate on the west coast, as John Crab was on the east (seeBk.XVII. 239). We learn from Bain’sCalendarthat on September 12, 1315, Thomas Dun and others, “with a great ‘navye’ of Scots,” plundered a ship in Holyhead Harbour (No. 451). He kept on his depredations with a crew of Scots (No. 549;Patent Rolls, i., p. 696). He was captured in July, 1317, and gave information about an intended attack by the Earl of Moray on the Isle of Man (No. 562). Thereafter he disappears from notice, probably via the gallows. He was hovering about between Ulster and Scotland at this time, and Edward was ordering the Mayor and bailiffs of Drogheda to chase him (Hist. and Munic. Docts., Ireland, p. 377).
380Thai knew him weill.See previous note.
382 According to theAnnals, Edward Bruce cautiously or cleverly (caute) crossed the Bann in pursuit of the English army, retiring to Connor (Annals, p. 346).
383in biggit land.“Land with houses on it”—i.e., cultivated.
389With a gret host, Richarde of Clar.In theAnnalsit is the Earl of Ulster (Richard de Burgh), with the Justiciar (Butler) and other magnates, who had undertaken to bring Edward Bruce to Dublin alive or dead. So, too, inAnnals of Clonmacnoiseand ofLoch Céit is De Burgh, the “Red Earl.”
394Coigneris.Connor, to the north of the town of Antrim. “Conyers” inAnnals.
405Alane Stewart.Cousin of Walter Stewart, and ancestor of the Darnley Stewarts, Earls of Lennox. He is mentioned later in theAnnalsamong the Scottish leaders (p. 359).
406Schir Robert Boyde.Both E and H readRobert, probably correctly, as there is no notice of theGilbertof C.
447On this wis.This, or one of the later skirmishes, must be that referred to in theAnnalswhen the Earl and some of his side were put to flight, and several captured (p. 359).
460Thair wayis towart Coigneris.After Edward Bruce crossed the Bann the English army withdrew to Connor (Annals, p. 359).
515Fize Warin.No doubt the Alan FitzWarin captured later by the Scots (Annals, 349). See on xv. 75.
522Nycholl of Kylkenane.Kilkenane was before the Reformation a parish in Island Magee, the outer limb of Larne Lough (Innes). A “Michael of Kylkenan” is on record in 1310 (Reeves,History of Down, etc.,ibid.). Hart’s edition here givesMichell, which is perhaps the correct reading.
8In battale.The date of the English defeat at Connor is on or shortly after September 10, 1315. TheAnnalsare not clear on the point, and the capture of William de Burgh on the 10th seems to refer to one of the earlier skirmishes mentioned in the previous book (Annals, p. 346).
39The barell-ferraris.SeeGlossary.Cf.“Barell-ferrersthey brochede, and broghte them the wyne” (Morte Arthure, line 2714).
56Quha mast, etc. “Who most would get the upper hand.”
63That evir durst, etc. “No one dared to wait for his comrade.”
75Fizwarine.TheAnnalssuggest that he was not captured till early in the following year, and he is not mentioned among the captives at “Conyers” (pp. 349, 346).
83Mont-peleris.Apparently Montpelier, then famous for its School of Medicine, an Arab foundation.
98Syne thidder.The account in theAnnalsstates that “Baron de Donull” made head against the Scots, but that they chased his men boldly as far as “Cragfergus” (p. 346). The castle had been provisioned against the Scots (Bain, iii., No. 479).
100Palmesonday.April 4, 1316. The garrison was suffering great privations from lack of food (Annals, Fragment, p. 297).
101Tysday.Tuesday in Easter-week, 1316, was April 13.
105Paske evin.Saturday night, April 10.
107Devilling.Dublin. According to theAnnals, Maundeville came with men from Drogheda, arriving at Carrickfergus on April 8, and inflicting a defeat upon the Scots, who lost about thirty men (p. 350).
