TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 15th, 1782.
Sir,
I have had the honor of receiving at several times, your official despatch No 1, of September 17th, its duplicate, and the undermentioned acts of Congress.
Of the 14th of September.Public monies committed to the disposal of the Superintendent of Finance.
17th of September.Enjoining the attendance of the Ministers Plenipotentiary for treating with Great Britain.[78]
3d of October.On the communication from the Minister of France.
17th.Enjoining American Ministers to transmit intelligence.
An extract of a letter from Sir Guy Carleton, of the 12th of September.
To which several acts, I shall observe the utmost respect and obedience.
Upon receipt of that of the 17th of September, without questioning the right of Congress to compel the service of a citizen of America, who had neither solicited nor accepted a commission, I proceeded with all the despatch which a very infirm state of health would admit of, and by travelling night and day, arrived here not only time enough to sign the preliminary articles, but in time to offer suggestions which my colleagues were pleased to accept and adopt as necessary.
I had considered my residence in England, not only as proper for recovering my health, but also as essential to the service of the United States. I embraced various opportunities of informing the people in general of the ground and nature of the dispute between the two countries, of which they had been amazingly ignorant, of contradicting false reports respecting America, and of convincing some of the most intelligent, as well as some of the most adverse to the doctrine, that a full acknowledgment of our independence was consistent with, and would eventually contribute to promote, the trueinterest of Great Britain, and I have some ground for believing that my labors in some degree facilitated the great business, which has been just completed, a formal acknowledgment from the King, and a full renunciation of all claim upon the United States; and I humbly think, if I were in England at this moment, I might be of more real service to my country, than I can possibly perform in my present situation.
I thank you, Sir, for the newspapers. The melancholy intelligence, which they containedfor me, must have reached me by some means. Your mode of conveying it was delicate and obliging. I have received value for the bills, which had been sent to Dr Franklin on my account, more particularly acknowledged in my letter of yesterday to Mr L. R. Morris. My thanks are also due for your trouble in stating my account. A charge for commission shall be most cheerfully admitted, but it is impracticable to comply with your recommendation by sending a statement of my demand, because I am ignorant of the vote of Congress for my salary, under both the old and new commission; nor is it needful, as I mean not to take up a further sum while I am in Europe. Indeed, if the late remittance had not been made, I should have persevered in paying my expenses from my own funds. I too well know the distresses of Congress, arising from a want of money, and therefore most earnestly wish to avoid adding to them. Enclosed you will find a loose receipt for the 20,000 livres, but it is not in my power to be special in the discharge.
Casting my eye this moment over the joint letter of the American Ministers, I perceive Congress are not there informed of a letter wehave despatched to Mr Dana, at the Court of St. Petersburg, recommending to him to announce at that Court, and to foreign Ministers resident there, the signing of the preliminary articles between Great Britain and the United States; a copy of which, the separate article excepted, has been transmitted to him for that purpose. I could not refrain from giving this intimation, lest it should have escaped us all. This is not to be doubted, that recognitions by applications for commercial, and perhaps other treaties, will speedily follow from almost all the courts of Europe. There is already an instance in one of the principal trading kingdoms in the Baltic.
Shall I request the favor of you, Sir, with this to lay before Congress the enclosed copy of a letter, which I had occasion to write to the Earl of Cornwallis, on the third instant. It may tend to throw light upon the transaction in exchanging that officer, which I perceive has been very unfairly represented by the British Commissioners at New York. When Congress are informed of the precarious state of my health, and shall be pleased to reflect upon the long sufferings I have endured, that I have devoted almost the whole of my time, for eight years past, to the service of my country, detached from, and regardless of my domestic interests; and when they consider the very severe stroke lately fallen upon me, by the death of my eldest son, and the dispersion of the survivors in my family, for whom it is necessary I should endeavor to reprovide a home; I am confident my present determination to return to Bath, the only place in which I can hope to recover a part of my broken constitution, as soon as I can be spared from present duty, and from thence to America in March or April next, will not give offence. I shall indeed be much better pleased to receive in the mean time, and therefore nowearnestly solicit, a formal permission, than to hazard their displeasure by an act, which, however necessary and unavoidable, may possibly be construed into an abandonment of their service, or even a slight of their orders.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 24th, 1782.
Sir,
Permit me to refer to what I had the honor of writing by the present conveyance on the 15th instant.
