FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]Darius II., surnamed Nothus, who reigned fromB. C.423 toB. C.404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon.[2]Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of Artax. c. i. 27.[3]Afterwards Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon; he began his reignB. C.405.[4]Εἰς Καστωλοῦ πεδίον.] In each of the provinces of the Persian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed for the assembly and review of troops. Seei. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. 43. Heeren,Ideen, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of Lydia by Stephanus of Byzantium.Kühner.[5]Τῶν Ἑλλήνων —— ὁπλίτας —— τριακοσίους.] Three hundred of the Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then procure.[6]A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia.[7]Ὑπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ.] "Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri] favebat."Schneider. "Cyro addicta et adjumento erat."Kühner. Compare v. 6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5.[8]Ὅστις —— τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως.] We must understand those who are called ἔφοδοι, Cyrop. viii. 6. 16: compare Œcon. iv. 6.Zeune. They were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a report respecting the state of them to the king.[9]Οὕτω διατιθεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο, κ. τ. λ.] "He sent them all away (after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than the king."[10]By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were about Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of their own nation.[11]Ἀποστῆναι πρὸς Κῦρον.] These words are regarded as spurious by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Krüger and Kühner retain them, as addedexplicationis causá.[12]The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to have derived its name from Darius I.; but others think this doubtful. From c. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to a talent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey'sEssay on Anc. Weights and Money, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15s., the value of the daric will be 16s.3d.The sum given to Clearchus will then be £8125.[13]Ξένος.] I have translated this word byguest-friend, a convenient term, which made its appearance in our language some time ago. The ξένοι were bound by a league of friendship and hospitality, by which each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited him.[14]A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia.[15]Τό τε βαρβαρικὸν καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν τὸ ἐνταῦθα στράτευμα.] There has been much dispute about the exact signification of ἐνταῦθα in this place. Zeune would have it mean "illuc, in illum locum ubi sunt Pisidæ;" and Krüger thinks that "towards Sardis" is intended. But this is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kühner, who give it its ordinary signification. "Barbarorum et Græcorum [exercitum]," says Kühner, "quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectum habebat." The τὸ before ἐνταῦθα is an addition of Dindorf's, which Kühner pronounces unnecessary.[16]The πελτασταὶ were troops armed with a light shield, called πέλτη, holding a middle place between the ὁπλῖται and ψιλοί. They were first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: see his Life in Corn. Nep.; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16; 3. 12.[17]Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis, because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly computes from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey.Stanford.[18]Σταθμοός.] The word σταθμός means properly astationorhalting-placeat the end of a day's march, of which the length varied, but was generally about five parasangs.[19]The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; seeii. 2. 6. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr. Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles, 180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each.Travels in the Track, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day's march; these marches were more than seven; and the next day's was eight. But Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. Mr. Hussey,Anc. Weights, &c., Append. sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787-1/2 yards.[20]Theplethrumwas 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See Hussey, Append. sect. 10, p. 232.[21]The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek writers, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the number of kings subject to him; a title similar to that of the successors of Mahomet, Grand Signior.[22]This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and Kühner; most other editors haveSocrates, which occurs in four manuscripts; two haveSosias, and oneSostes.[23]The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more general sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed.[24]Τὰ Λύκαια.] The festival of Lycæan Jove is mentioned by Pausanias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, Ol. ix. 145; xiii. 153; Nem. x. 89.Schneider.—Mount Lycæum was sacred to both Jupiter and Pan.Kühner.[25]Στλεγγίδες.] Generally supposed to be the same as the Latin strigilis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for cleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be given by Kühner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Krüger follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than the former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as will afterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might have presented them. The sense of the word must therefore be left doubtful. The sense ofstrigilisis supported by Suidas; see Sturz's Lex. s. v.[26]Τὸν Σάτυρον.] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 13.[27]Κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις.] Ἰλη signifies properly a troop of horse, consisting of 64 men; and τάξις, a company of foot, which Xenophon, in the Cyropædia, makes to consist of 100 men.[28]Ἐφ' ἁρμαμάξης.] Theharmamaxawas a Persian carriage, probably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23; Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41.[29]Προβάλεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα.] "To hold out the shield and the spear, the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an adversary."Kühner.[30]Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον.] Æmilius Portus, on the authority of Zonaras, Lex. p. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;" an interpretation repugnant to what follows. Morus makes itpurpuratus; Larcher,vexillarius, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26 a standard is called φοινικίς: Brodæus gives 'unus è regiis familiaribus, puniceâ veste indutus, non purpurea.' "Without doubt he was one of the highest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the ὕπαρχοι δυνάσται."Kühner.[31]Εἶδε.] This seems to be the reading of all the manuscripts, and is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner. But Schneider and Weiske read εἶλε, "took possession of," on the suggestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous for Xenophon to say that Cyrus merelysawthe tents. Lion, however, not unreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark the distance at which Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight of them, the Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear.[32]Σήσαμον καὶ μελίνην καὶ κέγχρον.]Sesamumis a leguminous plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble hemp-seed, and are boiled and eaten like rice. Μελίνη,panicum, is a plant resembling millet. Κέγχρος,milium, millet, is far the best known of the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet, in bunches.[33]Καπηλεῖα.] Καπηλεῖον is often used in the sense ofa tavern; sometimes in a more general sense, asany kind of shop. We may suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell, with the hope of getting profit.