111The Mawndvell, ald Schir Thomas.So also inAnnals(p. 350).
131the day.April 11. TheAnnalsplace this (the second) attack on the Scots upon Easter-eve, April 10 (in vigiliaPasche., p. 350). SimilarlySt. Mary’s Annals, p. 282. Nothing is said about a breach of truce. Barbour, however, gives evidence of having been thoroughly well informed. See below on 205-9.
137the Kyng.I.e., Edward Bruce, apparently not crowned King till some weeks later, May, 1316, “a little after the feast of Philip and James” (May 1). TheAnnalsreally seem to fix it in 1315 (p. 345), but they have already stated that Edward did not land till May 26. The chronology is confused (cf.onBk.xiv. 21). See also line 161.
181Gib Harpar.Probably Gilbert the Harper, or minstrel. His fate is told inBk.XVIII.
183of his stat.These words suggest that he was of some special class.
192reft the liff.Sir Thomas Maundeville was slain (Annals, p. 350;St. Mary’s Annals, p. 282).
205-9 Skeat evidently thinks that these lines refer to the same incident as that described above in lines 190-2, and actually prints in his rubric “as I said” as a summary of Barbour, though Barbour has nothing to suggest these words. But the person previously slain is “theMawndvell”—i.e., Sir Thomas himself, whom Barbour has already so denominated (111). The present victim is a Maundeville whose “propir nayme” he does not know, but who, we learn fromSt Mary’s Annals, was “John Maundevyll,” brother of Sir Thomas (p. 282).
259The castell till him yhalde.Carrickfergus Castle was surrendered (Annals, Fragment, p. 297;Bain, iii. 970) apparently in September, 1316 (Fragment,ibid.). Thus, if begun after Connor, the siege must have occupied the Scots for a year—the greater part of 1316.
260Till sauf thame thair liffis.The defenders were granted life and limb (vita et membrum.Fragment, p. 297).
272the Tarbard.Tarbert, Kintyre: GaelicTairbeart, a portage, an isthmus.
274draw thar schippes.According to theMagnus Saga, chap. xx., Magnus, King of Norway, agreed with the King of Scotland, Edgar, in 1102, that he should have “all the islands to the west of Scotland, between which and the mainland a helm-carrying ship could pass.” Magnus then had “a small ship” drawn across the isthmus at Tarbert, with himself sitting at the helm, and so secured Kintyre. “There is a narrow ridge between it (Kintyre) and Scotland, so that ships are often drawn across it.”
292Ald prophesy.This probably derives from the incident told of above.
299Johne of Lorne.Barbour is quite wrong as to the career and fate of John of Lorn or Argyll (“de Ergadia,” “Daragille,” in records). He had escaped to England in1309 (seeBk.128), and was Admiral of Edward’s fleet in the west by 1311 (Bain, iii., No. 203). In the summer of 1314 he went to the Irish coast with a fleet (355), and was in command there in 1315-1316 (No. 479,Hist. and Municip. Docts., Ireland, p. 344). He returned from the Irish service in 1316 “impotent in body,” and received a pension from Edward II., but died a year and a half later, probably towards the end of 1317, in London (Bain, iii., No. 912).
318the Forest.Ettrick Forest.
321Eumond de Calion, a Gascoune.Correctly, as in records, “Remon Caillau,” or “Reymound Cailough” (Bain, iii., Nos. 470, 477). He was perhaps a relative of the Bishop of Durham who died in the same year, 1316, “Recardus Kellow” (Lanercost, p. 233). Other Gascons are mentioned as having taken part in this sally—Arnant de Poillant, Pierres de Logar, etc. (ibid.). The information inBainis contained in letters from the Governor of Berwick (see next note), and petitions to the King from some of the townspeople.
325He had than Berwik in keping.No; Sir Moryz or Maurice de Berkele(y) was “warden of Berwick-on-Tweed.” Caillou was only one of “the King’s sergeant-at-arms” (Bain, iii., No. 477)—i.e., an officer of the royal household.