Mr David Hartley, on the 19th, moved in the British House of Commons,
“That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, stating that his faithful Commons think it their indispensable duty, not only to return their grateful thanks to his Majesty for having adopted the sense of his Parliament and people, in having pointed all his views and measures, as well in Europe as in North America, to an entire and cordial reconciliation with those Colonies, but likewise to express to his Majesty that, whatever may be the result of the general negotiation for peace now depending, our conciliatory sentiments towards America remain unaltered, as presented in their humble address to his Majesty on that subject in the last session of Parliament, and therefore that this House will consider as enemies to his Majesty and this country, all those who shall endeavor to frustrate such beneficent dispositions of his Majesty, by advising or by any means attempting the further prosecution of the war on the continent of America.”
The motion was seconded by Colonel Hartley. Mr Secretary Townshend objected, by calling for the Journals, and ordering the Resolutions of February and March last to be read, which he alleged were to the same effect as the motion, and were still in full force.
Some debate ensued, and upon a division, the ayes for the motion were 13, and the nays 51. Perhaps it would have been better if the motion had never been forced to a vote, than being forced, to be lost. What were the recent inroads up the Santa Cumbahee, and other rivers in South Carolina? What is the retaining a garrison in Charleston and another in New York, but offensive war?
In my own mind, I have no doubt but that the Court of London would carry on an offensive or any other war, or make partial peace, or pursue any means and measures, which might best gratify its desires, and its apparent interests.
My letters from London of a late date speak the following language.
“We are of opinion, that a general peace is still far distant, and are not so eager for it; if the preliminary articles between this kingdom and America shall terminate hostilities between us two, let us shake hands, and bereconciledwith our American brethren, and the nationin generalwill prefer a war to a dishonorable peacewith France.” Who is to interpret?
I am directed to give intelligence, not advice and opinions, but I trust Congress will not be offended with the few sentiments, which I shall presume modestly to urge.
The people of England still retain the idea of “OURcolonies,” and of “reconciliation.” Government gives all possible encouragement to their humor; it has been their incessantendeavor to detach us from our ally, and it is given out in London, that they have out-manœuvred the Court of France. God forbid that any future act or future supineness, on the part of the United States of America, should give the smallest degree of countenance to so dishonorable an insinuation. Every engine has been, every degree of craft under the mask of returning affection will be practised, for creating jealousies between the States and their good and great ally. The United States of America are too wise to be duped, too honorable to commit any act, be their distresses what they may, that shall sully their good faith. Through their ally’s assistance and their own virtuous perseverance, they attained to those preliminaries; they will virtuously persevere until they shall have performed every tittle of their engagements with that ally, against whom, I must declare for my own part, I see no cause for entertaining more particular jealousy than ought to be kept upon guard against every negotiating Court in the world, nor half so much as should at this moment be upon the watch against every motion arising from our new half friends. I had occasion to write to the same Mr David Hartley, that I should suspect every superfluous and every deficient word coming from that quarter. Nevertheless, I earnestly wish, and shall continue my utmost endeavors, for obtaining an honorable well founded peace with Great Britain. But I will not consent toreceiving her wooden horses, nor will I listen to her whispers, or imbibe prejudices against a Court, which has been a friend to my country in need. Congress will be pleased to pardon this freedom, and accept the zeal of their faithful and most obedient servant,
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, January 9th, 1783.
Sir,
I had the honor of addressing you on the 15th and 24th ultimo, by Captain Barney, in the ship Washington. Duplicates by way of Nantes. Shall I request you, Sir, with my humble respects, to inform Congress that my health has ever since been declining; that I am at this moment reduced to a deplorable state, scarcely able to walk across my chamber; that I should nevertheless have continued here at all hazards, had I not been strongly advised to visit Bath, the only place where I can hope to recover part of a constitution, broken down by sufferings and in the service of my country, and at the same time assured from proper authority, that there is too great a probability of an interval, before a definitive treaty will be seriously talked of, for performing my intended journey. Should the contrary happen, the earliest notice from hence, as well, as from London, will be forwarded to me, and if possible I shall return without delay. This interval strikes no alarm to me. I had, upon my first arrival here, intimated my apprehensions to all my colleagues.
Wherever I am, the honor and interest of the United States shall be my great and greatest concern.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, March 15th, 1783.
Sir,
My last is dated Paris, 9th of January. The original and three copies were, for conveyance, divided between Nantes and L’Orient. Five weeks use of the waters at Bath had so far recovered my health, as to induce me to come to London about eighteen days ago, in order to avail myself of opportunities for urging a definitive treaty between Great Britain and the United States, as well as the necessity for removing the British troops from New York. I have signified my opinion to the proper persons, that, until the latter is effected, America will not deem herself at peace. Wise and good men feel the impression, acknowledge the propriety of my observations, and while there was a government by a ministry, that point was attended to. But for some days past, the great struggle has been, who should be the persons to form a new administration. In the mean time, the momentous business in which we are concerned lies dormant, nor do I know where to apply for putting it in motion. The House of Commons had indeed introduced a bill for a “Provisional establishment, and regulation of trade and intercourse between the subjects of Great Britain and those of the United States of North America.” A printed copy was put into my hands, and my opinion asked by many members of that House. I objected generally to opening trade merely by act of Parliament, and especially to certain parts of the bill, but above all to an intercourse, until the citizens of New York shall be left in quiet and complete possession of their whole country, and all hostiletroops withdrawn from the United States. That bill I am informed is annihilated and another projected. A copy of the new bill I am to receive tomorrow. I persevere in the same language; be the bill what it may, however suitable to the services of Great Britain, or speciously conducive to the mutual interests of Great Britain and America, I think there cannot be, I hope there will not be permitted on our part, any intercourse until the troops are effectually removed.
Why is not the definitive treaty concluded, and the important “Then” established, or why are not measures adopted for withdrawing the troops? Are the troops to be continued therein terrorem, to force a trade, or to compel us to measures respecting the people called loyalists? The late First Lord of the Treasury has not failed to boast of his success, in obtaining the provisional treaty without the participation or the concurrence of the Court of France, nor to talk of the happy effects which he hoped to derive from so great an advantage. I have endeavored to counteract his Lordship’s virtuous designs, by observing that, admitting the fact, which I did not admit, the consequence might be disgraceful, possibly fatal, to the American ministers, but could work no injury to the United States. This appears at present to have the effect I wished for. Had his Lordship, who I believe is very angry with us, continued in office, I know not what evils might have attended us. To his influence I ascribe the delay of the definitive treaty, and consequently of the removal of the troops.
I am not backward, upon every proper occasion, to signify my apprehensions to active members of Parliament, and to every man in government, with whom I converse upon these subjects. You will perceive, Sir, that I find some employment here; were I in France, Ishould be totally idle. I shall remain in London about a fortnight longer. If at the end of that time, there shall be no better prospect of a definitive treaty, I shall immediately take measures for embarkation to America.
I am now to acknowledge the honor of your favor of the 8th of November, No. 2, and to thank you for the remittance of £16,666.13s. through your attention by Mr L. R. Morris.
I thank you, Sir, most sincerely for your kind condolence. I have not yet had resolution enough to inquire into the “cause and manner,” nor dare I indulge myself in speaking of a subject, which too much occupies my thoughts and distresses my mind, in all the moments of retirement.
This will be delivered by Mr John Deas, a young gentleman, native of South Carolina, educated in Britain, who means to become a citizen in his own country. I have every ground for hoping he will be a valuable member of the community; hence I have encouraged him to expect a cordial and hospitable reception. I should observe in Mr Deas’ favor, that he has been long endeavoring to return to America; he once embarked at Ostend, and suffered shipwreck on the coast of England, to his great loss and disappointment.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, April 5th, 1783.
Sir,
With this you will receive the triplicate of a letter, which I had the honor of writing on the 15th of March. I beg leave to refer to its contents. A third bill, called “an amendment for a provisional establishment, and regulation of trade, &c.” had been brought into the House of Commons. My opinion was again solicited by different members, which, as usual, I thought it prudent to withhold; but being pressed, I at length framed a supposed American bill, for regulating commerce with Great Britain, and suggested that it had been received by a courier. This I held up as a mirror to some of the most active men in that House. From that time, the 22d of March, their own bill, which was to have been finished on the 23d, has slept with very little interruption, and is now, to all appearance, dead. I do not ascribe its demise to a sight of the supposed bill, a copy of which you will receive enclosed, although the gentlemen acknowledged themselves affected by it.
A new ministry is at length arranged, the Duke of Portland at the head, Mr Fox and Lord North, the latter of whom is universally charged with being the author of the late cruel war, Secretaries of State. The Duke of Richmond, who it is said detests the coalition, has resigned. It becomes not me to interfere with or censure an arrangement of servants in this kingdom. I am attentive to the honor and interests of the United States.
