TO MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE.
Chaillot, February 26th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The return of our despatches by Mr Simeon Deane appears to me to be an event, from which great public consequences may flow. I therefore feel it the more extraordinary, that you should have taken any steps in it without a consultation with me. And this more especially, after I have so lately remonstrated against a similar conduct. I was silent upon it today, when Dr Franklin mentioned that Mr Deane was gone upon this business to Versailles without my knowledge, not because I did not feel the impropriety of it, but because I do, and have always wished, to avoid the indecency of a personal altercation.
In my judgment, the failure of our despatches is an event which will warrant our desire to be immediately acknowledged by this Court, and such acknowledgment will have a powerful effect in preventing the success of the overtures from England, and securing the peace and independency of America. The strong impression of the unfavorable disposition of this Court towards us, which former proceedings made on every mind, will reach America by a thousand channels. Our contradiction of it being unfortunately frustrated, will possibly commit our countrymen into measures, which a knowledge of the true state of things would have prevented. A public acknowledgment of us would reach America by numberless ways, and give them a decided proof of the sincerity and determination of France. Our despatches are a private and single channel, and may fail or arrive too late. With respect to us, the covert proceedings of France leaves them too much atliberty to renounce us, on any unfortunate event, and is a situation in which I think it neither for our honor nor safety to remain. These are sentiments which I submit to your better judgment, and beg we may have a consultation on the subject as soon as possible.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE TO ARTHUR LEE.
Passy, February 27th, 1778.
Sir,
The greater the public consequences that may flow from the return of our despatches, the more necessary it seemed the Court should be immediately acquainted with it, that the miscarriage might as soon as possible be repaired. It was near nine at night when the news arrived, and Mr Deane set out immediately. If we could have imagined it necessary to have a consultation with you on so plain a case, it would necessarily have occasioned a delay of that important business till the next day. He has been at Versailles, and obtained an order for another and larger frigate, and an express to be immediately sent off, carrying that order, that she may be ready. We think that Mr Deane deserves your thanks, and that neither of us deserves your censure. We are at present both engaged in copying the treaties, which will employ us closely till Sunday. After they are gone we shall be ready to enter into the consultation you propose, relating to our being publicly acknowledged here.
We have the honor of being, &c.
B. FRANKLIN,SILAS DEANE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, February 28th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Our joint despatches of the 28th of December, 1777, informed you, that Spain had promised us three millions of livres, to be remitted to you in specie, through the Havanna. This information we had through the French Court. We have since been informed through the same channel, that it would be paid to our Banker here in quarterly payments. Of this I apprized you in my letter of the 15th of January, 1778. Finding however that no payment was made, I applied lately to the Spanish Ambassador here for an explanation. From him I learned, that by order of his Court, he had informed the Court of France, that such a sum should be furnished for your use; but in what manner he was not instructed, nor had he received any further communication on the subject. He promised to transmit my application to his Court without delay.
The balancing conduct, which these Courts have until very lately held towards us, has involved us inevitably in continual contradictions and disappointments. It is in this respect fortunate, that so many of our despatches have miscarried, otherwise you would have been equally vexed, embarrassed, and disappointed.
The chief reason that induced Spain to temporise subsists still; except the war with Portugal, which is happily concluded by her accession to the family compact. Our general despatches will convey to you the bills, as they are now passing in the Parliament of Great Britain, for appointing Commissioners to negotiate withtheir deluded subjects, and declaring in what manner they will be graciously pleased to exercise in futuretheir right of taxing us. It would not be doingjustice to these bills to attempt any comment upon them; they speak for themselves, and loudly too. But the ministers of England give out, that they have despatched half a million of guineas to pave the way to a favorable acceptance of their propositions. And I know from the best authority here, that they have assured Count Maurepas of their being secure of a majority in Congress. By such arts do they endeavor to sustain their desperate cause. France has done us substantial benefits, Great Britain substantial injuries. France offers to guaranty our sovereignty, and universal freedom of commerce. Great Britain condescends to accept of our submission and to monopolise our commerce. France demands of us to be independent; Great Britain, tributary. I do not comprehend how there can be a mind so debased, or an understanding so perverted, as to balance between them.
The journies I have made, both north and south, in the public service, have given me an opportunity of knowing the general disposition of Europe upon our question. There never was one in which the harmony of opinion was so universal; from the prince to the peasant there is but one voice, one wish—the liberty of America and the humiliation of Great Britain.
The troubles, which the death of the Elector of Bavaria was likely to excite in Germany, seemed to have subsided, when, of late, the movements of the king of Prussia threaten to excite a general war. Great Britain, whose expiring hope sustains itself on every straw, finds comfort in the expectation, that this will involve France, and divert her from engaging in our war. But in my judgment, it is much more likely to operate against her in Russia, than against us in France.
I beg the favor of having my duty laid before Congress, and have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, March 19th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I congratulate our country on your filling so distinguished and important an office in her service. Her prosperity will always depend upon the wisdom of her choice.[29]
Before this can reach you, the treaties concluded here must have arrived. I am sensible they will admit of very useful additions. But we were bound by the plan given us for the one; and by the critical situation of affairs, admitting of no delay, in the other. These things being considered, I hope what defects are found will be excused.
It is altogether uncertain when it will be convenient for Spain to accede to the alliance; and I am apprehensive that the war, which is likely to break out in Germany, will prevent the king of Prussia from declaring so soon, and so decidedly, as he promised. The Court of Spain will, I apprehend, make some difficulties about settling the dividing line between their possessions, and those of the United States. They wish to have the cession of Pensacola. I have written for, and hope to have the instructions of Congress on this head. If anything should strike you on the subject, the communication of it will infinitelyoblige me. The high opinion I have of your abilities, and zeal for the public good, will always render your advice a favor to me; and the acquaintance I have had the honor of having with you, makes me hope I may ask it without offence. I beg to be remembered to your son, and have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, dear sir, your most obedient servant,
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S.Tomorrow we are to be presented to the king of France, and the English ambassador quits this Court without taking leave. War must immediately be the consequence, as these movements have been determined on, from the treaty of amity and commerce, which we have concluded with this Court, having been announced in form to that of London. The consequence of this, in relieving our country from the chief weight of the war, cannot but follow, and therefore I congratulate you upon it most sincerely. In my judgment, a year or two must reduce Great Britain to any terms the allies may think proper to demand.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, March 27th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
In consequence of what you mentioned to me relative to the German Courts, I consulted the Spanish Ambassador, whether it could be determined with any degree of certainty, how long it would be before the business I am pledged for with his Court would require my presence. His answer was, that it was altogether uncertain. In this situation, it appeared to me, that under my present engagements I could not venture to so great a distance. My brother has, therefore, set out on his original plan that was settled at Versailles.
Mr Grand has not yet returned me the account completed. The moment I receive it, I will wait upon you to settle the business of the loan bills.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO MESSRS FRANKLIN AND DEANE.
March 31st, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The reports I hear of Mr Deane’s intending soon to leave Paris, oblige me to repeat the request I long ago and repeatedly made, that we should settle the public accounts relating to the expenditure of the money intrusted to us for the public. And this is the more absolutely necessary, as what vouchers there are to enable the Commissioners to make out this account are in Mr Deane’s possession. I therefore wish that the earliest day may be appointed for the settlement of these accounts; which appears to me an indispensable part of our duty to the public and to one another.
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI & CO. TO ARTHUR LEE.
Bilboa, April 1st, 1778.
You will see by this invoice, that agreeable to what you are pleased to communicate to us in your very esteemed favor of the 6th instant, we have reduced our commission to 3 per cent. But, dear Sir, besides ourbeing allowed 5 per cent by all the American friends we have worked for in the present troublesome times, several of whom have been, and actually are, eye witnesses of our troubles, as those blankets must be collected in the country round about Palencia, and the money must be remitted in specie there long beforehand for the purpose, we are not only obliged to pay the freight thereof and run the risks of it, but also to make good to the persons employed in their collection, their expense and trouble; the whole out of our commission, so that at present we reckon that half of it will be our profit.
We are, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI & CO.
M. GERARD TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I called at your house, to have the honor of your commands to the country where you know I am sent. Not having the honor of finding you at home, and my time pressing me, allow me the honor of taking my leave by writing, and requesting the favor of your commissions for America. You will truly oblige me, Sir, if you will charge me with letters for some of your connexions or friends, especially those who are members of Congress.
My acknowledgments shall equal the considerations of regard with which I have the honor of being, &c.
GERARD.
TO M. GERARD.
April 1st, half past one o’clock, 1778.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving your favor this moment, which is the first intimation I have received of what you mention. By six o’clock I will send you the letters you desire. I did intend to have spoken to you more upon what passed between the Spanish Ambassador and myself, which gave you uneasiness. But I must repeat, that I only related to him what I heard from Mr Deane, as coming from you, and what we in consequence of that information have written to Congress. Be so good as to accept of my best wishes for the happiness and success of your voyage.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
M. GERARD TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me, as also the packets you send by me. I shall carry them with a great deal of pleasure, and am much flattered with your confidence. I must inform you, Sir, that notwithstanding the public nature of my mission, I do not avow it, and the confidence I place in you in this respect will, I hope, be considered by you as a proof of the regard, with which I have the honor to be, &c.
GERARD.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, April 2d, 1778.
Sir,
It was with the utmost surprise, I learnt yesterday, that M. Gerard was to set out in the evening for America, in a public character; and that Mr Deane was to accompany him, without either you or Mr Deane having condescended to answer my letter of the preceding day.
That a measure of such moment as M. Gerard’s mission should have been taken without any communication with the Commissioners, is hardly credible. That if it was communicated, you should do such violence to the authority which constituted us, together with so great an injury and injustice to me as to conceal it from me, and act or advise without me, is equally astonishing. If success to the mission and unanimity on the subject were your wish, with what propriety could you make it a party business, and not unite all the Commissioners in advising and approving a measure, in which you wished their friends and constituents might be unanimous?
I do not live ten minutes distance from you. Within these few days, as usual, I have seen you frequently; particularly on Monday I was with you at your house for some time. I asked you about the sailing of the ships at Nantes, expressing my desire to know when we should have an opportunity of writing. You said you did not know when they sailed. I asked if there were no letters, none but one from M. Dumas having been shown to me for some time. You answered no. I had at a former meeting asked you whether it was not proper for us to send an express to give intelligence of such consequential events, as our being acknowledged here, and the treaty avowed. You told me it would be sufficient to write by the ship at Nantes, (for it was afterwards you mentioned there were two,) as the news being public would find its way fast enough.
Upon Mr Amiel, who came to my house from yours, having mentioned on Tuesday, that Mr Deane was to go away in a few days, I wrote to you and him to repeat what I have so often requested, that the public accounts might be settled, for which Mr Deane had taken possession of all the vouchers, and that the public papers might be delivered to us before his departure. You made me no answer. I sent my secretary again yesterday to desire an answer; you sent me a verbal one, that you would settle accounts with me any day after tomorrow. Your reason for not doing it before was, that it was not your business.Nowit seemed your business only, and Mr Deane has no concern with it. The delivery of the public papers, which are the property of all, not of any one of the Commissioners, though you and Mr Deane have constantly taken them to yourselves, was too immaterial for you to answer.
During all this time, and with these circumstances, you have been totally silent to me about the present opportunity of writing to Congress concerning the important public measure in agitation, and about Mr Deane’s departure. Nay more, what you have said, and the manner in which you have acted, tended to mislead me from imagining that you knew of any such thing. Had you studied to deceive the most distrusted and dangerous enemy of the public, you could not have done it more effectually.
I trust, Sir, you will think with me, that I have a right to know your reasons for treating me thus. If you have any thing to accuse me of, avow it, and I will answer you. If you have not, why do you act so inconsistent with your duty to the public, and injurious to me? Is the present state of Europe of so little moment to our constituents, as not to require our joint consideration and information to them? Is the character of the Court here, and the person sent to negotiate with ourconstituents of no consequence for them to be apprized of? Is this the example you in your superior wisdom think proper to set of order, decorum, confidence, and justice?
I trust, Sir, you will not treat this letter, as you have done many others, with the indignity of not answering it. Though I have been silent I have not felt the less the many affronts of this kind, which you have thought proper to offer me.[30]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 2d, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The conclusion of the treaties here has ended the powers of our commission. Whatever character it may please Congress to give to their representatives in future must be specified by new powers, and letters of credence to the Sovereign, with whom they are to act. The first example of this kind will be material, in determining the future rank of the United States of America among other sovereign nations. Since the treaty of Munster, Venice and the United Provinces have had their rank as crowned sovereigns. I presume the United States of America will not think a lower rank competent to their dignity, and to the importance they must command in the balance of European power. For I amsatisfied, that in a few years that balance must be in their hands. Whatever orders Congress are pleased to give on this subject, their Ministers must support with firmness and inflexibility,at first, to prevent any disagreeable disputes for the future.
By the enclosed copies of letters, I hope to give you a distinct view of what passed in Spain and Prussia. I have never been able to learn, to what was owing the sudden change in the favorable disposition of the Spanish Court during my absence in Germany. Whether it arose from the proceedings at Dunkirk, &c. which produced such rigor on the part of France, they will not inform me. But it is clear from Baron de Schulenburg’s letter, that the conduct of France, in consequence of the Dunkirk business, prevented Prussia from adopting what I proposed.
I have written to Messrs Gardoquis about their charging five per cent commission, which appears to be exorbitant, because I remit them the money before they lay it out.
My brother William Lee is gone to Germany in pursuance of the commands of Congress. The war, that is kindling between the two Powers to whom he is destined, makes it hardly possible to hope that he can succeed with both. If one is disposed to form an alliance with us, the other will probably, for that reason, refuse it. I observe it was the desire of Congress that we should keep an account of our expenses. I have done so as minutely as the nature of things would admit; and they have not exceeded, including my two journies, the sum allotted by Congress. I shall endeavor to continue within those bounds, though the being acknowledged will necessarily augment the expense.
The Messrs Gardoquis have transmitted to me regularly the accounts of what they shipped on the public account; copies of which I have in thesame manner sent to you. This I conceived to be the usual course of business, and necessary for the due information of all concerned. For this reason it was my wish, that the same might be done with regard to the public money expended here. My colleagues have not thought proper to concur with me. The Committee and Congress will order, if they think it proper, what I have not only requested in vain, but to my utter astonishment, have given very great offence in requesting.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 5th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Having pressed the matter of supplies from Spain, I received an answer yesterday, that endeavors would be used to send you succors through the Havanna. The present critical situation of that Court renders them averse to being more particular, or to have applications made to them, but I think they will not long remain under this embarrassment.
Dr Franklin and I are now settling the accounts as well as we can, from the papers Mr Deane thought proper to leave in Dr Franklin’s hands. How orderly and adequate they are, you will judge yourselves from the list, which I shall take care to transmit to you. I am obliged to say, that this gentleman took to himself the entire management of the business, in which I could obtain no share without a quarrel; that my advice and assistance were always rejected, and he never would settle accounts. Whether he has conducted it well, you will have the means of determining by what you have received, compared with the sums expended, which I shall make it my duty to transmit to you.
I cannot venture to detail to you the plans of this Court relative to the conduct of the war in your quarter. You will probably see the commencement of them before this reaches you. I enclose some additional, and as I conceive necessary articles, which I shall endeavor to obtain if Congress approve of them. I also send an accurate list of the actual and intended force of Great Britain.
With my utmost duty and respect to Congress, I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S.Being obliged to send this by post, the articles must be deferred as being too voluminous.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 8th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Whether there were any public despatches for you by the opportunity that carries Mr Deane, the late Commissioner, I do not know, because my colleagues concealed his departure from me. I trust you will think it proper to desire the reason of such conduct, the tendency of which is too plain and too pernicious not to require censure, if it cannot, as I conceive it cannot, be justified by stronger reasons of utility.[31]
Great Britain has not yet thought proper to declare war in form against France, but the vessels and sailors of each nation are reciprocallyseized in their ports, and a French frigate has lately made prize of an English privateer. Both are preparing with all possible despatch, and both waiting for your decisive declaration with an anxiety proportioned to their conviction of that declaration deciding the fate of the war.
As far as I can venture to judge of Courts and Ministers, those of this country seem cordially disposed to co-operate with you in driving the English entirely out of America. But from what I could observe during the conference on the treaty, they seem to have some wishes relative to the islands of the fishery, which are not altogether compatible with the system laid down by Congress.
The war between the Emperor and the King of Prussia seems inevitable. It will be a war of giants and must engage all Germany. Three hundred thousand men, the best disciplined and the best led that ever made war, are ready to dispute the question on each side. Russia is sufficiently occupied by her own situation in regard to the Porte. The North is therefore no longer a subject for your apprehension. The whole house of Bourbon will certainly join in the war against England. Holland, therefore, seems the principal object of negotiation now; because, if the enemy should be deprived of her amity, they soon must be reduced to acarte blanche.
This is the present situation of Europe. I enclose you a Memorial,[32]which I wrote last year, and have now sent to Holland to promote the disposition we are informed they entertain at present in our favor. In the additional articles I sent for your consideration, there are some not very materially different, but as they are expressed in a differentmanner, I thought it might be of use to submit the choice to you.
The enclosed report[33]is what I received from the Court of Spain, in answer to an application in behalf of the people, who have involved themselves in this unfortunate situation.
It is proper to inform you, that the department of Spain, to which it has pleased Congress to destine me, is the most expensive of any, because the Court pass different parts of the year at four different places, at which every public Minister is obliged to reside, and consequently to have a house, which augments very much his expense. As I wish to avoid all occasion of blame, I mention this circumstance that I may not appear to be extravagant, should my expense increase on going thither.
You will greatly oblige me by presenting my duty to Congress, and believing me to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
MEMORIAL FOR HOLLAND.
When the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the United States of America first settled in that country, they did it entirely at their own expense. The public of England never granted one shilling to aid in their establishment. Had any such grants existed, they must have been upon record. The state of England, therefore, could not justly claim the benefit of an acquisition which it never made.
Upon this principle the first settlers conceived they hada right to exchange and sell the produce of their labor to all nations without control. This right they actually enjoyed unquestioned till the year 1652; then it was that the English, in violation of every principle of justice, usurped and established a monopoly of the American commerce, which they maintained till the rigor of their domination compelled the Americans to reclaim their ancient unalienable rights, by declaring themselves free and independent States. In consequence of this, all nations are restored to the participation of that commerce, from which the monopolising spirit of the English had unjustly excluded them.
No nation is more interested in this event than the Dutch, because it was against them that the establishment of the monopoly was chiefly intended. The great object of commercial policy with the States of Holland was and is thecarrying trade. In consequence of this, when the commerce of America was free, the Dutch vessels in the American ports outnumbered those of England. But in the year 1651, a quarrel arose between the States of Holland and the then republic of England. The English, jealous of their naval power, resolved to destroy their American commerce, which contributed so much to its support. To effect this, the Council of State projected and passed on the 1st of December, 1651, the navigation ordinance, by which the carriage of American produce was prohibited except in English bottoms. The Dutch foresaw the intention, and felt the effects of this measure. Their resentment of it added fuel to the war, that raged from that time to the year 1654 with so much fury.
Their success, however, was not sufficient to re-establish what had been thus violently wrested from them. In negotiating the peace thatconcluded that war, De Witt labored with his usual abilities to obtain an abolition of the act, but all his efforts were ineffectual. Cromwell, who was not his inferior in acuteness, maintained the usurpation, and under Charles the Second it received the form and sanction of an act of Parliament. Thus in despite of all their efforts, this valuable branch of commerce was wrested from the Dutch, and monopolised by the English.
But what neither the uncommon talents of De Witt, nor the struggles of an obstinate and bloody war could effect, the course of human events has produced. The wealth and power arising from this very monopoly so intoxicated Great Britain, as to make her think there were no bounds to the exercise of the control she had usurped. Not content, therefore, with thus restraining the Americans for her own emolument in the mode of acquiring money, she arrogated to herself the right of taking that which was obtained under those restraints. The natural consequence of thus urging her domination, and adding a new usurpation to the former, was the abolition of the whole. America has, in form, renounced her connexion with Great Britain, and is maintaining her rights by arms.
The consequence of her success will be the re-establishment of commerce upon its ancient, free and general footing; all nations are interested in this success, but none so much as the Dutch. From them, therefore, Americain a most special manner looks for support.Resentment of an ancient injury, the policy of their ancestors, their present interest, unite in calling upon them for a spirited avowal and support of the independence of America. They will not forget the blood, that was spilt in endeavoring to vindicate their right when it was first invaded. They will not forget the insolence and injustice with which GreatBritain harassed their trade during the late war, by means of that very naval strength which she derived from her usurped monopoly. They cannot but feel at this moment the insult and indignity from the British Court, in presuming to forbid them that free participation of commerce which America offers.
The extraordinary remittances, which the people of America have made to the merchants of Great Britain, since the commencement of this dispute, is a proof of their honor and good faith; so much more safe and advantageous is it to trust money with a young, industrious, thriving people, than with an old nation overwhelmed with debt, abandoned to extravagance and immersed in luxury. By maintaining the independence of America, a new avenue will be opened for the employment of money where landed property, as yet untouched by mortgage or other incumbrances, will answer for the principal, and the industry of a young and uninvolved people would insure the regular payment of interest. The money holder would in that case be relieved from the continual fears and apprehensions, which every agitation of the English stocks perpetually excites. He might count his profits without anxiety, and plan his monied transactions with certainty.
Theseare thesubstantial objectsof advantage, which America holds up to the people of Holland; andthisthe moment of embracing them.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, April 24th, 1778.
Sir,
Since I had the honor of seeing your Excellency, I have learnt that Mr Hartley in conversing with French people, whose opinions he thinks may have weight, insinuates to them, that engaging in a war in our favor is very impolitic, since you can expect nothing from us but ingratitude and ill faith, with which we have repaid Great Britain. To us he says, the French have done nothing for you, they can never be trusted, no cordial connexion can be formed with them, therefore you had better return back to your former connexions, which may be upon your own terms if you will renounce France. This gentleman and the wise men who sent him, have so high an opinion of our understandings, that they flatter themselves these insinuations will succeed.
I have also been informed, that besides their commissioners, the ministry have despatched two persons to America to work privately as Mr Hartley is doing. One of them is an American. I know them, and both the size of their understandings and the degree of their influence. There is nothing to apprehend from either. These are the little projects of little spirits, and will be attended with proportional success. They show the imbecility and distress of our enemies, and will only change the detestation of America into utter contempt.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 24th, 1778.
Sir,
I am obliged to you for your attention in communicating Mr Hartley’s insinuations, as well to yourself as to such other persons as he may suppose he can influence in this country. I doubt that he finds easier access to you, than he will surely find with us; and I can assure you, that he will not find us accessible to the prejudices he may wish to inspire us with.
I conclude, being obliged to attend the Council, requesting you to accept of the assurances of the perfect respect, with which I have the honor, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 9th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
No declaration of war in Germany or England. All things are preparing for it. Count d’Estaing had not passed Gibraltar the 27th of last month, contrary winds having prevented his passing the Straits. About thirty sail of the line are assembled at Spithead, under Admiral Keppel, but are not yet in a state for action. They are arraying their militia, and the chief object of their attention now seems to be their own defence. As far as I can judge, the King and his Ministers are not now sincere in their propositions, even such as they are, of peace and accommodation.
I have not yet obtained any light on Folger’s affairs. The enclosed copy of a letter from Count de Vergennes will show you the train in which I have put the inquiry. But I have reason to apprehend, that persons are concerned, who will have address enough to frustrate it. The blank paper substituted for the letters taken should be preserved, and compared with the paper of all the letters received by thesame vessel. Some discovery may be pointed out by that. Mr Deane and Mr Carmichael should be examined, and their accounts transmitted here to be compared with those of others.
Spain and the German powers are yet undecided with regard to us. I do not think our enemies will succeed with Holland. We shall endeavor to establish a fund for the purposes you desire.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
P. S.By the banker’s accounts it appears, that the following sums were paid from December, 1776, to March, 1778, to the private disposition of the Commissioners.
In my sum is included the additional expense of my journies to Spain and Germany.
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.
York, May 14th, 1778.
Sir,
Your several favors of October 6th, November 27th, and December 8th, were delivered to us on the 2d instant, the despatches by Mr Deane and those by Captain Young arriving on the same day. We had before received your short letter of the 1st of June, but are yet without that of the 29th of July, in which you had informed us “at large of your proceedings in Prussia.” Its contents would have proved highlyagreeable to us in these months, when we were quite uninformed of the proceedings and prospects of your colleagues at Paris. Impressed with the sense of the value of the King of Prussia’s “warmest wishes for our success,” we give assurances of equal wishes in Congress for that monarch’s prosperity. We have little doubt of open testimonies of his Majesty’s friendship in consequence of the late decision of the king of France.
Your information in regard to our connexion with the fictitious house ofRoderique Hortalez&Co.is more explicit, than any we had before received, but we further expect that all mystery should be removed. Surely there cannot now be occasion for any, if there ever was for half of the past. Our commercial transactions will very speedily be put under the direction of a Board consisting of persons not members of Congress, it being impracticable for the same men to conduct the deliberative and executive business of the Continent now in its great increase. It has been next to impossible to make remittances for many months from the staple Colonies, their coasts having been constantly infested by numerous and strong cruisers of the enemy. We hope the alliance of maritime powers with us will remove our embarrassments, and give us opportunity to carry into effect our hearty wishes to maintain the fairest commercial reputation.
There will be great impropriety in our making a different settlement for the supplies received from Spain, from that which we make in regard to those received from France. We are greatly obliged to the friends, who have exerted themselves for our relief, and we wish you to signify our gratitude upon every proper opportunity. But having promised to make remittances to the house ofHortalez&Co.for theprime cost, charges, interest and usual mercantile commission upon whatever isjustlydue to that house, we must keep the same line with Messrs Gardoqui. On the one hand, we would not willingly give disgust by slighting princely generosity, nor on the other submit to unnecessary obligations.
The unanimity with which Congress has ratified the treaties with France, and the general glad acceptance of the alliance by the people of these States, must shock Great Britain, who seems to have thought no cruelty from her would destroy our former great partiality in her favor. What plan she will adopt in consequence of her disappointment, time only can discover. But we shall aim to be in a posture, either to negotiate honorable peace, or continue this just war.
We stand in need of the advice and assistance of all our friends in the matter of finance, as the quantity of our paper currency necessarily emitted has produced a depreciation, which will be ruinous if not speedily checked. We have encouraging accounts of the temper of the Hollanders of late, and expect that we may find relief from that quarter among others.
A few weeks, if not a few days, must produce fruitful subject for another letter, when we shall, in our line of duty, renew our assurances of being, with great regard,
Sir, your affectionate humble servants,
RICHARD H. LEE,JAMES LOVELL,ROBERT MORRIS.