327a gret cumpany.A “great part of the garrison” went out on this foray. They had been forbidden to go out by the warden, but Berwick was in desperate straits for want of food, and they replied that “it was better to die fighting than starve” (Bain, 477). The date of the foray is February 14, 1316.
329the nethir end of Tevydaill, etc. Teviotdale, locally so pronounced. The forayers went as far as “within two leagues (miles) of Melros Abbey” (Bain, 477). The Merse is South Berwickshire, the “March,” or frontier.
333Schir Adam of Gordoun.See note onBk.XI. 46. He became a “Scottis man” apparently after Bannockburn. His lands of Gordon were in East Lothian.
335drif away thar fe.“They took many prisoners and cattle” (Bain, 470).
*337-*338. These lines mean that Gordon saw only small bodies (“scaill”;cf.line 344*) of the English in retreat, and the “swains” in possession of the prey—i.e., driving the cattle.Cf.lines *353-*354 and 339-341. “Scaill” is a noun here as in *353.
*354a childrome.The scattered bands assembled in one body to deal with the Scots in pursuit, and sent on the cattle in front. For “childrome,” or “schiltrome,” see note onBk.XII. 249.
341made a staill.“Staill” is certainly to be preferred to “scaill,” which is contrary to the sense of the passage.Skeat, in his note, admits as much.Cf.similar use inBk.XVII. 97. The forayers “made a stand” to defend the cattle from the Scots. The fight was at Scaithmoor. (Scala., p. 143).
351on his luf, etc.“Let each man think on his love.”
375-6thai wer, etc.“Though the English were very many more than the Scots.” Barbour’s usual reckless use of “thai.”
377wes ded.The writer inBaindid not know whether Caillou was dead or only a prisoner (No. 470).
381sum has slayne.The foragers lost 20 men-at-arms and 60 foot, killed or prisoners (Bain, No. 470). “The Gascons were slain to a man” (furount mors toutes playnes de Gascoins.Scala., p. 143). The Scots, of course, recovered the castle, and the Berwick garrison were soon dying of hunger on the walls (ibid., No. 477).
392hap him fell.“If it so happened.”
393That.I.e., the killing of the “cheftune,” or leader of his opponents.
405full gret invy.Neville appears to have had a weakness in this way. He had already slain a cousin of Robert Bruce in a quarrel as to which was the greater lord (Scala., p. 143). He was known as “the Peacock of the North,” which significantly describes him (Bain, iii., p. xxv).
435Befor Berwyk.The fight between Douglas and Neville took place at Berwick (Scala., p. 143;Gesta Edw. de Carn., p. 56). TheGestadates it June, 1319; Barbour seems to place it in 1316, but says nothing definite; nor does Gray, “another time” (Scala., p. 143), introducing it, like Barbour, after the Skaithmoor fight, but unlike Barbour, also after Lintalee.
477no mycht till us.“Douglas with his yeomanry shall have no power compared with ours.”
503Schir Ralf the Nevell, etc.There is on record a petition by “Rauf de Neville” to the King asking for assistance in ransoming himself, and explaining that he, with two of his brothers, was taken prisoner on the day on which his brother Sir Robert was killed by the Scots (Bain, iii., No. 527).
504the Baroun of Hiltoun.Apparently Sir Robert de Hilton, who is a witness in 1310 to a grant by the Bishop of Durham of a manor in Scotland (Bain, iii., No. 1147). Hilton is near Berwick.
505othir of mekill mycht.“Many of his (Neville’s) company were captured, and the rest put to flight” (Gesta, p. 56).Cf.line 510.
8in Scotland for till pas.Barbour, as he himself explains, now goes back to the beginning of the siege of Carrickfergus after the victory at Connor. According to theAnnals of Ir., Moray crossed to Scotland on September 15, 1315, to procure more soldiers, “at which time the said Bruce was besieging the Castle of Carrickfergus” (p. 346). Moray was back in November with five hundred men (p. 347). Barbour mentions but one trip on which he returned with King Robert (line 43), but that would have to be a year later. Further, he dates this journeyafterthe fall of Carrickfergus (see on 38).