I have had a conference with Mr Fox, who has the Foreign Department, in which is included the United States as an Independent Power. Itwas stipulated, that nothing I should say as a matter of opinion or belief on my part, should either commit or pledge me. I judged it necessary to establish this foundation. Mr Fox was desirous of knowing, whether the American Ministers were authorised and disposed to open an intercourse and commerce upon terms of reciprocity without delay. I replied, I believed they were, although a late publication by a suspected hand, of the revocation of Mr Adams’s commission, left me not so clear on that point, adding, that I could soon be informed from Paris. At the same time, I urged as necessary previous, or accompanying steps, the conclusion of a definitive treaty, and the withdrawing of all the British troops from the United States. In answer to supposed difficulties in obtaining transport ships, I proposed the removal of the troops to Long Island or Staten Island, adding, that some powers might in a similar case insist upon hostages for their peaceable behavior and final removal. I thought it absolutely necessary, that the State of New York should be put in immediate possession of the city and port. Mr Fox, as the Duke of Portland had done before him, discovered a disposition to proceed to business with us with liberality and effect, and I place all proper confidence in their assurances. Upon the whole, Mr Fox asked if he might report, that I believed there was a disposition and powers on the part of the American Ministers to open an intercourse and commerce upon terms of reciprocity without delay? I assented, as my belief and opinion, under the reservations above mentioned. I shall proceed immediately to Paris, as my colleagues are desirous of my presence. David Hartley is, or it is said will be, appointed to join us in finishing our negotiations of a perfect peace. While I regretthe loss of Mr Oswald on this occasion, the nomination of another honest man affords me great satisfaction. From France, or before I commence my journey, I shall transmit what may be further necessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
P. S.I take the liberty of enclosing letters for L. R. Morris, for the delegates from the State of South Carolina, and one for his Excellency General Washington.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, April 10th, 1783.
Sir,
I beg leave to refer you to the enclosed duplicate of my last, of the 5th instant. The “bill for a provisional establishment and regulation of trade,” &c. seems to be dead indeed. Mr Fox yesterday moved for reading the titles of the act, commonly called the prohibitory act, and the act for granting Letters of Marque, which being read, he moved for leave to bring in a bill for repealing so much of said acts, as prohibit trade and intercourse with the United States of America, which was ordered accordingly. My anxiety to see the final turn of this business has detained me in London three or four days longer than I had intended. I shall call upon Mr Fox presently, and if anything new occurs it shall be noticed in a postscript. Immediately after sealing this packet, I shall begin my journey to Paris. Mr Hartley tells me he will follow upon the 15th instant. I shall enclose a copy of the amendment, called the third bill, for theinformation of Congress. Mr Darby, the gentleman who will be so good as to deliver this, has promised me also to deliver a packet of the latest newspapers.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.
P. S.I have conversed with Mr Fox, from whom the body of merchants by deputation had just retired. Their errand, as I learned, was on the business of opening the communication between Great Britain and the United States. There is a general and pressing eagerness to that point. I repeated the propriety and necessity of withdrawing the troops, and of restoring to New York their city and port. Mr Fox in return gave the strongest assurances, that this should be done with the utmost despatch, and promised to send to the Ministers at Paris a copy of the orders to be given for that purpose; he further informed me, that he intended to introduce into the new bill the clause on page 4, in the bill No. 2, here enclosed, to which I made only a general reply, that when their plan was completed the American Ministers at Paris would give it due consideration, and that on our part every facility would also be given to reasonable propositions, consistent with our instructions. That in the present moment, I could not speak in positive terms to particular points.H. L.P. S. April 16th.Just arrived at Paris. Mr Hartley is expected the 19th. From the latest words with that gentleman, which happened subsequently to closing the above, I entertain apprehensions that his principal errand will be to open a trade between the two countries, with assurances that the troops shall be removed “as speedily as possible,” and to take up the definitive treaty at more leisure. I afforded him no encouragement to hope for success in the former point singly.
P. S.I have conversed with Mr Fox, from whom the body of merchants by deputation had just retired. Their errand, as I learned, was on the business of opening the communication between Great Britain and the United States. There is a general and pressing eagerness to that point. I repeated the propriety and necessity of withdrawing the troops, and of restoring to New York their city and port. Mr Fox in return gave the strongest assurances, that this should be done with the utmost despatch, and promised to send to the Ministers at Paris a copy of the orders to be given for that purpose; he further informed me, that he intended to introduce into the new bill the clause on page 4, in the bill No. 2, here enclosed, to which I made only a general reply, that when their plan was completed the American Ministers at Paris would give it due consideration, and that on our part every facility would also be given to reasonable propositions, consistent with our instructions. That in the present moment, I could not speak in positive terms to particular points.
H. L.
P. S. April 16th.Just arrived at Paris. Mr Hartley is expected the 19th. From the latest words with that gentleman, which happened subsequently to closing the above, I entertain apprehensions that his principal errand will be to open a trade between the two countries, with assurances that the troops shall be removed “as speedily as possible,” and to take up the definitive treaty at more leisure. I afforded him no encouragement to hope for success in the former point singly.
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO HENRY LAURENS.
Philadelphia, May 8th, 1783.
Sir,
Congress have been pleased, in compliance with your request, to pass the enclosed resolution, giving you permission to return to America. I sincerely wish that your native air may confirm your health, which I hope has by this time amended by your residence at Bath, where I presume you have been, though I have had no advice of it. The provisional treaty has been very well received, here, and has been ratified. The ratifications are sent to you and our other Ministers at Paris.
I presume you have by this time made some progress in, if not entirely concluded the definitive treaty, in which I dare say you have taken care to fix the day which is to deliver us from our troublesome guests, who cause great uneasiness to the unhappy people they keep out of their possessions. At present, we are quite at a loss to determine when this will be. We have returned them their prisoners, who amount to about six thousand effective men, so that you see we are not disposed to discover any distrust of the sincerity of our new friends, with whom we at present communicate on the former footing.
As I am uncertain whether this letter will reach you before you sail for America, I do not choose to enlarge or enter into any of those particulars relative to your late negotiations, on which however I have some inquiries to make, which I could wish to have answered by you. I wish you before you leave France to settle with Doctor Franklin, and to receive from him the amount of the bills remitted on your account, so that I may close my accounts.
I am, Sir,
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
London, June 17th, 1783.
Sir,
My last address is dated London, 10th of April, forwarded by the hands of Mr Darby, copy of the same with a postscript on the 16th, conveyed from Paris by Doctor Franklin. Permit me to refer to the several contents, and also to a despatch of the 6th of that month by Mr Hodge. Duplicate by Mr Darby, triplicate from Paris.
In order to meet the question of Mr Secretary Fox, “Whether the American Ministers were authorised and disposed to open an intercourse and commerce upon terms of reciprocity without delay,” the Ministers of the United States, on the 29th of April, proposed to Mr Hartley the enclosed articles, marked A, which they were ready to confirm. Mr Hartley signified his approbation, but could not agree without consulting his Court. Indeed he had omitted to take with him his commission and full powers. A messenger was despatched to London, and upwards of three weeks were wasted in waiting for a return; the articles were not acceptable.
On the 21st of May, Mr Hartley on his part laid before us the enclosed article, marked B, and left it for our consideration. We judged it necessary, without intimating our own sentiments, to demand from him in writing, whether he was authorised to confirm his proposition? To save writing, Mr Hartley returned a verbal answer in the negative, and again despatched a messenger. In a word, it appeared that his full powers, which he had then received, authorised him to do nothing. I had in vain waited for the result of the second consultation to the 7th instant, when, at the request of my colleagues, founded upon a suggestion of my own, I proceeded to this city on special business, for easing if practicable the weight of public bills lately drawn upon Mr Grand, which probably the gentlemen at Paris will more fully explain.
I can say nothing yet of my hopes of success. My apprehensions of danger, in committing the United States in the present moment of uncertainty, deters me from acting as I might have done, had our treaties been concluded, or had I a prospect of their being soon brought to good effect. Those assurances, which I had the honor of communicating in my former letters, seem to have undergone a wonderful refinement. Reciprocity appears now to mean enjoyment on one side, and restrictions on the other. This change may have been wrought by the sudden and unexpected arrival of divers ships and cargoes from different ports in the United States. The British Minister at Paris cordially assured me that he was of this opinion.
In a conference with Mr Secretary Fox on the 14th instant, he informed me, that positive orders for the removal of the British troops from New York were actually despatched, that he hadtransmitted an answer to Mr Hartley’s last consultation, and at the same time intimated upon a question from me, that in his opinion I might have time enough for taking some days’ benefit of Bath, which my enfeebled limbs call loudly for. Hence I infer, that the last instructions to Mr Hartley are either calculated for gaining further time, or are such as the American Ministers cannot accede to; and I conclude that my absence from Paris, whether I make any attempts in the particular business of my journey hither or not, will prove no inconvenience to my colleagues. I intend therefore to go to Bath in two or three days, and while I am endeavoring to recover my health, the interests of my country shall be my principal study; at the same time I flatter myself with hopes of receiving from Congress the formal permission which I have solicited, to return to America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
HENRY LAURENS.