[34]He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send for him, refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keeping up appearances.[35]Ἐκ τούτων.] "Ex his, secundum hæc, h. e. in hac rerum conditione."Kühner. Bornemann interprets simplypost hæc.[36]Οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν.] "No profit (or use) either of a general or private soldier."[37]Διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας.] The earlier editions have ὡς before διὰ, of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission; and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, or where he could procure them a friendly reception.[38]Ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου μὴ ποιουμένου.] About the meaning of these words there has been much dispute. The translation which I have given is that of Bornemann, "quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus non esset," which is adopted by Kühner. "The speaker assumes," says Bornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or some other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, he will return to his province."[39]The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up with Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, i. 1. 2.[40]Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα δύο τείχη.] As the fem. πύλαι precedes, and as the gates were not properly the τείχη, but the space between them, Weiske conjectures ἦσαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα, κ. τ. λ., which Kühner and others approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kühner interprets τείχη "castella," and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a little below, of τείχη εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθήκοντα, he seems to meanwallsattached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says thatat each of the fortresses, ἐπὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἀμφοτέροις, were gates, he appears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to each of the fortresses. "At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower."Ainsworth, p. 59.[41]"That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz. in Syria."Kühner.[42]Εἰς ζώνην.] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to supply ornaments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian kings to bestow places on their queens and other favourites ostensibly for the purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or other conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40; Cic. in Verr. iii. 23; Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10.[43]Reckoning the talent at £243 15s., the mina (60 = a talent) will be £4 1s.3d., and five minæ £20 6s.3d.[44]Απεσπᾶτο.] "Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There are various readings of this word. Kühner adopts ἀπεσπα, in the sense of "drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann reads ἀπέπτατο.[45]It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as to the construction of this passage; I have adopted the explication of Kühner.[46]Επὶ Πύλας.] A strait or defile through which the road lay from Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called thePylæ Babyloniæ. It is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinussub voceΧαρμάνδη. Ainsworth, p. 80, places it fourteen miles north of Felújah, and a hundred and eight miles north of Babylon.[47]Καπίθη.] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Atticchœnices. The Attic chœnix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient Weights, &c., ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1.8467 pint.[48]Thesiglusis regarded by some as the same with the Hebrew shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the shekel. The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than three half-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilling.[49]Σκεπάσματα is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought rather to be στεγάσματα, if the distinction of Krüger and Kühner, who adopt the latter, be right; viz. that στίπασμα signifies a covering to wrap round the body, and στέγασμα a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii. 29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is still practised in Armenia both by men and women.[50]Seenote on i. 2. 22.[51]This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as is expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account of the condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius.[52]Σκηπτούχων.] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus the elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5. 58."Zeune.[53]Οὐ μεμνῆσθαι.] This is the reading in all books and manuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson and others render it "te non fore memorem." Should we read μεμνήσεσθαι?[54]Ἦσαν ἄρχοντες καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες τέτταρες.] Weiske considers the words καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες spurious; and Schneider and some others are of his opinion. Kühner thinks that they are genuine, and explicative of the more general term ἄρχοντες.[55]Ὀργυιαί.] The ὀργυιά was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append. sect. 10.[56]Τοῦ Μηδίας τείχους.] As many of the best manuscripts have Μηδείας, in this passage as well as inii. 4. 12,ii. 4. 27, and vii. 8. 25, Kühner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was named from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persians conquered and despoiled of his dominions. "Those who defend the reading Μηδίας," continues Kühner, "suppose the name to be derived from the country of Media, and believe, with Mannert, (Geog. i. p. 330,) that it is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on the side of Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments." Ainsworth, p. 180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and that the site of it is indicated by the ruins now calledSidd Nimrud, or "the Wall of Nimrod."[57]"These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into the Euphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not only by Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers."Kühner. But "the difference in the level of the rivers is so slight that —— it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction of a canal, the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so at certain seasons."Ainsworth, p. 89.[58]Seenote on i. 1. 9.[59]Ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν.] The time from the tenth hour till noon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, πρωῖ, ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν, μεσημβρία, δείλη.Kühner.[60]The words κατὰ τὸ μέσον, which were introduced into the text by Leunclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison of Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect.22, 23.[61]The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is said immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads, Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an interpolation of some copyist. Kühner defends them an the ground that they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general custom of the Persians. Jacobs for ἄλλους conjectures παλαιούς, which Lion has received into his text; but παλαιούς does not suit well with the present διακινδυνεύειν. For my own part, I would rather see the words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that they break the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves them in brackets.[62]Δείλη.] Seenote on sect. 1. of this chap. "This division of the day was also distinguished into two parts, δείλη πρωῖα, and δείλη οψία, the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant,) and the evening."Kühner.[63]Ἐν πλαισίῳ πλήρει ἀνθρώπων.] "In an oblong full of men," i. e. the men being close together.[64]Οὐ πάνυ πρὸς αὐτῷ τῶ στρατεύματι.] "Satis longinquo à suis intervallo."—Weiske.[65]Τὰ ἱερὰ —— καὶ τὰ σφάγια καλά.] The ἱερὰ are omens from the entrails of the victims; the σφάγια were omens taken from the appearances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is the explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted by Kühner. Compareii, 1. 9.[66]Dindorf has ὁ δὲ Κλέαρχος εἶπεν, which is the reading of some manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν instead of Κλέαρχος. Dindorf prefers the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up to Cyrus on that occasion; but this is an assumption which he had no right to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favour of it. Bornemann and Kühner think it better to consider both names as equally interpolations, and to read simply ὁ δὲ εἶπεν, Xenophon of course being understood.[67]Δεύτερον.] The watchword seems to have been passed from the extremity of one wing (the right I should suppose) to the extremity of the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passed only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read τὸ δεύτερον.Krügerde Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kühner observes that the article is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "thesecond time," as the sense seems to require. Some have imagined that the word δεύτερον implies thata second watchword, another given out for the occasion, was passing round; but for this supposition there seems no ground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, τίς παραγγέλλει, Krüger thinks that some words have dropped out of the text.[68]Ἐξεκύμαινε.] This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving of a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the treatise de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus.[69]Ἡγοῦνται.] Schneider, Kühner, and some other editors have ἡγοῦντο but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, notwithstanding the following optative.[70]See c. 6, sect. 11.[71]Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] For "at the king's palace." "The king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the modern Constantinople,the Porte. Agreeably to the customs of other despots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of their palaces; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of access to their persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies, guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone that access could be obtained to the monarch."Heeren, Researches, &c.vol. i. p 403. See Cyrop. i. 3. 2; 2. 3,seqq.Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3.[72]Ἀξιοῦσθαι.] Lion, Poppo, Kühner, and some other editors, read ἀξιοῦν, but the passive suits better with the preceding φαίνεσθαι.[73]Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.] "These words," says Kühner, "have wonderfully exercised the abilities of commentators." The simplest mode of interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense of versus, "towards," comparingiv. 3. 26;ii. 2. 4; but he inclines, on the whole, to make the genitive Ἑλλήνων depend on τούτους understood: ἐκφεύγει τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς (τούτους) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. λ., though he acknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, and that he can nowhere find anything similar to it. Brodæus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, scil. στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice.[74]Ἀναπτύσσειν.] Literally "to fold back." Whether we are to understand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is not very clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the exact sense that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it byexplicare, "to open out," or "extend," and this indeed seems more applicable to περιπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out their line that the king's troops might not surround them. But on the whole, the other interpretation seems to have most voices in favour of it.[75]Ἐκ πλέονος.] Sc. διαστήματος: they began to flee when the Greeks were at a still greater distance than before.[76]Μέχρι κώμης τινός.] This is generally supposed to have been Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa withImséy'ab, a place 36 miles north of Babylon.[77]The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were left.[78]Ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξύλου.] So stands the passage in Dindorf's text; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου to be a mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accident into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. Πέλτη is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη: and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 82, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός. In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been a golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly being taken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. Kühner gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense ofa shield, supposed that the eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shield would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid of it. Yet to take πέλτη in the sense ofa spear, unusual in Xenophon, is not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairly admit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ.[79]Ἀνατεταμένον.] This word is generally understood to signify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. subSigna Militaria.[80]Πυνθανόμενοι.] Schneider and others would omit this word, as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation.[81]Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι.] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understood ὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι should properly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without owners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plundered by the enemy.[82]Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν.] Seei. 8. 1.[83]Seei. 9. 3.[84]Θεόπομπος.] This is the reading of six manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If we follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος is genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appears fromiii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other arguments that he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. de Xen. Vit. p. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon, conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the margin Θεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompus may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attributes those words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have thought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was, however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis.Kühner.[85]As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84 days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger is inclined to think the passage an interpolation.[86]Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν.] This is the σταθμός mentioned ini. 10. 1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day when the battle took place.[87]Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to have been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os., where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that animal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P. iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388."[88]Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν.] The first means to flee, so that it cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so that he cannot be overtaken.Kühnerad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâ vel apertâ."Weiske.[89]Ἄριοστον.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or clearness of his voice.[90]The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of the men's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to draw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their apprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having been adopted by Iphicrates.[91]Ἄριοστον.] This word answers to the Latinprandium, a meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it "dinner."

[1]Darius II., surnamed Nothus, who reigned fromB. C.423 toB. C.404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon.

[2]Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of Artax. c. i. 27.

[3]Afterwards Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon; he began his reignB. C.405.

[4]Εἰς Καστωλοῦ πεδίον.] In each of the provinces of the Persian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed for the assembly and review of troops. Seei. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. 43. Heeren,Ideen, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of Lydia by Stephanus of Byzantium.Kühner.

[5]Τῶν Ἑλλήνων —— ὁπλίτας —— τριακοσίους.] Three hundred of the Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then procure.

[6]A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia.

[7]Ὑπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ.] "Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri] favebat."Schneider. "Cyro addicta et adjumento erat."Kühner. Compare v. 6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5.

[8]Ὅστις —— τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως.] We must understand those who are called ἔφοδοι, Cyrop. viii. 6. 16: compare Œcon. iv. 6.Zeune. They were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a report respecting the state of them to the king.

[9]Οὕτω διατιθεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο, κ. τ. λ.] "He sent them all away (after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than the king."

[10]By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were about Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of their own nation.

[11]Ἀποστῆναι πρὸς Κῦρον.] These words are regarded as spurious by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Krüger and Kühner retain them, as addedexplicationis causá.

[12]The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to have derived its name from Darius I.; but others think this doubtful. From c. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to a talent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey'sEssay on Anc. Weights and Money, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15s., the value of the daric will be 16s.3d.The sum given to Clearchus will then be £8125.

[13]Ξένος.] I have translated this word byguest-friend, a convenient term, which made its appearance in our language some time ago. The ξένοι were bound by a league of friendship and hospitality, by which each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited him.

[14]A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia.

[15]Τό τε βαρβαρικὸν καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν τὸ ἐνταῦθα στράτευμα.] There has been much dispute about the exact signification of ἐνταῦθα in this place. Zeune would have it mean "illuc, in illum locum ubi sunt Pisidæ;" and Krüger thinks that "towards Sardis" is intended. But this is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kühner, who give it its ordinary signification. "Barbarorum et Græcorum [exercitum]," says Kühner, "quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectum habebat." The τὸ before ἐνταῦθα is an addition of Dindorf's, which Kühner pronounces unnecessary.

[16]The πελτασταὶ were troops armed with a light shield, called πέλτη, holding a middle place between the ὁπλῖται and ψιλοί. They were first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: see his Life in Corn. Nep.; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16; 3. 12.

[17]Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis, because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly computes from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey.Stanford.

[18]Σταθμοός.] The word σταθμός means properly astationorhalting-placeat the end of a day's march, of which the length varied, but was generally about five parasangs.

[19]The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; seeii. 2. 6. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr. Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles, 180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each.Travels in the Track, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day's march; these marches were more than seven; and the next day's was eight. But Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. Mr. Hussey,Anc. Weights, &c., Append. sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787-1/2 yards.

[20]Theplethrumwas 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See Hussey, Append. sect. 10, p. 232.

[21]The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek writers, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the number of kings subject to him; a title similar to that of the successors of Mahomet, Grand Signior.

[22]This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and Kühner; most other editors haveSocrates, which occurs in four manuscripts; two haveSosias, and oneSostes.

[23]The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more general sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed.

[24]Τὰ Λύκαια.] The festival of Lycæan Jove is mentioned by Pausanias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, Ol. ix. 145; xiii. 153; Nem. x. 89.Schneider.—Mount Lycæum was sacred to both Jupiter and Pan.Kühner.

[25]Στλεγγίδες.] Generally supposed to be the same as the Latin strigilis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for cleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be given by Kühner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Krüger follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than the former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as will afterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might have presented them. The sense of the word must therefore be left doubtful. The sense ofstrigilisis supported by Suidas; see Sturz's Lex. s. v.

[26]Τὸν Σάτυρον.] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 13.

[27]Κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις.] Ἰλη signifies properly a troop of horse, consisting of 64 men; and τάξις, a company of foot, which Xenophon, in the Cyropædia, makes to consist of 100 men.

[28]Ἐφ' ἁρμαμάξης.] Theharmamaxawas a Persian carriage, probably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23; Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41.

[29]Προβάλεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα.] "To hold out the shield and the spear, the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an adversary."Kühner.

[30]Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον.] Æmilius Portus, on the authority of Zonaras, Lex. p. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;" an interpretation repugnant to what follows. Morus makes itpurpuratus; Larcher,vexillarius, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26 a standard is called φοινικίς: Brodæus gives 'unus è regiis familiaribus, puniceâ veste indutus, non purpurea.' "Without doubt he was one of the highest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the ὕπαρχοι δυνάσται."Kühner.

[31]Εἶδε.] This seems to be the reading of all the manuscripts, and is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner. But Schneider and Weiske read εἶλε, "took possession of," on the suggestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous for Xenophon to say that Cyrus merelysawthe tents. Lion, however, not unreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark the distance at which Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight of them, the Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear.

[32]Σήσαμον καὶ μελίνην καὶ κέγχρον.]Sesamumis a leguminous plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble hemp-seed, and are boiled and eaten like rice. Μελίνη,panicum, is a plant resembling millet. Κέγχρος,milium, millet, is far the best known of the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet, in bunches.

[33]Καπηλεῖα.] Καπηλεῖον is often used in the sense ofa tavern; sometimes in a more general sense, asany kind of shop. We may suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell, with the hope of getting profit.

[34]He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send for him, refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keeping up appearances.

[35]Ἐκ τούτων.] "Ex his, secundum hæc, h. e. in hac rerum conditione."Kühner. Bornemann interprets simplypost hæc.

[36]Οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν.] "No profit (or use) either of a general or private soldier."

[37]Διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας.] The earlier editions have ὡς before διὰ, of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission; and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, or where he could procure them a friendly reception.

[38]Ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου μὴ ποιουμένου.] About the meaning of these words there has been much dispute. The translation which I have given is that of Bornemann, "quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus non esset," which is adopted by Kühner. "The speaker assumes," says Bornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or some other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, he will return to his province."

[39]The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up with Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, i. 1. 2.

[40]Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα δύο τείχη.] As the fem. πύλαι precedes, and as the gates were not properly the τείχη, but the space between them, Weiske conjectures ἦσαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα, κ. τ. λ., which Kühner and others approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kühner interprets τείχη "castella," and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a little below, of τείχη εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθήκοντα, he seems to meanwallsattached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says thatat each of the fortresses, ἐπὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἀμφοτέροις, were gates, he appears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to each of the fortresses. "At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower."Ainsworth, p. 59.

[41]"That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz. in Syria."Kühner.

[42]Εἰς ζώνην.] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to supply ornaments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian kings to bestow places on their queens and other favourites ostensibly for the purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or other conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40; Cic. in Verr. iii. 23; Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10.

[43]Reckoning the talent at £243 15s., the mina (60 = a talent) will be £4 1s.3d., and five minæ £20 6s.3d.

[44]Απεσπᾶτο.] "Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There are various readings of this word. Kühner adopts ἀπεσπα, in the sense of "drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann reads ἀπέπτατο.

[45]It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as to the construction of this passage; I have adopted the explication of Kühner.

[46]Επὶ Πύλας.] A strait or defile through which the road lay from Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called thePylæ Babyloniæ. It is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinussub voceΧαρμάνδη. Ainsworth, p. 80, places it fourteen miles north of Felújah, and a hundred and eight miles north of Babylon.

[47]Καπίθη.] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Atticchœnices. The Attic chœnix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient Weights, &c., ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1.8467 pint.

[48]Thesiglusis regarded by some as the same with the Hebrew shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the shekel. The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than three half-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilling.

[49]Σκεπάσματα is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought rather to be στεγάσματα, if the distinction of Krüger and Kühner, who adopt the latter, be right; viz. that στίπασμα signifies a covering to wrap round the body, and στέγασμα a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii. 29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is still practised in Armenia both by men and women.

[50]Seenote on i. 2. 22.

[51]This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as is expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account of the condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius.

[52]Σκηπτούχων.] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus the elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5. 58."Zeune.

[53]Οὐ μεμνῆσθαι.] This is the reading in all books and manuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson and others render it "te non fore memorem." Should we read μεμνήσεσθαι?

[54]Ἦσαν ἄρχοντες καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες τέτταρες.] Weiske considers the words καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες spurious; and Schneider and some others are of his opinion. Kühner thinks that they are genuine, and explicative of the more general term ἄρχοντες.

[55]Ὀργυιαί.] The ὀργυιά was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append. sect. 10.

[56]Τοῦ Μηδίας τείχους.] As many of the best manuscripts have Μηδείας, in this passage as well as inii. 4. 12,ii. 4. 27, and vii. 8. 25, Kühner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was named from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persians conquered and despoiled of his dominions. "Those who defend the reading Μηδίας," continues Kühner, "suppose the name to be derived from the country of Media, and believe, with Mannert, (Geog. i. p. 330,) that it is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on the side of Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments." Ainsworth, p. 180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and that the site of it is indicated by the ruins now calledSidd Nimrud, or "the Wall of Nimrod."

[57]"These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into the Euphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not only by Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers."Kühner. But "the difference in the level of the rivers is so slight that —— it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction of a canal, the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so at certain seasons."Ainsworth, p. 89.

[58]Seenote on i. 1. 9.

[59]Ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν.] The time from the tenth hour till noon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, πρωῖ, ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν, μεσημβρία, δείλη.Kühner.

[60]The words κατὰ τὸ μέσον, which were introduced into the text by Leunclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison of Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect.22, 23.

[61]The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is said immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads, Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an interpolation of some copyist. Kühner defends them an the ground that they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general custom of the Persians. Jacobs for ἄλλους conjectures παλαιούς, which Lion has received into his text; but παλαιούς does not suit well with the present διακινδυνεύειν. For my own part, I would rather see the words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that they break the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves them in brackets.

[62]Δείλη.] Seenote on sect. 1. of this chap. "This division of the day was also distinguished into two parts, δείλη πρωῖα, and δείλη οψία, the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant,) and the evening."Kühner.

[63]Ἐν πλαισίῳ πλήρει ἀνθρώπων.] "In an oblong full of men," i. e. the men being close together.

[64]Οὐ πάνυ πρὸς αὐτῷ τῶ στρατεύματι.] "Satis longinquo à suis intervallo."—Weiske.

[65]Τὰ ἱερὰ —— καὶ τὰ σφάγια καλά.] The ἱερὰ are omens from the entrails of the victims; the σφάγια were omens taken from the appearances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is the explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted by Kühner. Compareii, 1. 9.