16till his schippes.He had four pirate vessels laden with Irish plunder, of which one was sunk (Annals of Ir., p. 346). The Scots had sent back their own ships (Bk.xiv. 35).
38Till Cragfergus.According to Barbour’s chronology, Robert Bruce crossed to Ireland at some time after the fall of Carrickfergus, as related in the previous book. But the news of King Robert’s arrival appears to have reached Dublin about the first week in September, 1316. Carrickfergus fell some time later in the same month (Frag., p. 297). TheAnnals of Ulsterdate the arrival about the end of 1316 or beginning of 1317 (II., p. 429, and note). TheAnnals of Clonmacnoise(p. 279) and theAnnals of the Four Masters(III., p. 515) place it in 1317, by which time Carrickfergus, of course, was in possession of the Scots.
62Inderwillane.“Dr. Reeves believes this to be an old garbled name for that pass, known later asBealach an Maghre, or Moyry Pass. It was on the old road; indeed, the only possible one, from Leinster to Ulster. It is in the parish of Killevy, county of Armagh, but only a few perches from the boundary of Lowth” (Innes).
63the moneth of May.Must have been much earlier (see on 262).
74The wardane thair.See onBk.XIV. 638.
119Schyr Colyne Cammell.Sir Colin Campbell, Bruce’s nephew, as son of his sister Marie by her marriage with Sir Neil Campbell (Robertson’sIndex, p. 26; 11, 18). Bain strangely says that of Sir Neil’s two wives on record neither was a Bruce (Calend., ii., lix). Marie’s marriages are somewhat ravelled (see onBk.viii. 397), but this one is certain. Colin got the grant of Lochaw (Robertson,ibid.). There was another nephew of the same marriage, John (Index, p. 19; 105), who also went on this occasion to Ireland (Annals, p. 344).
131That he dynnit on his arsoune.“Knocked heavily against his saddle.”Cf.Alexander, where Gaudifer is struck with spears. “Quhill on his arsoune dintit he” (p. 99).
132tyt hym doune.“The King bade (the others) remove him quickly from his horse,” apparently because his horse was killed (line 126) and he stunned; or, as Skeat suggests, that he should fight on foot, instead, I suppose, of being rash on horseback.
141That we sall have, etc.“That we shall have plenty to do presently.”
150In four battellis, fourty thousand.Cf.onBk.XIV. 270. The numbers, of course, are improbable; but see next note.
179So hard ane fichting.This battle I cannot trace in theAnnals, but Butler, the Justiciary, is said to have assembled an army of 30,000 against the Bruces, which did nothing; not, however, till April (Fragment, p. 301).
182thre yheir.Spring, 1315, to October, 1318.
185trappit horse.See note onBk.XI. 130.
187quhen lest wes he.“He was always at the very least one to five.”
262forrouth Devillyn.The Scots and the Ulster men were at Swords, eight miles north of Dublin (Hist. and Municip. Docts., p. 451); at Castleknock in the immediate neighbourhood on the west (St. Mary’s Annals, p. 282;Fragment, 299), on the eve of St. Matthew’s Day, February 23, 1317 (Fragment). They moved to a position in the vicinity, where they stayed for four days, burned a part of the town, and spoiled the churches (ibid.).
265Lunyk.Correctly Limerick, which is not, however, the “southmast toune” in Ireland. The Scots came to Limerick, but were defeated at Castle Connell (Annals, p. 353).
293Northwarde agane.On May 1, 1317, Bruce took the road to Ulster (Fragment, p. 302).
295Conage.Connaught;Myth, Meath;Irell,i.e., Uriel or Oriel = Louth, Armagh and Monaghan;Munser, Munster;Lainenser, Leinster. Limerick is, of course, in Munster, which should come first.
