[1]Many Indian tribes bear names which in their dialect signifymen, indicating that the character belongs,par excellence, to them. Sometimes the word was used by itself, and sometimes an adjective was joined with it, asoriginal men, men surpassing all others.
[1]Many Indian tribes bear names which in their dialect signifymen, indicating that the character belongs,par excellence, to them. Sometimes the word was used by itself, and sometimes an adjective was joined with it, asoriginal men, men surpassing all others.
[2]The dread of female infidelity has been assigned, and with probable truth, as the origin of this custom. The sons of a chief’s sister must necessarily be his kindred; though his own reputed son may be, in fact, the offspring of another.
[2]The dread of female infidelity has been assigned, and with probable truth, as the origin of this custom. The sons of a chief’s sister must necessarily be his kindred; though his own reputed son may be, in fact, the offspring of another.
[3]Schoolcraft,Oneota, 172.The extraordinary figures intended to represent tortoises, deer, snakes, and other animals, which are often seen appended to Indian treaties, are the totems of the chiefs, who employ these devices of their respective clans as their sign manual. The device of his clan is also sometimes tattooed on the body of the warrior.The wordtribemight, perhaps, have been employed with as much propriety as that ofclan, to indicate the totemic division; but as the former is constantly employed to represent the local or political divisions of the Indian race, hopeless confusion would arise from using it in a double capacity.
[3]Schoolcraft,Oneota, 172.
The extraordinary figures intended to represent tortoises, deer, snakes, and other animals, which are often seen appended to Indian treaties, are the totems of the chiefs, who employ these devices of their respective clans as their sign manual. The device of his clan is also sometimes tattooed on the body of the warrior.
The wordtribemight, perhaps, have been employed with as much propriety as that ofclan, to indicate the totemic division; but as the former is constantly employed to represent the local or political divisions of the Indian race, hopeless confusion would arise from using it in a double capacity.
[4]For an ample view of these divisions, see theSynopsisof Mr. Gallatin,Trans. Am. Ant. Soc.II.
[4]For an ample view of these divisions, see theSynopsisof Mr. Gallatin,Trans. Am. Ant. Soc.II.
[5]It appears from several passages in the writings of Adair, Hawkins, and others, that the totem prevailed among the southern tribes. In a conversation with the late Albert Gallatin, he informed me that he was told by the chiefs of a Choctaw deputation, at Washington, that in their tribe were eight totemic clans, divided into two classes, of four each. It is very remarkable that the same number of clans, and the same division into classes, were to be found among the Five Nations or Iroquois.
[5]It appears from several passages in the writings of Adair, Hawkins, and others, that the totem prevailed among the southern tribes. In a conversation with the late Albert Gallatin, he informed me that he was told by the chiefs of a Choctaw deputation, at Washington, that in their tribe were eight totemic clans, divided into two classes, of four each. It is very remarkable that the same number of clans, and the same division into classes, were to be found among the Five Nations or Iroquois.
[6]A great difficulty in the study of Indian history arises from a redundancy of names employed to designate the same tribe; yet this does not prevent the same name from being often used to designate two or more different tribes. The following are the chief of those which are applied to the Iroquois by different writers, French, English, and German:—Iroquois, Five, and afterwards Six Nations; Confederates, Hodenosaunee, Aquanuscioni, Aggonnonshioni, Ongwe Honwe, Mengwe, Maquas, Mahaquase, Massawomecs, Palenachendchiesktajeet.The name of Massawomecs has been applied to several tribes; and that of Mingoes is often restricted to a colony of the Iroquois which established itself near the Ohio.
[6]A great difficulty in the study of Indian history arises from a redundancy of names employed to designate the same tribe; yet this does not prevent the same name from being often used to designate two or more different tribes. The following are the chief of those which are applied to the Iroquois by different writers, French, English, and German:—
Iroquois, Five, and afterwards Six Nations; Confederates, Hodenosaunee, Aquanuscioni, Aggonnonshioni, Ongwe Honwe, Mengwe, Maquas, Mahaquase, Massawomecs, Palenachendchiesktajeet.
The name of Massawomecs has been applied to several tribes; and that of Mingoes is often restricted to a colony of the Iroquois which established itself near the Ohio.
[7]François, a well-known Indian belonging to the remnant of the Penobscots living at Old Town, in Maine, told me, in the summer of 1843, that a tradition was current, among his people, of their being attacked in ancient times by the Mohawks, or, as he called them, Mohogs, a tribe of the Iroquois, who destroyed one of their villages, killed the men and women, and roasted the small children on forked sticks, like apples, before the fire. When he began to tell his story, François was engaged in patching an old canoe, in preparation for a moose hunt; but soon growing warm with his recital, he gave over his work, and at the conclusion exclaimed with great wrath and earnestness, “Mohog all devil!”
[7]François, a well-known Indian belonging to the remnant of the Penobscots living at Old Town, in Maine, told me, in the summer of 1843, that a tradition was current, among his people, of their being attacked in ancient times by the Mohawks, or, as he called them, Mohogs, a tribe of the Iroquois, who destroyed one of their villages, killed the men and women, and roasted the small children on forked sticks, like apples, before the fire. When he began to tell his story, François was engaged in patching an old canoe, in preparation for a moose hunt; but soon growing warm with his recital, he gave over his work, and at the conclusion exclaimed with great wrath and earnestness, “Mohog all devil!”
[8]The tribute exacted from the Delawares consisted of wampum, or beads of shell, an article of inestimable value with the Indians. “Two old men commonly go about, every year or two, to receive this tribute; and I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor Indians were under, while these two old men remained in that part of the country where I was. An old Mohawk sachem, in a poor blanket and a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as arbitrary an authority as a Roman dictator.”—Colden,Hist. Five Nations, 4.
[8]The tribute exacted from the Delawares consisted of wampum, or beads of shell, an article of inestimable value with the Indians. “Two old men commonly go about, every year or two, to receive this tribute; and I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor Indians were under, while these two old men remained in that part of the country where I was. An old Mohawk sachem, in a poor blanket and a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as arbitrary an authority as a Roman dictator.”—Colden,Hist. Five Nations, 4.
[9]The following are synonymous names, gathered from various writers:—Mohawks, Anies, Agniers, Agnierrhonons, Sankhicans, Canungas, Mauguawogs, Ganeagaonoh.Oneidas, Oneotas, Onoyats, Anoyints, Onneiouts, Oneyyotecaronoh, Onoiochrhonons.Onondagas, Onnontagues, Onondagaonohs.Cayugas, Caiyoquos, Goiogoens, Gweugwehonoh.Senecas, Sinnikes, Chennessies, Genesees, Chenandoanes, Tsonnontouans, Jenontowanos, Nundawaronoh.
[9]The following are synonymous names, gathered from various writers:—
Mohawks, Anies, Agniers, Agnierrhonons, Sankhicans, Canungas, Mauguawogs, Ganeagaonoh.
Oneidas, Oneotas, Onoyats, Anoyints, Onneiouts, Oneyyotecaronoh, Onoiochrhonons.
Onondagas, Onnontagues, Onondagaonohs.
Cayugas, Caiyoquos, Goiogoens, Gweugwehonoh.
Senecas, Sinnikes, Chennessies, Genesees, Chenandoanes, Tsonnontouans, Jenontowanos, Nundawaronoh.
[10]“In the year 1745, August Gottlieb Spangenburg, a bishop of the United Brethren, spent several weeks in Onondaga, and frequently attended the great council. The council-house was built of bark. On each side six seats were placed, each containing six persons. No one was admitted besides the members of the council, except a few, who were particularly honored. If one rose to speak, all the rest sat in profound silence, smoking their pipes. The speaker uttered his words in a singing tone, always rising a few notes at the close of each sentence. Whatever was pleasing to the council was confirmed by all with the word Nee, or Yes. And, at the end of each speech, the whole company joined in applauding the speaker by calling Hoho. At noon, two men entered bearing a large kettle filled with meat, upon a pole across their shoulders, which was first presented to the guests. A large wooden ladle, as broad and deep as a common bowl, hung with a hook to the side of the kettle, with which every one might at once help himself to as much as he could eat. When the guests had eaten their fill, they begged the counsellors to do the same. The whole was conducted in a very decent and quiet manner. Indeed, now and then, one or the other would lie flat upon his back to rest himself, and sometimes they would stop, joke, and laugh heartily.”—Loskiel,Hist. Morav. Miss.138.
[10]“In the year 1745, August Gottlieb Spangenburg, a bishop of the United Brethren, spent several weeks in Onondaga, and frequently attended the great council. The council-house was built of bark. On each side six seats were placed, each containing six persons. No one was admitted besides the members of the council, except a few, who were particularly honored. If one rose to speak, all the rest sat in profound silence, smoking their pipes. The speaker uttered his words in a singing tone, always rising a few notes at the close of each sentence. Whatever was pleasing to the council was confirmed by all with the word Nee, or Yes. And, at the end of each speech, the whole company joined in applauding the speaker by calling Hoho. At noon, two men entered bearing a large kettle filled with meat, upon a pole across their shoulders, which was first presented to the guests. A large wooden ladle, as broad and deep as a common bowl, hung with a hook to the side of the kettle, with which every one might at once help himself to as much as he could eat. When the guests had eaten their fill, they begged the counsellors to do the same. The whole was conducted in a very decent and quiet manner. Indeed, now and then, one or the other would lie flat upon his back to rest himself, and sometimes they would stop, joke, and laugh heartily.”—Loskiel,Hist. Morav. Miss.138.
[11]The descent of the sachemship in the female line was a custom universally prevalent among the Five Nations, or Iroquois proper. Since, among Indian tribes generally, the right of furnishing a sachem was vested in some particular totemic clan, it results of course that the descent of the sachemship must follow the descent of the totem; that is, if the totemship descend in the female line, the sachemship must do the same. This custom of descent in the female line prevailed not only among the Iroquois proper, but also among the Wyandots, and probably among the Andastes and the Eries, extinct members of the great Iroquois family. Thus, among any of these tribes, when a Wolf warrior married a Hawk squaw, their children were Hawks, and not Wolves. With the Creeks of the south, according to the observations of Hawkins (Georgia Hist. Coll. III. 69), the rule was the same; but among the Algonquins, on the contrary, or at least among the northern branches of this family, the reverse took place, the totemships, and consequently the chieftainships, descending in the male line, after the analogy of civilized nations. For this information concerning the northern Algonquins, I am indebted to Mr. Schoolcraft, whose opportunities of observation among these tribes have surpassed those of any other student of Indian customs and character.
[11]The descent of the sachemship in the female line was a custom universally prevalent among the Five Nations, or Iroquois proper. Since, among Indian tribes generally, the right of furnishing a sachem was vested in some particular totemic clan, it results of course that the descent of the sachemship must follow the descent of the totem; that is, if the totemship descend in the female line, the sachemship must do the same. This custom of descent in the female line prevailed not only among the Iroquois proper, but also among the Wyandots, and probably among the Andastes and the Eries, extinct members of the great Iroquois family. Thus, among any of these tribes, when a Wolf warrior married a Hawk squaw, their children were Hawks, and not Wolves. With the Creeks of the south, according to the observations of Hawkins (Georgia Hist. Coll. III. 69), the rule was the same; but among the Algonquins, on the contrary, or at least among the northern branches of this family, the reverse took place, the totemships, and consequently the chieftainships, descending in the male line, after the analogy of civilized nations. For this information concerning the northern Algonquins, I am indebted to Mr. Schoolcraft, whose opportunities of observation among these tribes have surpassed those of any other student of Indian customs and character.
[12]An account of the political institutions of the Iroquois will be found in Mr. Morgan’s series of letters, published in theAmerican Reviewfor 1847. Valuable information may also be obtained fromSchoolcraft’s Notes on the Iroquois.Mr. Morgan is of opinion that these institutions were the result of “a protracted effort of legislation.” An examination of the customs prevailing among other Indian tribes makes it probable that the elements of the Iroquois polity existed among them from an indefinite antiquity; and the legislation of which Mr. Morgan speaks could only involve the arrangement and adjustment of already existing materials.Since the above chapter was written, Mr. Morgan has published an elaborate and very able work on the institutions of the Iroquois. It forms an invaluable addition to this department of knowledge.
[12]An account of the political institutions of the Iroquois will be found in Mr. Morgan’s series of letters, published in theAmerican Reviewfor 1847. Valuable information may also be obtained fromSchoolcraft’s Notes on the Iroquois.
Mr. Morgan is of opinion that these institutions were the result of “a protracted effort of legislation.” An examination of the customs prevailing among other Indian tribes makes it probable that the elements of the Iroquois polity existed among them from an indefinite antiquity; and the legislation of which Mr. Morgan speaks could only involve the arrangement and adjustment of already existing materials.
Since the above chapter was written, Mr. Morgan has published an elaborate and very able work on the institutions of the Iroquois. It forms an invaluable addition to this department of knowledge.
[13]Recorded by Heckewelder, Colden, and Schoolcraft. That the Iroquois had long dwelt on the spot where they were first discovered by the whites, is rendered probable by several circumstances. See Mr. Squier’s work on theAboriginal Monuments of New York.
[13]Recorded by Heckewelder, Colden, and Schoolcraft. That the Iroquois had long dwelt on the spot where they were first discovered by the whites, is rendered probable by several circumstances. See Mr. Squier’s work on theAboriginal Monuments of New York.
[14]This preposterous legend was first briefly related in the pamphlet of Cusick, the Tuscarora, and after him by Mr. Schoolcraft, in hisNotes. The curious work of Cusick will again be referred to.
[14]This preposterous legend was first briefly related in the pamphlet of Cusick, the Tuscarora, and after him by Mr. Schoolcraft, in hisNotes. The curious work of Cusick will again be referred to.
[15]For traditions of the Iroquois see Schoolcraft,Notes, Chap. IX. Cusick,History of the Five Nations, and Clark,Hist. Onondaga, I.Cusick was an old Tuscarora Indian, who, being disabled by an accident from active occupations, essayed to become the historian of his people, and produced a small pamphlet, written in a language almost unintelligible, and filled with a medley of traditions in which a few grains of truth are inextricably mingled with a tangled mass of absurdities. He relates the monstrous legends of his people with an air of implicit faith, and traces the presiding sachems of the confederacy in regular descent from the first Atotarho downwards. His work, which was printed at the Tuscarora village, near Lewiston, in 1828, is illustrated by several rude engravings representing the Stone Giants, the Flying Heads, and other traditional monsters.
[15]For traditions of the Iroquois see Schoolcraft,Notes, Chap. IX. Cusick,History of the Five Nations, and Clark,Hist. Onondaga, I.
Cusick was an old Tuscarora Indian, who, being disabled by an accident from active occupations, essayed to become the historian of his people, and produced a small pamphlet, written in a language almost unintelligible, and filled with a medley of traditions in which a few grains of truth are inextricably mingled with a tangled mass of absurdities. He relates the monstrous legends of his people with an air of implicit faith, and traces the presiding sachems of the confederacy in regular descent from the first Atotarho downwards. His work, which was printed at the Tuscarora village, near Lewiston, in 1828, is illustrated by several rude engravings representing the Stone Giants, the Flying Heads, and other traditional monsters.
[16]Lafitau,Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, II. 4-10.Frontenac, in his expedition against the Onondagas, in 1696 (see Official Journal,Doc. Hist. New York, I. 332), found one of their villages built in an oblong form, with four bastions. The wall was formed of three rows of palisades, those of the outer row being forty or fifty feet high. The usual figure of the Iroquois villages was circular or oval, and in this instance the bastions were no doubt the suggestion of some European adviser.
[16]Lafitau,Mœurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, II. 4-10.
Frontenac, in his expedition against the Onondagas, in 1696 (see Official Journal,Doc. Hist. New York, I. 332), found one of their villages built in an oblong form, with four bastions. The wall was formed of three rows of palisades, those of the outer row being forty or fifty feet high. The usual figure of the Iroquois villages was circular or oval, and in this instance the bastions were no doubt the suggestion of some European adviser.
[17]Bartram gives the following account of the great council-house at Onondaga, which he visited in 1743:—“We alighted at the council-house, where the chiefs were already assembled to receive us, which they did with a grave, cheerful complaisance, according to their custom; they shew’d us where to lay our baggage, and repose ourselves during our stay with them; which was in the two end apartments of this large house. The Indians that came with us were placed over against us. This cabin is about eighty feet long and seventeen broad, the common passage six feet wide, and the apartments on each side five feet, raised a foot above the passage by a long sapling, hewed square, and fitted with joists that go from it to the back of the house; on these joists they lay large pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions spread mats made of rushes: this favor we had; on these floors they set or lye down, every one as he will; the apartments are divided from each other by boards or bark, six or seven foot long, from the lower floor to the upper, on which they put their lumber; when they have eaten their homony, as they set in each apartment before the fire, they can put the bowl over head, having not above five foot to reach; they set on the floor sometimes at each end, but mostly at one; they have a shed to put their wood into in the winter, or in the summer to set to converse or play, that has a door to the south; all the sides and roof of the cabin are made of bark, bound fast to poles set in the ground, and bent round on the top, or set aflatt, for the roof, as we set our rafters; over each fireplace they leave a hole to let out the smoke, which, in rainy weather, they cover with a piece of bark, and this they can easily reach with a pole to push it on one side or quite over the hole; after this model are most of their cabins built.”—Bartram,Observations, 40.
[17]Bartram gives the following account of the great council-house at Onondaga, which he visited in 1743:—
“We alighted at the council-house, where the chiefs were already assembled to receive us, which they did with a grave, cheerful complaisance, according to their custom; they shew’d us where to lay our baggage, and repose ourselves during our stay with them; which was in the two end apartments of this large house. The Indians that came with us were placed over against us. This cabin is about eighty feet long and seventeen broad, the common passage six feet wide, and the apartments on each side five feet, raised a foot above the passage by a long sapling, hewed square, and fitted with joists that go from it to the back of the house; on these joists they lay large pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions spread mats made of rushes: this favor we had; on these floors they set or lye down, every one as he will; the apartments are divided from each other by boards or bark, six or seven foot long, from the lower floor to the upper, on which they put their lumber; when they have eaten their homony, as they set in each apartment before the fire, they can put the bowl over head, having not above five foot to reach; they set on the floor sometimes at each end, but mostly at one; they have a shed to put their wood into in the winter, or in the summer to set to converse or play, that has a door to the south; all the sides and roof of the cabin are made of bark, bound fast to poles set in the ground, and bent round on the top, or set aflatt, for the roof, as we set our rafters; over each fireplace they leave a hole to let out the smoke, which, in rainy weather, they cover with a piece of bark, and this they can easily reach with a pole to push it on one side or quite over the hole; after this model are most of their cabins built.”—Bartram,Observations, 40.
[18]“Being at this place the 17 of June, there came fifty prisoners from the south westward. They were of two nations, some whereof have few guns, the other none at all. One nation is about ten days journey from any Christians, and trade onely with one greatt house, nott farr from the sea, and the other trade onely, as they say, with a black people. This day of them was burnt two women, and a man and a child killed with a stone. Att night we heard a great noise as if yehouses had all fallen butt itt was only yeinhabitants driving away yeghosts of yemurthered.‘The 18thgoing to Canagorah, that day there were most cruelly burnt four men, four women and one boy. The cruelty lasted aboutt seven hours. When they were almost dead letting them loose to the mercy of yeboys, and taking the hearts of such as were dead to feast on’—Greenhalgh,Journal, 1677.
[18]“Being at this place the 17 of June, there came fifty prisoners from the south westward. They were of two nations, some whereof have few guns, the other none at all. One nation is about ten days journey from any Christians, and trade onely with one greatt house, nott farr from the sea, and the other trade onely, as they say, with a black people. This day of them was burnt two women, and a man and a child killed with a stone. Att night we heard a great noise as if yehouses had all fallen butt itt was only yeinhabitants driving away yeghosts of yemurthered.
‘The 18thgoing to Canagorah, that day there were most cruelly burnt four men, four women and one boy. The cruelty lasted aboutt seven hours. When they were almost dead letting them loose to the mercy of yeboys, and taking the hearts of such as were dead to feast on’—Greenhalgh,Journal, 1677.
[19]For an account of the habits and customs of the Iroquois, the following works, besides those already cited, may be referred to:—Charlevoix,Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguières; Champlain,Voyages de la Nouv. France; Clark,Hist. Onondaga, I., and several volumes of the JesuitRelations, especially those of 1656-1657 and 1659-1660.
[19]For an account of the habits and customs of the Iroquois, the following works, besides those already cited, may be referred to:—
Charlevoix,Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguières; Champlain,Voyages de la Nouv. France; Clark,Hist. Onondaga, I., and several volumes of the JesuitRelations, especially those of 1656-1657 and 1659-1660.
[20]This is Colden’s translation of the word Ongwehonwe, one of the names of the Iroquois.
[20]This is Colden’s translation of the word Ongwehonwe, one of the names of the Iroquois.
[21]La Hontan estimated the Iroquois at from five thousand to seven thousand fighting men; but his means of information were very imperfect, and the same may be said of several other French writers, who have overrated the force of the confederacy. In 1677, the English sent one Greenhalgh to ascertain their numbers. He visited all their towns and villages, and reported their aggregate force at two thousand one hundred and fifty fighting men. The report of Colonel Coursey, agent from Virginia, at about the same period, closely corresponds with this statement. Greenhalgh’s Journal will be found in Chalmers’sPolitical Annals, and in theDocumentary History of New York. Subsequent estimates, up to the period of the Revolution, when their strength had much declined, vary from twelve hundred to two thousand one hundred and twenty. Most of these estimates are given by Clinton, in hisDiscourse on the Five Nations, and several by Jefferson, in hisNotes on Virginia.
[21]La Hontan estimated the Iroquois at from five thousand to seven thousand fighting men; but his means of information were very imperfect, and the same may be said of several other French writers, who have overrated the force of the confederacy. In 1677, the English sent one Greenhalgh to ascertain their numbers. He visited all their towns and villages, and reported their aggregate force at two thousand one hundred and fifty fighting men. The report of Colonel Coursey, agent from Virginia, at about the same period, closely corresponds with this statement. Greenhalgh’s Journal will be found in Chalmers’sPolitical Annals, and in theDocumentary History of New York. Subsequent estimates, up to the period of the Revolution, when their strength had much declined, vary from twelve hundred to two thousand one hundred and twenty. Most of these estimates are given by Clinton, in hisDiscourse on the Five Nations, and several by Jefferson, in hisNotes on Virginia.
[22]Hurons, Wyandots, Yendots, Ouendaets, Quatogies.The Dionondadies are also designated by the following names: Tionontatez, Petuneux—Nation of Tobacco.
[22]Hurons, Wyandots, Yendots, Ouendaets, Quatogies.
The Dionondadies are also designated by the following names: Tionontatez, Petuneux—Nation of Tobacco.
[23]See Sagard,Hurons, 115.
[23]See Sagard,Hurons, 115.
[24]Bancroft, in his chapter on the Indians east of the Mississippi, falls into a mistake when he says that no trade was carried on by any of the tribes. For an account of the traffic between the Hurons and Algonquins, see Mercier,Relation des Hurons, 1637, p. 171.
[24]Bancroft, in his chapter on the Indians east of the Mississippi, falls into a mistake when he says that no trade was carried on by any of the tribes. For an account of the traffic between the Hurons and Algonquins, see Mercier,Relation des Hurons, 1637, p. 171.
[25]See “Jesuits in North America.”
[25]See “Jesuits in North America.”
[26]According to Lallemant, the population of the Neutral Nation amounted to at least twelve thousand; but the estimate is probably exaggerated.—Relation des Hurons, 1641, p. 50.
[26]According to Lallemant, the population of the Neutral Nation amounted to at least twelve thousand; but the estimate is probably exaggerated.—Relation des Hurons, 1641, p. 50.
[27]The Iroquois traditions on this subject, as related to the writer by a chief of the Cayugas, do not agree with the narratives of the Jesuits. It is not certain that the Eries were of the Iroquois family. There is some reason to believe them Algonquins, and possibly identical with the Shawanoes.
[27]The Iroquois traditions on this subject, as related to the writer by a chief of the Cayugas, do not agree with the narratives of the Jesuits. It is not certain that the Eries were of the Iroquois family. There is some reason to believe them Algonquins, and possibly identical with the Shawanoes.
[28]Charlevoix,Nouvelle France, I. 443.
[28]Charlevoix,Nouvelle France, I. 443.
[29]Gallatin places the final subjection of the Lenape at about the year 1750—a printer’s error for 1650.—Synopsis, 48.
[29]Gallatin places the final subjection of the Lenape at about the year 1750—a printer’s error for 1650.—Synopsis, 48.
[30]Nouvelle France, I. 196.
[30]Nouvelle France, I. 196.
[31]William Henry Harrison,Discourse on the Aborigines of the Ohio. SeeOhio Hist. Trans. Part Second, I. 257.
[31]William Henry Harrison,Discourse on the Aborigines of the Ohio. SeeOhio Hist. Trans. Part Second, I. 257.
[32]“Here yeIndyans were very desirous to see us ride our horses, wchwee did: they made great feasts and dancing, and invited us ytwhen all yemaides were together, both wee and our Indyans might choose such as lyked us to ly with.”—Greenhalgh,Journal.
[32]“Here yeIndyans were very desirous to see us ride our horses, wchwee did: they made great feasts and dancing, and invited us ytwhen all yemaides were together, both wee and our Indyans might choose such as lyked us to ly with.”—Greenhalgh,Journal.
[33]The Lenape, on their part, call the other Algonquin tribes Children, Grandchildren, Nephews, or Younger Brothers; but they confess the superiority of the Wyandots and the Five Nations, by yielding them the title of Uncles. They, in return, call the Lenape Nephews, or more frequently Cousins.
[33]The Lenape, on their part, call the other Algonquin tribes Children, Grandchildren, Nephews, or Younger Brothers; but they confess the superiority of the Wyandots and the Five Nations, by yielding them the title of Uncles. They, in return, call the Lenape Nephews, or more frequently Cousins.
[34]Loskiel, Part I. 130.
[34]Loskiel, Part I. 130.
[35]The story told by the Lenape themselves, and recorded with the utmost good faith by Loskiel and Heckewelder, that the Five Nations had not conquered them, but, by a cunning artifice, had cheated them into subjection, is wholly unworthy of credit. It is not to be believed that a people so acute and suspicious could be the dupes of so palpable a trick; and it is equally incredible that a high-spirited tribe could be induced, by the most persuasive rhetoric, to assume the name of Women, which in Indian eyes is the last confession of abject abasement.
[35]The story told by the Lenape themselves, and recorded with the utmost good faith by Loskiel and Heckewelder, that the Five Nations had not conquered them, but, by a cunning artifice, had cheated them into subjection, is wholly unworthy of credit. It is not to be believed that a people so acute and suspicious could be the dupes of so palpable a trick; and it is equally incredible that a high-spirited tribe could be induced, by the most persuasive rhetoric, to assume the name of Women, which in Indian eyes is the last confession of abject abasement.
[36]Heckewelder,Hist. Ind. Nat.53.
[36]Heckewelder,Hist. Ind. Nat.53.
[37]The evidence concerning the movements of the Shawanoes is well summed up by Gallatin,Synopsis, 65. See also Drake,Life of Tecumseh, 10.
[37]The evidence concerning the movements of the Shawanoes is well summed up by Gallatin,Synopsis, 65. See also Drake,Life of Tecumseh, 10.
[38]Father Rasles, 1723, says that there were eleven. Marest, in 1712, found only three.
[38]Father Rasles, 1723, says that there were eleven. Marest, in 1712, found only three.
[39]Morse,Report, Appendix, 141.
[39]Morse,Report, Appendix, 141.
[40]See Tanner, Long, and Henry. A comparison of Tanner with the accounts of the Jesuit Le Jeune will show that Algonquin life in Lower Canada, two hundred years ago, was essentially the same with Algonquin life on the Upper Lakes within the last half century.
[40]See Tanner, Long, and Henry. A comparison of Tanner with the accounts of the Jesuit Le Jeune will show that Algonquin life in Lower Canada, two hundred years ago, was essentially the same with Algonquin life on the Upper Lakes within the last half century.
[41]For Algonquin legends, see Schoolcraft, inAlgic ResearchesandOneota. Le Jeune early discovered these legends among the tribes of his mission. Two centuries ago, among the Algonquins of Lower Canada, a tale was related to him, which, in its principal incidents, is identical with the story of the “Boy who set a Snare for the Sun,” recently found by Mr. Schoolcraft among the tribes of the Upper Lakes. CompareRelation, 1637, p. 172, andOneota, p. 75. The coincidence affords a curious proof of the antiquity and wide diffusion of some of these tales.The Dacotah, as well as the Algonquins, believe that the thunder is produced by a bird. A beautiful illustration of this idea will be found in Mrs. Eastman’sLegends of the Sioux. An Indian propounded to Le Jeune a doctrine of his own. According to his theory, the thunder is produced by the eructations of a monstrous giant, who had unfortunately swallowed a quantity of snakes; and the latter falling to the earth, caused the appearance of lightning. “Voilà une philosophie bien nouvelle!” exclaims the astonished Jesuit.
[41]For Algonquin legends, see Schoolcraft, inAlgic ResearchesandOneota. Le Jeune early discovered these legends among the tribes of his mission. Two centuries ago, among the Algonquins of Lower Canada, a tale was related to him, which, in its principal incidents, is identical with the story of the “Boy who set a Snare for the Sun,” recently found by Mr. Schoolcraft among the tribes of the Upper Lakes. CompareRelation, 1637, p. 172, andOneota, p. 75. The coincidence affords a curious proof of the antiquity and wide diffusion of some of these tales.
The Dacotah, as well as the Algonquins, believe that the thunder is produced by a bird. A beautiful illustration of this idea will be found in Mrs. Eastman’sLegends of the Sioux. An Indian propounded to Le Jeune a doctrine of his own. According to his theory, the thunder is produced by the eructations of a monstrous giant, who had unfortunately swallowed a quantity of snakes; and the latter falling to the earth, caused the appearance of lightning. “Voilà une philosophie bien nouvelle!” exclaims the astonished Jesuit.
[42]Le Jeune, Schoolcraft, James, Jarvis, Charlevoix, Sagard, Brébeuf, Mercier, Vimont, Lallemant, Lafitau, De Smet, &c.
[42]Le Jeune, Schoolcraft, James, Jarvis, Charlevoix, Sagard, Brébeuf, Mercier, Vimont, Lallemant, Lafitau, De Smet, &c.
[43]Raynal.Hist. Indies, VII. 87 (Lond. 1783).Charlevoix,Voyages, LetterX.The Swedish traveller Kalm gives an interesting account of manners in Canada, about the middle of the eighteenth century. For the feudal tenure as existing in Canada, see Bouchette, I. Chap. XIV (Lond. 1831), and Garneau,Hist. Canada, Book III. Chap. III.
[43]Raynal.Hist. Indies, VII. 87 (Lond. 1783).
Charlevoix,Voyages, LetterX.
The Swedish traveller Kalm gives an interesting account of manners in Canada, about the middle of the eighteenth century. For the feudal tenure as existing in Canada, see Bouchette, I. Chap. XIV (Lond. 1831), and Garneau,Hist. Canada, Book III. Chap. III.
[44]Charlevoix,Nouv. France, I. 197.
[44]Charlevoix,Nouv. France, I. 197.
[45]Charlevoix, I. 198.
[45]Charlevoix, I. 198.
[46]A. D.1635.Relation des Hurons, 1636, p. 2.
[46]A. D.1635.Relation des Hurons, 1636, p. 2.
[47]“Vivre en la Nouvelle France c’est à vray dire vivre dans le sein de Dieu.” Such are the extravagant words of Le Jeune, in his report of the year 1635.
[47]“Vivre en la Nouvelle France c’est à vray dire vivre dans le sein de Dieu.” Such are the extravagant words of Le Jeune, in his report of the year 1635.
[48]See JesuitRelationsandLettres Edifiantes; also, Charlevoix,passim; Garneau,Hist. Canada, Book IV. Chap. II.; and Bancroft,Hist. U. S.Chap. XX.
[48]See JesuitRelationsandLettres Edifiantes; also, Charlevoix,passim; Garneau,Hist. Canada, Book IV. Chap. II.; and Bancroft,Hist. U. S.Chap. XX.
[49]Charlevoix, I. 292.
[49]Charlevoix, I. 292.
[50]Ibid.238-276.
[50]Ibid.238-276.
[51]For remarks on the futility of Jesuit missionary efforts, see Halkett,Historical Notes, Chap. IV.
[51]For remarks on the futility of Jesuit missionary efforts, see Halkett,Historical Notes, Chap. IV.
[52]Picquet was a priest of St. Sulpice. For a sketch of his life, seeLett. Edif.XIV.
[52]Picquet was a priest of St. Sulpice. For a sketch of his life, seeLett. Edif.XIV.
[53]For an account of Priber, seeAdair, 240. I have seen mention of this man in contemporary provincial newspapers, where he is sometimes spoken of as a disguised Jesuit. He took up his residence among the Cherokees about the year 1736, and labored to gain them over to the French interest.
[53]For an account of Priber, seeAdair, 240. I have seen mention of this man in contemporary provincial newspapers, where he is sometimes spoken of as a disguised Jesuit. He took up his residence among the Cherokees about the year 1736, and labored to gain them over to the French interest.
[54]Sparks,Life of La Salle, 21.
[54]Sparks,Life of La Salle, 21.
[55]Hennepin,New Discovery, 98 (Lond. 1698.)
[55]Hennepin,New Discovery, 98 (Lond. 1698.)
[56]Procès Verbal, in appendix to Sparks’sLa Salle.
[56]Procès Verbal, in appendix to Sparks’sLa Salle.
[57]Du Pratz,Hist. Louisiana, 5. Charlevoix, II. 259.
[57]Du Pratz,Hist. Louisiana, 5. Charlevoix, II. 259.
[58]Smith,Hist. Canada, I. 208.
[58]Smith,Hist. Canada, I. 208.
[59]Champlain,Voyages, 136 (Paris, 1632) Charlevoix, I, 142.
[59]Champlain,Voyages, 136 (Paris, 1632) Charlevoix, I, 142.
[60]Vimont, Colden, Charlevoix,passim.
[60]Vimont, Colden, Charlevoix,passim.
[61]Vimont seems to believe the story—Rel. de la N. F.1640, 195.
[61]Vimont seems to believe the story—Rel. de la N. F.1640, 195.
[62]Charlevoix, I. 549.
[62]Charlevoix, I. 549.
[63]A. D.1654-1658.—Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 47.
[63]A. D.1654-1658.—Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 47.
[64]Official Papers of the Expedition.—Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 323.
[64]Official Papers of the Expedition.—Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 323.
[65]Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 446.
[65]Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 446.
[66]La Hontan,Voyages, I. 74. Colden,Memorial on the Fur-Trade.
[66]La Hontan,Voyages, I. 74. Colden,Memorial on the Fur-Trade.
[67]Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 444.
[67]Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 444.
[68]Smith,Hist. Canada, I. 214.
[68]Smith,Hist. Canada, I. 214.
[69]Précis des Faits, 89.
[69]Précis des Faits, 89.
[70]Smith,Hist. N. Y. passim.
[70]Smith,Hist. N. Y. passim.
[71]Rev. Military Operations, Mass. Hist. Coll. 1st Series, VII. 67.
[71]Rev. Military Operations, Mass. Hist. Coll. 1st Series, VII. 67.
[72]Colden,Hist. Five Nat.161.
[72]Colden,Hist. Five Nat.161.
[73]MS. Papers of Cadwallader Colden. MS. Papers of Sir William Johnson.“We find the Indians, as far back as the very confused manuscript records in my possession, repeatedly upbraiding this province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of assisting them at a time when it was certainly in their power to destroy the infant colony of Canada, although supported by many nations; and this is likewise confessed by the writings of the managers of these times.”—MS. Letter—Johnson to the Board of Trade, May 24, 1765.
[73]MS. Papers of Cadwallader Colden. MS. Papers of Sir William Johnson.
“We find the Indians, as far back as the very confused manuscript records in my possession, repeatedly upbraiding this province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of assisting them at a time when it was certainly in their power to destroy the infant colony of Canada, although supported by many nations; and this is likewise confessed by the writings of the managers of these times.”—MS. Letter—Johnson to the Board of Trade, May 24, 1765.
[74]“I apprehend it will clearly appear to you, that the colonies had all along neglected to cultivate a proper understanding with the Indians, and from a mistaken notion have greatly despised them, without considering that it is in their power to lay waste and destroy the frontiers. This opinion arose from our confidence in our scattered numbers, and the parsimony of our people, who, from an error in politics, would not expend five pounds to save twenty.”—MS. Letter—Johnson to the Board of Trade, November 13, 1763.
[74]“I apprehend it will clearly appear to you, that the colonies had all along neglected to cultivate a proper understanding with the Indians, and from a mistaken notion have greatly despised them, without considering that it is in their power to lay waste and destroy the frontiers. This opinion arose from our confidence in our scattered numbers, and the parsimony of our people, who, from an error in politics, would not expend five pounds to save twenty.”—MS. Letter—Johnson to the Board of Trade, November 13, 1763.
[75]Adair,Post’s Journals. Croghan’sJournal, MSS. of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.
[75]Adair,Post’s Journals. Croghan’sJournal, MSS. of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.
[76]La Hontan, I. 177. Potherie,Hist. Am. Sept.II. 298 (Paris, 1722).These facts afford no ground for national reflections, when it is recollected that while Iroquois prisoners were tortured in the wilds of Canada, Elizabeth Gaunt was burned to death at Tyburn for yielding to the dictates of compassion, and giving shelter to a political offender.
[76]La Hontan, I. 177. Potherie,Hist. Am. Sept.II. 298 (Paris, 1722).
These facts afford no ground for national reflections, when it is recollected that while Iroquois prisoners were tortured in the wilds of Canada, Elizabeth Gaunt was burned to death at Tyburn for yielding to the dictates of compassion, and giving shelter to a political offender.
[77]Le Jeune,Rel. de la N. F.1636, 193.
[77]Le Jeune,Rel. de la N. F.1636, 193.
[78]“I have exactly followed the Bishop of London’s counsel, by buying, and not taking away, the natives’ land.”—Penn’s Letter to the Ministry, Aug. 14, 1683.See Chalmer’sPolit. Ann.666.
[78]“I have exactly followed the Bishop of London’s counsel, by buying, and not taking away, the natives’ land.”—Penn’s Letter to the Ministry, Aug. 14, 1683.See Chalmer’sPolit. Ann.666.
[79]“If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavor to purchase their tytle, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion.”—Instructions to Endicot, 1629. See Hazard,State Papers, I. 263.“The inhabitants of New England had never, except in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land without first obtaining a title from the Indians.”—Bancroft,Hist. U. S.II. 98.
[79]“If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavor to purchase their tytle, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion.”—Instructions to Endicot, 1629. See Hazard,State Papers, I. 263.
“The inhabitants of New England had never, except in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land without first obtaining a title from the Indians.”—Bancroft,Hist. U. S.II. 98.
[80]He paid twice for his lands; once to the Iroquois, who claimed them by right of conquest, and once to their occupants, the Delawares.
[80]He paid twice for his lands; once to the Iroquois, who claimed them by right of conquest, and once to their occupants, the Delawares.
[81]1755-1763. The feelings of the Quakers at this time may be gathered from the following sources: MS.Account of the Rise and Progress of the Friendly Association for gaining and preserving Peace with the Indians by pacific Measures.Address of the Friendly Association to Governor Denny.See Proud,Hist. Pa., appendix. Haz.,Pa. Reg.VIII. 273, 293, 323. But a much livelier picture of the prevailing excitement will be found in a series of party pamphlets, published at Philadelphia in the year 1764.
[81]1755-1763. The feelings of the Quakers at this time may be gathered from the following sources: MS.Account of the Rise and Progress of the Friendly Association for gaining and preserving Peace with the Indians by pacific Measures.Address of the Friendly Association to Governor Denny.See Proud,Hist. Pa., appendix. Haz.,Pa. Reg.VIII. 273, 293, 323. But a much livelier picture of the prevailing excitement will be found in a series of party pamphlets, published at Philadelphia in the year 1764.
[82]Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest, 33, 68, (Lond. 1759). This work is a pamphlet written by Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of Congress, and designed to explain the causes of the rupture which took place at the outbreak of the French war. The text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents. I have seen a copy in the possession of Francis Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia, containing marginal notes in the handwriting of James Hamilton, who was twice governor of the province under the proprietary instructions. In these notes, though he cavils at several unimportant points of the relation, he suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged.
[82]Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest, 33, 68, (Lond. 1759). This work is a pamphlet written by Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of Congress, and designed to explain the causes of the rupture which took place at the outbreak of the French war. The text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents. I have seen a copy in the possession of Francis Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia, containing marginal notes in the handwriting of James Hamilton, who was twice governor of the province under the proprietary instructions. In these notes, though he cavils at several unimportant points of the relation, he suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged.
[83]Witham Marshe’s Journal.
[83]Witham Marshe’s Journal.
[84]Onas was the name given by the Indians to William Penn and his successors.
[84]Onas was the name given by the Indians to William Penn and his successors.
[85]Minutes of Indian council held at Philadelphia, 1742.
[85]Minutes of Indian council held at Philadelphia, 1742.
[86]Chapman,Hist. Wyoming, 19.
[86]Chapman,Hist. Wyoming, 19.
[87]Colonial Records, III. 340.
[87]Colonial Records, III. 340.
[88]Letter of Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, Jan. 25, 1720. SeeColonial Records of Pa.III. 75.
[88]Letter of Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, Jan. 25, 1720. SeeColonial Records of Pa.III. 75.
[89]Minutes of Indian Council, 1746.
[89]Minutes of Indian Council, 1746.
[90]Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 423.
[90]Doc. Hist. N. Y.I. 423.
[91]MS. Letter—Colden to Lord Halifax, no date.
[91]MS. Letter—Colden to Lord Halifax, no date.
[92]Allen,Am. Biog. Dict.and authorities there referred to. Campbell,Annals of Tryon County, appendix. Sabine,Am. Loyalists, 398.Papers relating to Sir W. Johnson. SeeDoc. Hist. New York, II.MS. Papers of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.
[92]Allen,Am. Biog. Dict.and authorities there referred to. Campbell,Annals of Tryon County, appendix. Sabine,Am. Loyalists, 398.Papers relating to Sir W. Johnson. SeeDoc. Hist. New York, II.MS. Papers of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.
[93]Garneau, Book VIII. Chap. III.
[93]Garneau, Book VIII. Chap. III.
[94]Holmes,Annals, II. 183.Mémoire contenant Le Précis des Faits, Pièces Justificatives, Part I.
[94]Holmes,Annals, II. 183.Mémoire contenant Le Précis des Faits, Pièces Justificatives, Part I.
[95]Smollett, III. 370 (Edinburgh, 1805).
[95]Smollett, III. 370 (Edinburgh, 1805).
[96]Sparks’sLife and Writings of Washington, II. 478.Gist’s Journal.
[96]Sparks’sLife and Writings of Washington, II. 478.Gist’s Journal.
[97]Olden Time, II. 9, 10. This excellent antiquarian publication contains documents relating to this period which are not to be found elsewhere.
[97]Olden Time, II. 9, 10. This excellent antiquarian publication contains documents relating to this period which are not to be found elsewhere.
[98]“He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. They told me that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G—d they would do it; for that, although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La Salle, sixty years ago; and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto.”—Washington,Journal.
[98]“He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. They told me that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G—d they would do it; for that, although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La Salle, sixty years ago; and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto.”—Washington,Journal.