[66]Dindorf has ὁ δὲ Κλέαρχος εἶπεν, which is the reading of some manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν instead of Κλέαρχος. Dindorf prefers the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up to Cyrus on that occasion; but this is an assumption which he had no right to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favour of it. Bornemann and Kühner think it better to consider both names as equally interpolations, and to read simply ὁ δὲ εἶπεν, Xenophon of course being understood.

[67]Δεύτερον.] The watchword seems to have been passed from the extremity of one wing (the right I should suppose) to the extremity of the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passed only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read τὸ δεύτερον.Krügerde Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kühner observes that the article is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "thesecond time," as the sense seems to require. Some have imagined that the word δεύτερον implies thata second watchword, another given out for the occasion, was passing round; but for this supposition there seems no ground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, τίς παραγγέλλει, Krüger thinks that some words have dropped out of the text.

[68]Ἐξεκύμαινε.] This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving of a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the treatise de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus.

[69]Ἡγοῦνται.] Schneider, Kühner, and some other editors have ἡγοῦντο but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, notwithstanding the following optative.

[70]See c. 6, sect. 11.

[71]Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] For "at the king's palace." "The king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the modern Constantinople,the Porte. Agreeably to the customs of other despots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of their palaces; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of access to their persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies, guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone that access could be obtained to the monarch."Heeren, Researches, &c.vol. i. p 403. See Cyrop. i. 3. 2; 2. 3,seqq.Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3.

[72]Ἀξιοῦσθαι.] Lion, Poppo, Kühner, and some other editors, read ἀξιοῦν, but the passive suits better with the preceding φαίνεσθαι.

[73]Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.] "These words," says Kühner, "have wonderfully exercised the abilities of commentators." The simplest mode of interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense of versus, "towards," comparingiv. 3. 26;ii. 2. 4; but he inclines, on the whole, to make the genitive Ἑλλήνων depend on τούτους understood: ἐκφεύγει τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς (τούτους) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. λ., though he acknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, and that he can nowhere find anything similar to it. Brodæus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, scil. στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice.

[74]Ἀναπτύσσειν.] Literally "to fold back." Whether we are to understand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is not very clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the exact sense that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it byexplicare, "to open out," or "extend," and this indeed seems more applicable to περιπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out their line that the king's troops might not surround them. But on the whole, the other interpretation seems to have most voices in favour of it.

[75]Ἐκ πλέονος.] Sc. διαστήματος: they began to flee when the Greeks were at a still greater distance than before.

[76]Μέχρι κώμης τινός.] This is generally supposed to have been Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa withImséy'ab, a place 36 miles north of Babylon.

[77]The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were left.

[78]Ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξύλου.] So stands the passage in Dindorf's text; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου to be a mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accident into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. Πέλτη is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη: and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 82, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός. In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been a golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly being taken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. Kühner gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense ofa shield, supposed that the eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shield would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid of it. Yet to take πέλτη in the sense ofa spear, unusual in Xenophon, is not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairly admit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ.

[79]Ἀνατεταμένον.] This word is generally understood to signify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. subSigna Militaria.

[80]Πυνθανόμενοι.] Schneider and others would omit this word, as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation.

[81]Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι.] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understood ὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι should properly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without owners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plundered by the enemy.

[82]Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν.] Seei. 8. 1.

[83]Seei. 9. 3.

[84]Θεόπομπος.] This is the reading of six manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If we follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος is genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appears fromiii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other arguments that he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. de Xen. Vit. p. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon, conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the margin Θεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompus may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attributes those words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have thought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was, however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis.Kühner.

[85]As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84 days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger is inclined to think the passage an interpolation.

[86]Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν.] This is the σταθμός mentioned ini. 10. 1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day when the battle took place.

[87]Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to have been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os., where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that animal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P. iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388."

[88]Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν.] The first means to flee, so that it cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so that he cannot be overtaken.Kühnerad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâ vel apertâ."Weiske.

[89]Ἄριοστον.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or clearness of his voice.

[90]The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of the men's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to draw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their apprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having been adopted by Iphicrates.

[91]Ἄριοστον.] This word answers to the Latinprandium, a meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it "dinner."

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