301The kyngis.See note onBk.XIV. 102.
336hawch of Lyntoun-le.A “haugh” is low-lying level ground, generally beside water, river, or sea. “Lentalee, in the forest of Jedworth” (Jedburgh), as Gray has it, is about two miles south of that town. Gray groups this incident, as Barbour does, with the Scaithmoor and Berwick fights, but in a different position (see note onBk.XV. 435; andScala., p. 143). “Lentelee” in Stevenson (Illustrations, p. 3). “Near Jeddeworth” is the location of the “foray” inBain(iii., No. 576).
337a fayr maner.The anonymous chronicler in Stevenson says that Douglas was passing the time (moram traxit) ina sort of fortification (municioni quadam) with 200 men (Illustrations, p. 3).
339gert purvay him richt weill.The English found “much victuals” in the place (Stevenson, p. 3).
342wonnand then.The date of the fight is about April 23, 1317 (Stevenson, p. 3).
343Schir Thomas.Sir Thomas Richmond was not an earl, but a Yorkshire knight, owner of Burton-Constable, and a well-known figure on the Border (Bain, iii., p. xxv, No. 178). The “Earl” in command was the Earl of Arundel, appointed guardian of the district between the Trent and Roxburgh on February 2, 1317 (Rotuli Scotiæ, i. 169;Illustrations, p. 3). “Sir Edmund, Earl of Arundel, warden of the March” (Bain, iii., No. 576).
352War passit than of the cuntre.That is, King Robert and many with him were in Ireland. So, too, inStevenson: “The leaders of the Scots being then engaged in war in Ireland, and Scotland being almost destitute of men” (Illustrations, p. 3).
354-55the cuntre was Febill of men.Cf.previous note.
357of the marchis.Butcf.note on 343.
360ten thousand men.In Stevenson’s chronicler “thirty thousand men” (Illust., p. 3). Officially it was called “a foray” (Bain, iii., No. 576). The English exaggeration is worse than Barbour’s.
363Till hewe doune Jedward forest.Since the time of the Romans and the disastrous march of Septimius Severus (third century) the forests of Scotland had been recognized as the natural defences of the country. They are, for the most part, the “strengths” which figure so prominently in Barbour. See on Jedward,Bk.VIII. 427.
375And of archeris a gret menyhe.Cf.note on 377.
380The entre.As in the wood of the King’s Park (Bk.XI. 446).
383a penny-stane cast.A “penny-stane” was a flat stone used as a quoit, hence “as wide only as the throw of a quoit.”
384Douglas thiddir yheid.“Douglas abandoned his position and retired” (Illustrations, p. 3).
406on thame schot thai.InStevensonthis, the main attack, follows the surprise at Lintalee (p. 4).
418reft the liff.Richmond was slain (Scala., p. 143;Stevenson, p. 4).
419Ane hat.Hailes notes that “InHistoire de Bretagne par Lobineau, t. i., p. 665, there is a portrait of Arthur de Richemont, Duke of Brittany, with afurred hat, such as is described by Barbour” (Annals, ii., p. 82 note). Richmond was identified by the hat on the word of a prisoner. See lines 480-5.
441ane clerk, Elys.“A clerk called Helias” (Stevenson, p. 3). Stevenson says he was a “noble ‘schavaldur.’” See on thisBk.V. 205 (note).
442thre hundreth enymys.“With thirty comrades” (Stevenson, p. 3).
444herbery had tane.Ellis and his companions occupied Douglas’s house, and took their fill (se saciavit) of the victuals there (Stevenson,ibid.).
450-1with suerdis.... Thai servit thame.They despatched them with the sword (reliquos gladio jugulavit.Stevenson, p. 4). The head of Ellis was cut off, and placed in a humiliating position beside the body (ibid.).
458 “That addition to the repast was overmuch.”
472Till wend hamward.“The said Earl (Arundel) retreated southwards without doing more” (Scala., p. 143).
504forrouth.Before, inBk.IX. 570-630.
509Schir Johne de Sowlis.Cf.Bk.XIV. 25, and note.
512-4With fifty men, etc.I.e., Soulis had the fifty, Harcla the three hundred.
518Schir Androu ... has tane.Harcla was a prisoner with the Scots at some date in November, 1316, when he asks the King of England for help towards his ransom (Bain, iii. 514, 515, 697). He was ransomed with difficulty (Scala., p. 149). He was executed in 1323 for treasonable dealings with the Scots.
549besyde Enverkethyne.Inverkeithing, Fife. Near Donibristle, says Fordun’s continuator, showing that here he follows another source than Barbour (Scotic.,Bk.xii., chap. xxv.).
552The Erll of Fiff.Duncan de Fife, the young Earl, with his mother and step-father joined the Scots some little time before August 2, 1317, when his mother had her English manor forfeited (Bain, iii., No. 566). He came with a troop of five hundred armed men (Scotic., as cited).
575Willyhame Syncler.William St. Clair was the brother of Sir Henry St. Clair of Roslin. He had been a canon of Dunkeld, and was elected Bishop in 1312 (Dowden inScot. Hist. Rev., vol. i., pp. 316-17). On his return from Rome Edward II. tried to keep him in England (Bain, iii. 301). In theWallacehe figures as a Bishop already, and a friend of the patriot (vii. 932; viii. 1225). He was among the four bishops specially summoned to Rome to answer for their support of Bruce in defiance of the Church.
592-3aucht weill to ma Of yhow.“Should think highly of you!”
596The gilt spurs.The sign of knighthood; to hew them off was a ceremony of degradation (cf.line 598). So, too, inScotic., as cited.
635that yheit held unslayn.“That had held or kept themselves from being slain.”
676the Scottis Se.The Firth of Forth. See on IX. 309.
13Redis Swyr.The pass over Cheviot to the valley of the Rede, a tributary of the Tyne. By it went the road from Jedburgh, and in it is the site of the Battle of Otterburn, 1388.Swyris A.S.swiraorswera, the neck.
15Outakin Berwik, it allane.“One town in Scotland was left to the King” (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 234). On September 20, 1317, and January 30, 1318, certain burgesses were going to England and France to purchase provisions “for the munition of the town” (Bain, iii., Nos. 575, 588). To save expense (Scala.), the defence of the town itself had been entrusted to the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses (ibid., No. 593;Vita Edw., p. 234;Scala., p. 148). According to Stevenson’s Chronicler, the citizens had begged to be entrusted with the defence because of their ill-treatment by the royal garrison, August 1, 1317 (p. 5).
17That capitane was.Roger de Horslee, Keeper of the Castle (Bain, iii., No. 607). He had been appointed, August 19, 1317, to command the castle when the city was committed to the burgesses (Stevenson, p. 5;Rot. Scot., i., p. 175).Cf.on 224.
19tretit thame richt ill.On February 4, 1318, Edward appointed a commission of three to “inquire into the disputes arisen, or likely to arise, between the burgesses and the garrison of Berwick, to the danger of the town” (Bain, iii., No. 589).Cf.note on 15.
23a burges, Sim of Spaldyng.“Peter de Spalding” inScala., p. 144;Lanerc., p. 234;Illustr., p. 5;Trokelowe, p. 103, etc. TheAnnales Pauliniadds John Drory and other accomplices (p. 282). “Peter de Spalding” is on the roll of the garrison of Berwick in 1312 (Bain, iii., p. 399). He was an Englishman living in the town, and received a large sum of money in addition to the promise of lands (Lanercost, pp. 234-235). “A royal sergeant retained by the citizens in the defence of the town.” Douglas, it was said, “corrupted” him with promises of £800 (Stevenson, p. 5). Spalding’s request for his money was “obnoxious” to the Scots, and he was put to death on a trumped-up charge of treason (ibid.).
28the marschall.Sir Robert Keith.
35the Kow-yhet.Still the Cow-port (gate) in the middle of the north side of the town.
45Ane or othir suld wrethit be.I.e., “if he chose anyone to help him, somebody else was sure to be offended.” Apparently he would have to choose between Moray and Douglas.Cf.lines 55-7.
64Duns park.A favourite rendezvous in that neighbourhood for the Scots army. The “park” would be wooded. In June, 1315, Bruce was reported to be collecting an army in “the Park of Duns,” either to invade England or to besiege Berwick (Bain, iii., No. 440).
67Athir with ane quheyne of men.Bruce gets out of the dilemma by choosing both leaders, each to bring a small party of his men.
72the day.April 2, 1318 (Lanerc., p. 234;Ann. Paul., p. 282).CircaMarch 25 (Illustrations, p. 5). Edward is preparing to retake Berwick on April 18, 1318 (Rot. Scot., i., p. 181).
94the nycht.The Scots entered “about midnight after the Sabbath day” (Lanerc., p. 234). Edward, “much enraged,” reports that the mayor and bailiffs “allowed the Scottish rebels to enter and take possession,” “through carelessness,” and orders goods belonging to the community of Berwick to be everywhere arrested; April 13, 15 (Bain, iii., Nos. 593, 594).
97hald a staill.“Occupy a position.”Cf.Bk.XV. 341.
105till the gude.“For the goods.” Singular form as plural; see Grammar.Cf.alsotwa partin 103 for two parts.
125gat the castell.“Got to the castle.”
128in the bargane slane.Few were slain apart from those who resisted (Lanerc., p. 235;Stevenson, p. 5). According to Baker, in the capture of the town and castle no one was slain who was willing to submit (qui voluit obedire, p. 59).
134the baner.Apparently the Scots had assembled (“stuffit”) round their banner in the “staill” (97).
150-1Wilyhame ... of Keth, and of the Gawlistoune.Sir William Keith of Galston, known by either surname, of Keith or of Galston (152). Galston was in Kyle, Ayrshire, and there were Keiths in it at least a hundred years after (Reg. Mag. Sig., p. 228; 17).
176all that fell, etc. “All that would serve to provision the town.”Cf.on 15.
185the Mers and Tevidaill.The part of Berwickshire next the Border, “the March,” and Teviotdale.
198on the sext day.Gray says the castle held out for eleven weeks, and as his father was then in garrison at Norham, he is probably about right. The castle surrendered for lack of food (Scala., p. 144). The account in Stevenson’sChroniclealso implies a siege longer than five days; for he speaks of King Robert assailing the castle with siege-engines, and failing, and of the Scots then settling down to starve out the garrison (Illust., p. 5). Horslee was at Newcastle with the garrison on July 20—that is, about sixteen weeks after the fall of the town—so that the surrender of the castle must have taken place somewhat earlier in the month. Horslee and his garrison had to besupported by the town, and the account therefore would begin with their arrival (Bain, iii., No. 607).Cf.on line 226.
200till thair cuntre syne went thai.Life and goods were granted them on surrender (Stevenson, p. 5).Cf.previous note.
203soyn eftir.But, according to the account inStevenson, King Robert assisted at the attack on the castle. See on 198.
222At = that.“That he took in hand to hold Berwick.”
224Bath the castell, and the dungeoune.In his former references Barbour has used the term “castle” to include both the tower or “donjon” or keep and the surrounding wall, apart from the wall of the town proper. The wall (or “wallis”), he says in 169, 170, was not then in a very defensible state. Here he goes back to an older and more technical usage before these two independent elements—donjon and enclosure fortified with a wall—had quite coalesced. The evidence for this differentiation is given at length by Mr. Round in hisGeoffrey de Mandeville, Appendix O. One of the citations is precisely parallel to Barbour’s expressions here, the description of a grant of Dublin—town, castle, and donjon—in 1172 to Hugh de Lacy: