MEDAL
MEDAL STRUCK AT BOURGTO COMMEMORATE MARGARET OF AUSTRIA'SMARRIAGE WITH PHILIBERT, DUKE OF SAVOYView larger image
Philibert and Margaret continued their tour of the duchy, and returned to Bourg in April 1503, when they took up their residence at the castle of Pont d'Ain, where the happiest years of Margaret's short married life were passed.
From this favourite castle of the Dukes of Savoy on the river Ain, there is a splendid view of the undulating country, distant hills and forests, which in the days of Philibert were well stocked with game. It would be hard to find a more beautiful spot, and it is no wonder that Margaret loved it and spent most of her time there.
When Philibert succeeded to the dukedom after his father's death, his first act had been to give an appanage to his natural brother René. He bestowed upon him the county of Villars, the castle of Apremont, and the Seignory of Gourdans. This brother, who was known as the Bastard of Savoy, was of anambitious and grasping nature. Knowing that Philibert hated business and preferred spending his time in hunting and warlike sports, René worked on his indolence until he practically had the management of the duchy in his own hands. He persuaded Philibert to grant him an act of legitimacy and also to give him the title of Lieutenant-General of the States of Savoy. When LouisXII.wished to pass through the duchy to reach Milan he communicated with René. The French monarch made him many promises, which were mentioned in the treaty concluded at Château-Renard with the Cardinal d'Amboise. Duke Philibert, in virtue of this treaty, allowed the passage of the French troops, received LouisXII.at Turin, displayed an extraordinary magnificence, and even accompanied the king to Milan with two hundred men-at-arms. In return for his civility Louis granted him an annual pension of 20,000 golden crowns from the revenues of this duchy.
René's influence over his half-brother was put to a hard test when Margaret became Philibert's wife. The young couple truly loved each other, but the princess could not brook this divided authority. She did all in her power to get rid of René, whom she heartily disliked. The struggle was keen but decisive. Margaret made use of her father's authority, who as the Duke of Savoy's suzerain nullified the deed of René's legitimisation. She also had recourse to religious intervention to accuse him of extortion. At her instigation Friar Malet, the Court preacher, drew a picture of the people's misery and sufferings in a sermon. Addressing Philibert, he exhorted him to 'drive out the thieves who were in his household, who,' he said, 'were leeches sucking the blood of his unhappy subjects.' René was not long in perceivingthat his credit at the Court of Savoy was gone. He came to his brother and asked permission to retire to his property. 'I wish,' Philibert answered, 'that you would not only retire from my Court, but also from my State, and that within two days on pain of death.' René took refuge at the Court of France, but even there Margaret's dislike followed him, and all his goods were confiscated after a mock trial.
Philibert had only changed his Prime Minister. After René's departure Margaret took up the reins of government and ruled Savoy and Bresse unhindered. She obtained many privileges from her father, amongst others the temporal jurisdiction over all the bishoprics of Savoy, Piedmont, Bugey, and the provinces of Geneva and Vaud. This concession extended Savoy's right of sovereignty over all lands east of the river Saône, which is still called locally 'the side of the Empire.'
In April 1503 the Archduke Philip paid his sister a visit at Bourg on his return from Spain, where he had been to take possession of the crown of Castile, which through the death of Queen Isabella had descended to his wife Joanna. A grand tournament was held on thePlace des Licesin honour of his visit. Philip was then escorted by his sister and her husband to the castle of Pont d'Ain, where fresh festivities were prepared. The nobility of Bresse and Bugey flocked there to welcome the royal guests, and there is even a tradition that the 'Holy Shroud,' usually kept at Turin, and which had long been in the possession of the House of Savoy, was there exposed for the archduke's veneration.
During the next few years the peace of Europe was unbroken, and Philibert was unable to satisfy his warlike inclinations. His exuberant spirits found anoutlet in hunting, jousts, and tournaments. He loved splendid armour, gorgeous apparel, and brilliant fêtes. A contemporary chronicler has left an account of the entertainments given by the Court of Savoy in 1504 on the occasion of the marriage of Laurent de Gorrevod (who later became Governor of Bresse and Count of Pont-de-Vaux) with the daughter of Hugues de la Pallu, Count of Varax, Marshal of Savoy. All the nobility of Piedmont and Savoy were assembled at the castle of Carignan on the 18th of February, Shrove Tuesday, where a tournament took place in the presence of Philibert, 'Madam Margaret of Austria, Madame Blanche, Dowager of Savoy, and many other young and beautiful ladies, as much to pass the time as to please the ladies.'
A long and wearisome description of the tournament is given, in which Philibert and his brother Charles carried off several prizes. Such were the duke's favourite pastimes, whether at Turin, Carignan, or at Bourg, where the lists were opened under the castle walls.
Philibert had inherited his passion for hunting from a long line of ancestors who were all devoted to this sport. The castle of Pont d'Ain, standing high on a hill overlooking Bresse and Bugey, with the river Ain flowing at its feet well stocked with fish, and its plains and vast forests abounding with game, was an ideal home for a sportsman like Philibert. Here he and Margaret enjoyed the pleasures of a country life. Accompanied by their nobles and friends the duke and duchess often started at dawn of day on their hunting excursions, returning with the last rays of the evening sun. We are told by Jean le Maire that one day Margaret had an accident which might have proved very serious. When she and her husband were huntingin the fields near the town of Quier in Piedmont, the powerful horse on which she was mounted became quite unmanageable, and kicking and plunging, threw her violently to the ground. She fell under its feet, the iron-shod hoofs trampling on her dress, disarranging her hair, and breaking a thick golden chain which hung from her neck. All those who witnessed the accident were paralysed with terror, believing the duchess could not escape alive, and recalling a similar accident in which her mother, Mary of Burgundy, had lost her life. But Margaret had a miraculous escape, and got up without any harm beyond a severe shaking.
One morning, early in September 1504, Philibert went out hunting, leaving Margaret at Pont d'Ain, and though the weather was extremely hot, followed a wild boar for several hours. All his followers were left behind, and his horses having succumbed to the heat and hard riding, he descended a narrow valley about midday on foot, and at last arrived breathless and bathed in perspiration at Saint Vulbas' fountain. Delighted with the freshness of the spot, he ordered his meal to be served in a shady grove; but before long he was seized with a sudden chill, and pressing his hand to his side in great pain, mounted a horse which was brought to him, and with difficulty rode back to Pont d'Ain, his nobles and huntsmen sadly following. On arriving at the castle the duke threw himself heavily on a bed, and Margaret was immediately summoned. She tried by all means in her power to relieve him, sending in great haste for the doctors. When they came she gave them her precious pearls to grind to powder, and watched them make an elixir with these jewels which she hoped would save the duke's life.She made many vows, and sent offerings to distant shrines, invoking the help of heaven by her prayers. But Philibert was seized with pleurisy; his vigorous constitution resisted the violence of the attack for some days. The physicians bled him, but all their doctoring was in vain, and soon they had to confess that they could do nothing more. 'He himself feeling his end approaching got up, and wished to go and say an eternal farewell to his very dear companion, embracing her closely. After having asked for the last sacraments, and by many acts of faith and devotion shown his love for the holy Christian faith, Duke Philibert expired in Margaret's arms on the 10th of September 1504, at nine o'clock in the morning, in the twenty-fourth year of his age, in the same room in the castle of Pont d'Ain where he had first seen the light.' Margaret's grief was heart-rending: we are told that her sobs and cries echoed through the castle. The whole duchy of Savoy mourned with her for the gallant young prince, so suddenly cut off in the flower of his age.
TOMB OF PHILIBERT LE BEAU
TOMB OF PHILIBERT LE BEAU, DUKE OF SAVOY,IN THE CHURCH OF BROUView larger image
The duke's body was embalmed, and attired in ducal robes, with the rich insignia of his rank, laid on a state-bed in a spacious chamber, where a crowd of his subjects came to gaze their last on their young lord. The body was then placed in a leaden coffin on which the deceased's titles were engraved, and his funeral carried out with much pomp. The magistrates of Bourg had a hundred torches made bearing the arms of the town; they were carried by burghers who went to escort the body from the castle of Pont d'Ain to the church of Notre-Dame, though Margaret wished her husband to be laid in the priory church of Brou, near his mother, Margaret of Bourbon's tomb.
In 1480 Philibert's father, whilst hunting near the same spot, where later his son contracted his fatal illness, had fallen from his horse and broken his arm. He also was carried to Pont d'Ain, and his life was in danger. His wife, Margaret of Bourbon, then made a vow that if her husband's life was spared she would found a monastery of the order of Saint Benedict at Brou. The duke recovered, but the duchess died in 1483 before she fulfilled the vow, the accomplishment of which she bequeathed to her son Philibert, whose early death also prevented him from carrying out his mother's wishes. Margaret now took upon herself the duty of founding the monastery, and also of erecting for them both, and, above all, for him whom she loved, 'a great tomb which should be their nuptial couch,' where she herself would be laid to rest when her time should come.
Stricken with grief, a childless widow, deprived for the second time of the husband she loved, at the age of twenty-four she felt as though all joy in life had ended, and 'immediately after her husband's death she cut off her beautiful golden hair, and had the same done to her own ladies.'[19]
Margaret passed some years of her widowhood at the castle of Pont d'Ain, where several traces of her sojourn remain. She made some additions to the building; the principal staircase still bears her name. Here she lived in seclusion, mourning her lot, and describing her loneliness and sorrow in prose and in verse. In spite of the imperfections of a free versification Margaret's poems show a certain harmony, smoothness, and charm in the informal stanzas, of which the following is a good specimen:—
I'O dévots cueurs, amans d'amour fervente,Considérez si j'ay esté dolente,Que c'est raison! je suis la seule mèreQui ay perdu son seul fils et son père,Et son amy par amour excellente!Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunée[20]D'estre si fortunée!Qu'est longue fault[21]de ce qu'on ayme bien!Et je suis sceure que pas de luy ne vient,Mais me procède de ma grant destinée!Dites-vous donc que je suis égaréeQuant je me vois séparée de mon bien?Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunée!Qu'est longue fault de ce qu'on ayme bien!Mais que de luy je ne soye oubliée!!!
I
I
'O dévots cueurs, amans d'amour fervente,Considérez si j'ay esté dolente,Que c'est raison! je suis la seule mèreQui ay perdu son seul fils et son père,Et son amy par amour excellente!
'O dévots cueurs, amans d'amour fervente,
Considérez si j'ay esté dolente,
Que c'est raison! je suis la seule mère
Qui ay perdu son seul fils et son père,
Et son amy par amour excellente!
Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunée[20]D'estre si fortunée!Qu'est longue fault[21]de ce qu'on ayme bien!Et je suis sceure que pas de luy ne vient,Mais me procède de ma grant destinée!
Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunée[20]
D'estre si fortunée!
Qu'est longue fault[21]de ce qu'on ayme bien!
Et je suis sceure que pas de luy ne vient,
Mais me procède de ma grant destinée!
Dites-vous donc que je suis égaréeQuant je me vois séparée de mon bien?Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunée!Qu'est longue fault de ce qu'on ayme bien!Mais que de luy je ne soye oubliée!!!
Dites-vous donc que je suis égarée
Quant je me vois séparée de mon bien?
Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunée!
Qu'est longue fault de ce qu'on ayme bien!
Mais que de luy je ne soye oubliée!!!
IIDeuil et ennuy, soussy, regret et peine,Ont eslongué ma plaisance mondaine,Dont à part moy je me plains et tourmente,Et en espoir n'ay plus un brin d'attente:Véez là comment Fortune me pourmeine.Ceste longheur vault pis que mort soudaine;Je n'ay pensée que joye me rameine;Ma fantaisie est de déplaisir pleine;Car devant moy à toute heure se présenteDeuil et ennuy.
II
II
Deuil et ennuy, soussy, regret et peine,Ont eslongué ma plaisance mondaine,Dont à part moy je me plains et tourmente,Et en espoir n'ay plus un brin d'attente:Véez là comment Fortune me pourmeine.
Deuil et ennuy, soussy, regret et peine,
Ont eslongué ma plaisance mondaine,
Dont à part moy je me plains et tourmente,
Et en espoir n'ay plus un brin d'attente:
Véez là comment Fortune me pourmeine.
Ceste longheur vault pis que mort soudaine;Je n'ay pensée que joye me rameine;Ma fantaisie est de déplaisir pleine;Car devant moy à toute heure se présenteDeuil et ennuy.
Ceste longheur vault pis que mort soudaine;
Je n'ay pensée que joye me rameine;
Ma fantaisie est de déplaisir pleine;
Car devant moy à toute heure se présente
Deuil et ennuy.
IIIPlusieurs regrets qui sur la terre sont,Et les douleurs que hommes et femmes ont,N'est que plaisir envers ceulx que je porte,Me tourmentant de la piteuse sorteQue mes esprits ne savent plus qu'ils sont.Cueurs désolés par toutes nations,Deuil assemblez et lamentations;Plus ne quérez l'harmonieuse lyre,Lyesse, esbats et consolations;Laissez aller plaintes, pleurs, passions,Et m'aidez tous à croistre mon martyre,Cueurs désolés!
III
III
Plusieurs regrets qui sur la terre sont,Et les douleurs que hommes et femmes ont,N'est que plaisir envers ceulx que je porte,Me tourmentant de la piteuse sorteQue mes esprits ne savent plus qu'ils sont.
Plusieurs regrets qui sur la terre sont,
Et les douleurs que hommes et femmes ont,
N'est que plaisir envers ceulx que je porte,
Me tourmentant de la piteuse sorte
Que mes esprits ne savent plus qu'ils sont.
Cueurs désolés par toutes nations,Deuil assemblez et lamentations;Plus ne quérez l'harmonieuse lyre,Lyesse, esbats et consolations;Laissez aller plaintes, pleurs, passions,Et m'aidez tous à croistre mon martyre,Cueurs désolés!
Cueurs désolés par toutes nations,
Deuil assemblez et lamentations;
Plus ne quérez l'harmonieuse lyre,
Lyesse, esbats et consolations;
Laissez aller plaintes, pleurs, passions,
Et m'aidez tous à croistre mon martyre,
Cueurs désolés!
IVAisn vous plongés en désolation,Venez à moy!...Le noble et bon dont on ne peult mal dire,Le soutenant de tous sans contredire,Est mort, hélas! quel malédiction!Cueurs désolés!
IV
IV
Aisn vous plongés en désolation,Venez à moy!...Le noble et bon dont on ne peult mal dire,Le soutenant de tous sans contredire,Est mort, hélas! quel malédiction!Cueurs désolés!
Aisn vous plongés en désolation,
Venez à moy!...
Le noble et bon dont on ne peult mal dire,
Le soutenant de tous sans contredire,
Est mort, hélas! quel malédiction!
Cueurs désolés!
VMe faudra-t-il toujours ainsi languir?Me faudra-t-il enfin ainsi morir?Nul n'aura-t-il de mon mal coignoissance?Trop a duré; car c'est dès mon enfance!Je prie à Dieu qu'il me doint tempérance,Mestier en ay: je le prens sur ma foi;Car mon seul bien est souvent près de moy,Mais pour les gens fault faire contenance!Pourquoy coucher seulette et à part moy,Qu'il me faudra user de pacience!Las! c'est pour moi trop grande pénitence;Certes ouy, et plus quant ne le voy!'
V
V
Me faudra-t-il toujours ainsi languir?Me faudra-t-il enfin ainsi morir?Nul n'aura-t-il de mon mal coignoissance?Trop a duré; car c'est dès mon enfance!
Me faudra-t-il toujours ainsi languir?
Me faudra-t-il enfin ainsi morir?
Nul n'aura-t-il de mon mal coignoissance?
Trop a duré; car c'est dès mon enfance!
Je prie à Dieu qu'il me doint tempérance,Mestier en ay: je le prens sur ma foi;Car mon seul bien est souvent près de moy,Mais pour les gens fault faire contenance!
Je prie à Dieu qu'il me doint tempérance,
Mestier en ay: je le prens sur ma foi;
Car mon seul bien est souvent près de moy,
Mais pour les gens fault faire contenance!
Pourquoy coucher seulette et à part moy,Qu'il me faudra user de pacience!Las! c'est pour moi trop grande pénitence;Certes ouy, et plus quant ne le voy!'
Pourquoy coucher seulette et à part moy,
Qu'il me faudra user de pacience!
Las! c'est pour moi trop grande pénitence;
Certes ouy, et plus quant ne le voy!'
These verses, and many others, were written at Bourg, or at the castle of Pont d'Ain. This castle, built towards the end of the tenth century by the Sires de Coligny, Lords of Revermont, had passed through marriage to the Dauphins du Viennois in 1225, and in 1285 to the Duke of Burgundy. In 1289 this duke exchanged it, as well as the lordship of Revermont, with AméIV., Count of Savoy, who was Seigneur of Bresse in right of his wife, Sybille de Baugé. The buildings having been much damaged in the wars, Amé's son, Aimon, rebuilt them. The last warlike episode in the history of the castleoccurred in 1325 when Edward, Count of Savoy, came to take refuge in the fortress after his defeat near Varey. The pleasant situation of the castle at the extremity of the chain of Revermont, its proximity to France, and equable climate made it the favourite home of the Dukes of Savoy. Below in the valley, which extends to the Rhone, the waters of the river Ain join those of the Suran. To the south and east are the mountain ranges near Bas Bugey, with wooded slopes and prosperous villages, to the north and west the undulating plain of Bresse, crowned by forests. The Princesses of Savoy loved this spot. AmedeoVIII.lived here for a long time with his wife Yolande of France. Philibert and his sister Louise (the mother of FrancisI.) were born here, and here their mother, Margaret of Bourbon, came to spend her last days. In this peaceful spot Margaret passed the first years of her mourning, attached to Bresse by memories of her love and sorrow.
Besides her many poems Margaret has perpetuated the memory of the chief phases in her life by means of devices, a symbolical language much in vogue in the Middle Ages.
When she returned to Flanders, after her first marriage with CharlesVIII.was annulled, the device she chose was a high mountain with a hurricane raging round the summit, and underneath, 'Perflant altissima venti.' This device ingeniously expressed the idea that those in a high position are more exposed than others to the winds of adversity. After the death of Prince John of Castile and her child, Margaret adopted another device, a tree laden with fruit, struck in half by lightning, with this inscription, 'Spoliat mors munera nostra.' This device is attributed to Strada.
Lastly, as the widow of Duke Philibert, she composed the famous motto which we find reproduced everywhere on the tombs, walls, woodwork, and stained-glass windows of the church at Brou:
FORTUNE.INFORTUNE.FORT.UNE.
And this was her last motto, which she kept to the end. This enigmatical inscription has been variously interpreted. Cornelius Agrippa, her panegyrist, and Gropheus, Chevalier d'Honneur to the princess, who composed a Latin poem in her praise in 1532, sawno other meaning in this device than the résumé of her life ... a plaything of fortune; and they explain the word 'infortune' by the third person of the present indicative of the verb 'infortuner,' Fortuna Infortunat Fortiter Unam—'La fortune infortune (tries, persecutes) fort une femme.' Guichenon adopts this version and says the princess composed her device 'to show that she had been much persecuted by fortune, having been repudiated by CharlesVIII., and having lost both her husbands, the Prince of Castile, and the Duke of Savoy. This,' he adds, 'is the true meaning of this device, although another interpretation has been given to it: Fortune Infortune Fortune. Fortune to have been affianced to the King of France, misfortune to have been repudiated by him, and fortune to have married the Duke of Savoy; but this explanation does not agree with the device.' In fact, it is not admissible, for it supposes the device to be composed of three words only, whilst on the marble it is clearly composed of four:
FORTUNE.INFORTUNE.FORT.UNE.
The small church of the monastery of Brou, founded in the beginning of the tenth century by Saint Gérard, had a great reputation for holiness. It was here the bodies of Philibert and his mother were laid. Margaret's thoughts were constantly occupied with the monument she wished to erect to her husband's memory, the magnificence of which should satisfy her artistic taste. She proposed devoting her dowry to this object in order to raise the necessary funds. Philibert's brother had succeeded to the ducal crown under the title of CharlesIII., but the state of the duchy's finances made it difficult for him to pay Margaret's dowry, which consisted of 12,000 écus d'or per annum in French coin, or in lieu of this sum theusufruct of Bresse and the provinces of Vaud and Faucigny. CharlesIII.on his accession had found the revenues greatly reduced; besides Margaret's dowry, three other dowager-princesses enjoyed the income from a great part of his estates. Blanche de Montferrat, widow of CharlesI., had the best part of Piedmont; Le Bugey was in the hands of Claudine of Brittany, widow of Duke Philip; lastly, Louise of Savoy received the largest portion of Chablais. This was the state of things when Margaret complained of the insufficiency of the revenues from the properties of Bresse, Vaud, and Faucigny, revenues far from equivalent to the sum of 12,000 écus d'or per annum according to the terms of her marriage contract. As Charles remained deaf to her complaints, Margaret had recourse to her father, and travelled to Germany to persuade Maximilian to give her his support. Charles at last agreed to send four jurisconsuls empowered to arrange this business. During the meetings which took place at Strasburg, Margaret explained the motives which made her insist on the fulfilment of the clauses with reference to her dowry. 'Her intention being to found a church and monastery on the site of the Priory of Brou, the resting-place of the Lady Margaret of Bourbon and Duke Philibert, she must needs collect all her resources to meet the expense which such an endowment would require. She also pointed out that, according to the Lady Margaret of Bourbon's will, the church and monastery were to be erected at the expense of her heirs and successors. Now this charge falling on Duke Charles, he could not conscientiously dispense with carrying out his mother's last wishes, but as she, Margaret, offered to fulfil this task at her own expense, he was ill-advised to dispute with her what was legally herdue. CharlesIII.'s envoys had nothing to say to this argument excepting the state of penury and embarrassment in which their master found himself.'
At last, on the 5th of May 1505, in the presence of Maximilian, a treaty was signed in the hall of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem at Strasburg, by which Duke Charles granted to Margaret the county of Villars and the Seignory of Gourdans, with all rights of government as well as power of redeeming the mortgaged lands of Bresse to the amount of 1200 florins. After the ratification of this treaty Margaret returned to the castle of Pont-d'Ain and prepared to carry out her plans.
She first called her Council together and explained her intentions. Margaret of Bourbon's vow was to build a church in honour of Saint Benedict, but as this order had already become lax, Margaret wished that the church and monastery should be placed under the protection of St. Nicolas de Tolentin, who had lately been canonised, and was noted for the number of miracles worked by his intercession, and for whom she felt a particular devotion.
The princess's Council, foreseeing the enormous expense which the execution of this plan would involve, tried to dissuade her from it, and endeavoured to turn her mind to completing the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg, which Jean de Loriol was then building. At the time of the young duke's death they had promised to bring his body to rest in the Abbey of Haute-Combe near the Dukes of Savoy, his predecessors. But she would not listen to this argument, and replied 'that she had been informed of the vow which the late lord and lady, her husband's parents, had made to found a monastery of the order of St. Augustine on the site of Brou, but the former,after he succeeded, forgot to fulfil it, and neglected the duty of accomplishing his vow, and that it had pleased God to take her lord and husband in his youth in such a way that he had not leisure nor time to fulfil his father and mother's vow, but that she, with the help of God, would do so.'[22]
The series of objections from the Council, and Margaret's firm determination, are still more apparent in the following quaint dialogue recorded by a witness in Paradin'sChronique de Savoie:—'When several prominent people pointed out that as she was the daughter of a great Emperor, and had been Queen of France, and had since married so great and famous a Prince, she would be put to heavy and intolerable expense in order to accomplish something worthy of her greatness, she replied that God would take care of the expense. They, moreover, said to her: "Madame, possibly you regret that the body of Madame, his mother, is buried in this little place of Brou; a dispensation could easily be procured from the Pope to carry it elsewhere"; she answered, no dispensation was needed for a thing one could do oneself; they also put before her that after she had done what she intended, if a war should break out in this country, the enemy could retire and quarter themselves there, and from thence fight the town, which in the end would mean the destruction of the monastery. Margaret replied: "The power of princes is nowadays so greatly increased by artillery that should Bourg be besieged there would be no need to wait for the attack." They then pointed out that in the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg there was a very fine beginning, and that if it pleased her to employ what she wished to spend on this monastery,she would have the prayers of ten million people, for every one in Bourg goes once a day to pray in the said church of Notre-Dame. To that my said lady replied, shedding big tears: "You say truly, and it is my greatest regret, but if I did as you say, the vow would not be accomplished which by the help of God I shall fulfil." These are the objections that were made, and the replies which she gave when they tried to persuade her to give up this enterprise.' Margaret had already had the plans and estimates drawn up for the church and monastery of Brou, with the help of Laurent de Gorrevod, Governor of Bresse. The estimate was given to the workmen in the early spring of 1505, and the first stone of the sanctuary laid by the princess herself in the spring of the following year.
On the 11th February 1503 HenryVII.had lost his queen, Elizabeth of York, who died in the Tower of London, a week after giving birth to her seventh child. She had been a good and submissive wife to Henry, whose claim to the throne she had strengthened by her own greater right. The bereaved husband retired 'heavy and dolorous' to a solitary place to pass his sorrow, but before many weeks were over he and his crony De Puebla put their heads together and agreed that the king must marry again. Amongst other alliances the widowed Queen of Naples was suggested, but the lady decidedly objected to the marriage. In November 1504 Queen Isabella of Castile died, and the crown descended to her weak-minded daughter Joanna. A struggle was seen to be impending for the regency, and Henry was courted by both sides in the dispute. He had taken as his motto 'Qui je défends est maître,' and both Ferdinand, King of Spain, and the EmperorMaximilian were anxious to win him to their side. Margaret was secretly offered to Henry as a bride by Philip and Maximilian, and a close alliance between them proposed. Margaret, with her large dowries from Castile and Savoy, was now one of the richest princesses in Europe. Whilst Ferdinand was trying to ingratiate himself with Henry, it was clear to the astute King of England that he had now more to hope for from Philip and Maximilian, who were friendly with France, than from Ferdinand.[23]
Early in August 1505 De Puebla went to Richmond to see the Princess of Wales, and as he entered the palace one of the household told him that an ambassador had just arrived from the Archduke Philip, King of Castile, and was waiting for an audience. De Puebla at once conveyed the news to Katharine, and served as interpreter between the ambassador and the princess. After delivering greetings from the Emperor Maximilian, the Archduke Philip, and the Duchess of Savoy, the ambassador said his mission was a secret one to settle with the King of England about his marriage with the Duchess of Savoy, of whom he had brought two portraits. The Princess of Wales wished to see them, and the ambassador went to fetch them. One was painted on wood, the other on canvas. The princess was of opinion that Michel would have made better portraits. She asked the ambassador when the King-Archduke and the Queen-Archduchess were to leave for Spain. The ambassador replied as soon as possible, but that he had come to consult the King of England as to all arrangements.'[24]
On the 7th January 1506, after having presided at the Chapter of the Golden Fleece in the old Abbey of Middlebourg, the Archduke Philip, King of Castile, set out from Zealand with his wife, Queen Joanna, their second son, Ferdinand, an infant of a few months old, and a retinue amounting to two or three thousand persons. They embarked (January 8th) on board a splendid and numerous armada composed of more than twenty-four vessels, intending to go to Spain. All went well until the Cornish coast was passed, and then a dead calm fell, followed by a furious south-westerly gale, which scattered the ships, and left that on which Philip and Joanna were without any escort. A gale which lasted thirty-six hours dispersed the fleet. Despair seized the crew, and all gave themselves up for lost. Philip's attendants dressed him in an inflated leather garment, upon the back of which was painted in large letters 'the king, Don Philip,' and thus arrayed he knelt before a blessed image in prayer, alternating with groans, expecting every moment would be his last. Joanna is represented by one contemporary authority as being seated on the ground between her husband's knees, saying that if they went down she would cling so closely to him that they should never be separated in death, as they had not been in life. The Spanish witnesses are loud in her praise in this danger. 'The queen,' they say, 'showed no signs of fear, and asked them to bring her a box with something to eat. As some of the gentlemen were collecting votive gifts to the Virgin of Guadalupe, they passed the bag to the queen, who, taking outher purse containing about a hundred doubloons, hunted amongst them until she found the only half-doubloon there, showing thus how cool she was in the danger. A king never was drowned yet, so she was not afraid, she said.'[25]
Sandoval also mentions that Joanna displayed much composure during the storm. When informed by Philip of their danger, she attired herself in her richest dress, securing a considerable amount of money to her person, in order that her body, if found, might be recognised, and receive the obsequies suited to her rank.
Driven to land at Melcombe Regis, on January 16th, Philip sent to acquaint HenryVII.with his arrival, calling him 'father,' and expressing himself desirous of seeing him and his Court. Immediately the king hastened to show the archducal pair every mark of respect, and sent letters to gentlemen dwelling near the seaside to attend upon them, and afterwards despatched palfreys, litters, etc. They were entertained by Sir Thomas Trenchard at Wolveton in Dorsetshire; and he is traditionally said to have summoned his kinsman, John Russell, to assist him, because the latter having been in Spain, was well qualified to act as interpreter. Portraits of Philip and Joanna have been preserved in the Trenchard family, as well as a white china bowl on a foot bound with silver, said to have been left by them at Wolveton. On the 31st January Henry received the King-Archduke at Windsor, the two monarchs saluting each other with glad and loving countenances. The next two days being Sunday and Candlemas were devoted to religious exercises, andthe following week to recreation. It is curious to read amongst all the state details that when 'the King of Castile played with the racquet, he gave the Lord Marquis (of Dorset) fifteen.' On the 9th February Philip was invested with the Order of the Garter. 'Immediately after mass, certain of the King of England's and the King of Castile's Council presented their respective sovereigns with the draft of the treaty of peace, having divers new articles and confirmations inserted therein. The kings, seated in their stalls, in St. George's Chapel, signed the writings with their own hands, and the pledges were solemnly sworn upon a fragment of the true cross, by which the rebel Earl of Suffolk was to be surrendered to his doom, and Philip's sister Margaret married to Henry, and England bound to the King of Castile against Ferdinand of Aragon.'
Joanna was deliberately kept in the background during her stay in England. She had followed her husband slowly from Melcombe, and arrived at Windsor ten days later, the day after Philip with great ceremony had been invested with the Order of the Garter, and had signed the treaty. On her arrival at Windsor she was welcomed by the King of England and her sister, the Princess of Wales, though she was not allowed to see the latter alone. The Cottonian MSS. tells us that Queen Joanna did not see her sister until just before her departure; they were not even then more than an hour together, and were never left alone, and Katharine left the next day for Richmond. 'On the twelfth the King of England went to Richmond to prepare his house there for the King of Castile, who joined him on the fourteenth, the Queen of Castile proceeding on thesame day to the seaside to her ships lying at Dartmouth and Plymouth.' The rest of the time Philip was at Richmond was spent in recreation, and 'all the season the King of Castile was in the King of England's Court every holiday.' On the 2nd of March he took his leave, the King of England accompanying him on his way a mile or more, defraying the charges of all his servants, and giving rewards.' During the whole time of Philip and Joanna's sojourn in England their expenses and those of their suites were paid by the king's officials, and they were entertained with dubious hospitality for nearly three months. During this time HenryVII.availed himself of the situation to extort three treaties from his guest not altogether reconcilable with sound policy or honour. The first was a treaty of alliance, the second that of his marriage with the Archduchess Margaret, and the third a treaty of commerce. The latter was so disastrous to Flemish interests as to be known by the name of 'Malus intercursus.' It was agreed that the three treaties should be confirmed, sealed, and delivered at Calais, at fixed dates; but when the English envoys reached Calais they waited in vain for Philip's messengers. HenryVII., writing on August 19th to Maximilian, informs him that 'the new ratifications were to be exchanged in the town of Calais, the treaty of alliance and marriage before the 20th of June, and that of commerce before the last day of July. His ambassadors were at Calais by the appointed time, with all the necessary papers, but the ambassadors of King Philip have not arrived up to this day; nor has he heard anything of the approval of the Pope, which had been promised him, nor of the securities for the dowry and the consent of the archduchess.However, he is willing to consent to a prorogation of the term to the end of August.'
On the 23rd of April 1506 Philip and Joanna having reassembled their fleet, embarked at Weymouth, and reached Corunna, in the north-western corner of Galicia, after a prosperous voyage, on April 28th.
The following summary of the treaty between HenryVII.and Philip, King of Castile, concerning the intended marriage with the Archduchess Margaret, is interesting:—
The King of Castile binds himself to pay to the King of England 300,000 crowns, each crown of four shillings sterling, as the marriage portion of the Archduchess Margaret; he also promises punctually to pay the 18,850 crowns a year to which she is entitled as her jointure in Spain; he moreover binds himself to pay to Henry 12,000 crowns a year instead of the revenues from the towns, castles, and lands, which have been assigned to the archduchess as her jointure in Savoy. The King and Queen of Castile bind themselves to consent to the marriage, and to permit Henry's proxies to conclude a marriageper verba de præsentiwith the Archduchess Margaret. The King of Castile promises to send his sister at his own expense to the town of Greenwich within a month after the first instalment of 100,000 crowns has been paid. King Henry promises to perform the marriage ceremonies within a month of the archduchess's arrival at Greenwich. Provisions are then made in case of the archduchess's or Henry's death with or without children by the marriage. The archduchess is at liberty to dispose by will of her jewels and ornaments. Should there be children by the marriage,they are to succeed to all inheritances in Spain, Flanders, etc., that the archduchess may become entitled to. King Philip promises to request the Pope to confirm this treaty, and both the King of Castile and his father, the emperor, promise to use all their influence with the Archduchess Margaret to persuade her to consent to this marriage.
King Philip signed the treaty at Windsor, March 1st, 1506, and Queen Joanna at Exeter, March 18th, 1506. The ratification of the treaty by HenryVII.follows; it is dated, Palace of Westminster, 15th May 1506.
On the 20th July Maximilian wrote to King Henry from Vienna that 'he had heard with great joy that the marriage between Henry and the Archduchess Margaret is arranged.' He begs him to send ambassadors to Malines, and has already despatched ambassadors to the same place. But on the 30th of July John le Sauvage wrote to Maximilian that 'the Archduchess Margaret decidedly refuses to marry HenryVII., although he, at first by himself, and afterwards conjointly with the Imperial ambassador, had daily pressed her during a whole month to consent.' But John le Sauvage adds, 'The alliance with England is not endangered thereby. For Henry desires the marriage between his second daughter and the Prince of Castile (Margaret's nephew Charles) more than his own with the archduchess.'
On August 6th G. de Croy wrote to the emperor that 'he is afraid that the refusal of the archduchess will cool the friendship of Henry.' On August 8th Ulrich, Count of Montfort, and Claude Carondelet also sent a letter to Maximilian to inform him that 'they have travelled with all haste to Savoy in orderto see the Archduchess Margaret, whom they found in company of the President of Flanders. They pressed her very strongly to consent to marry the King of England. Her answer, however, was that 'although an obedient daughter, she will never agree to so unreasonable a marriage.' On the 16th of August Monsieur de Croy and other councillors write to the King of Castile 'that they have written to the King of England ... and have received this very day his answer, and send the letter of the King of England to him; they are much afraid that the King of England has cooled in his friendship in consequence of the answer which the Archduchess Margaret has given to the President of Flanders, and afterwards to the Count Montfort and the Bailly of Amont, ambassadors of the emperor, and again to the President of the King of Castile.' On September 24th Maximilian wrote to King Henry that 'he had not been able to persuade his daughter, the Archduchess Margaret, to marry him; but he would go and see her in order to persuade her.' Whilst these negotiations were taking place, an unexpected event freed Margaret from this distasteful marriage, though it added another sorrow to her lot.
In September of the same year her brother Philip was attacked by a malignant fever at Burgos, brought on, it was said, by indulgence or over-exercise, and for days lay ill in raging delirium, not without strong suspicions of poison. He was assiduously attended by his wife Joanna, who never left his side, but in spite of all her care the disorder rapidly gained ground, and on the sixth day after his attack, on September 25th, he breathed his last. Philip was only twenty-eight years old, and had been King of Castile two months, dating from hisrecognition by the Cortes. After his death Queen Joanna still stayed by his side, deaf to all condolence or remonstrance, to all appearance unmoved. She calmly gave orders that her husband's body should be carried in state to the great hall of the Constable's palace upon a splendid catafalque of cloth of gold, the body clad in ermine-lined robes of rich brocade, the head covered by a jewelled cap, and a magnificent diamond cross upon the breast. A throne had been erected at the end of the hall, and upon this the corpse was arranged, seated as if in life. During the whole of the night the vigils for the dead were intoned by friars before the throne, and when the sunlight crept through the windows the body, stripped of its incongruous finery, was opened and embalmed and placed in a lead coffin, from which, for the rest of her life, Joanna never willingly parted.'[26]
PHILIPPE LE BEL
PHILIPPE LE BELFROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FLEMISH SCHOOL)View larger image
Philip left six children—Eleanor, Charles (afterwards the Emperor CharlesV.), Isabella, Ferdinand, Mary, and a little daughter, Katharine, born five months after his death. Philip was of middle height, and had a fair, florid complexion, regular features, long flowing locks, and a well-made figure. He was so distinguished for his good looks that he is designated on the roll of Spanish sovereigns asFelipe el Hermoso, or the Handsome. His mental endowments were not so extraordinary. The father of CharlesV.possessed scarcely a single quality in common with his remarkable son. His poor wife Joanna never recovered his loss, her mind became more and more affected, and though she survived him for nearly half a century, she dragged out her cheerless existence a sort of state-prisoner in the palace of Tordesillas, a queen only in name.
Margaret herself composed her brother's Latin epitaph, which ended with a cry of anguish from the Lamentations of Jeremiah:—
Ecce iterum novus dolor accidit!Nec satis erat infortunissimæ Cæsaris filiæConjugem amisisse dilectissimum,Nisi etiam fratrem unicumMors aspera subriperet!Doleo super te, frater mi Philippe,Rex optime,Nec est qui me consoletur!O vos omnes qui transitis per viam,'Attendite et videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus!'[27]
Ecce iterum novus dolor accidit!Nec satis erat infortunissimæ Cæsaris filiæConjugem amisisse dilectissimum,Nisi etiam fratrem unicumMors aspera subriperet!Doleo super te, frater mi Philippe,Rex optime,Nec est qui me consoletur!O vos omnes qui transitis per viam,'Attendite et videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus!'[27]
Ecce iterum novus dolor accidit!
Nec satis erat infortunissimæ Cæsaris filiæ
Conjugem amisisse dilectissimum,
Nisi etiam fratrem unicum
Mors aspera subriperet!
Doleo super te, frater mi Philippe,
Rex optime,
Nec est qui me consoletur!
O vos omnes qui transitis per viam,
'Attendite et videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus!'[27]
Erasmus also dedicated a Latin eulogy to the archduke, and Jean le Maire, who had been attached to his person, addressed some verses to Margaret entitled: 'Les regrets de la dame infortunée sur le trespas de son très chier frère unicque.' She also received a sympathetic letter of condolence from LouisXII. Her reply, written from Bourg where she was staying, is as follows:—
'Monseigneur, très-humblement à vostre bonne grace me recommande; Monseigneur, j'ay par vostre président Villeneufve receu voz bonnes et gracieuses lettres et ouï ce que de vostre part il m'a dit et présenté dont ne vous saurois assez humblement remercier, mesmement le bon vouloir qu'aves à messieurs mes nepveurs et à moi, auquels, Monseigneur, vous supplie vouloir continuer et avoir toujours mes dits seigneurs mes nepveurs, leurs païs et affaires et moi, en bonne et singulière recommandation; ce que m'assureferés volentiers, ensuyvant le contenu de vos dites lettres; et s'il y a chose en quoi vous puisse faire service, de tout mon pouvoir le ferai, aydant Nostre Seigneur auquel je prie, Monseigneur, vous donner bonne vie et longue. Escript à Bourg, 25 Octobre 1506.' Addressed: 'Monseigneur, Monseigneur le Roy de France.'
But although her brother was dead, HenryVII.had not given up all hope of winning the reluctant Margaret for his bride. On October 1st he wrote to her father that 'he has been informed that Madame Margaret makes great difficulties about ratifying the treaty of marriage'; and then threatens 'it would not be a thing to be wondered if he were to accept one of the great and honourable matches which are daily offered to him on all sides.' On October 31st we read that 'the French ambassadors are on their way to England, in order to offer to the King the daughter of the Duke of Angoulême in marriage. But the King of England has decided not to accept the proposal, as he still hopes to obtain the hand of the Duchess Margaret.' However, his hopes were vain, and Margaret was stern in her refusal. Henry next proposed to marry Joanna, the widowed Queen of Castile, but this iniquitous plan too was thwarted, and he remained a widower to the end of his life. Philip's death imposed new cares and duties upon Margaret; his children were left minors, and upon them she lavished the wealth of affection which fate had denied her giving to her own offspring. Her nephew Charles was her especial care, and he could hardly have entered political life under better tutelage, though his aunt's masterful nature may have checked the development of his own individuality.
By King Philip's death the Netherlands were left without a ruler, for his eldest son Charles was barely six years old. A few weeks later, at eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th of October 1506, the deputies from the provinces assembled at Malines in the Salle de la Cour to discuss the desirability of appointing a regent for the Netherlands, and a governor for King Philip's children. The fair-haired child the Archduke Charles was present with the members of his family, his Council, and the Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, all clothed in the deepest mourning. After a long preamble, in which he recounted the chief events in Philip's last voyage to Spain, the Chancellor of Burgundy proposed that the deputies should choose a regent and provide for the tutelage of the late king's children.
The representatives from Brabant, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland voted for the emperor; those from Flanders, Artois, Lille, Douai, and Orchiés said they were without instructions; but the deputies from Hainault and Namur refused to express an opinion, fearing to annoy the King of France, whose troops were already threatening their frontiers. The choice was therefore left to the States of Brabant, who immediately sent their ambassadors to Ems to offer the regency to Maximilian. Pleased with thedeference the States had shown him, he accepted their offer; but, under pretext of the burden of state affairs arising from the management of his kingdom, he deputed his daughter Margaret to bring up and educate Philip's children, under his direction, and appointed her regent of her nephew's dominions until he should come of age.
At Maximilian's invitation the States-General of the Netherlands met at Louvain in March 1507 to arrange for Margaret's installation. The Duke of Juliers, in the name of the emperor, administered the oath of 'mambour,' or governess; Margaret was then recognised as Governess-General and Guardian of Philip's children.
'Maximilian,' says Garnier, 'could not have chosen a more able and intelligent minister; she was also the most dangerous and active enemy that France could have.' The emperor, who was the most fickle of men, was only constant in his hatred of France. In order to feed this inborn aversion, he often re-read what he called his red book. This book was a register in which he noted carefully all the slights that France had made him and his country suffer, in order, he said, to pay her (France) off at his leisure; and in August of the same year (1507) he made a furious speech at the Diet of Constance, in which he called LouisXII.an ambitious traitor, a perjurer, and a disturber of Christianity.
Margaret chose Malines for her residence, and here for many years she held her Court. As the principal home of the Regent of the Netherlands, Malines, already a flourishing city, gained much in riches and importance. Its motto,In fide constans, had been given to the town in recognition of the courage and fidelity of its inhabitants, who had oftenproved their loyalty to the House of Burgundy. This fact may have influenced Margaret's choice of Malines as her principal residence, but it had also been the home of her godmother, Margaret of York, sister of EdwardIV.of England, the last Duchess of Burgundy, known as 'Madame la Grande,' who had been a second mother to her in her early youth, before she left her home for Amboise. Margaret of York had died at Malines in 1505. Her husband had settled the town and seigniory upon her as dowry, and besides an income of sixteen thousand florins or 'Philippus d'or,' she also owned the palace called La Cour de Cambray, which she had bought, as the Court possessed no residence at Malines, and left it in her will to Philip and his sister. Margaret lived in this palace, which was later known as the 'Cour de l'Empereur,' with her nephew Charles and his three sisters, Eleanor, Isabella, and Mary. Her youngest nephew, Ferdinand, had remained in Spain with his grandfather, the King of Aragon, who educated him, and whose favourite he became. Philip's youngest daughter, Katharine, born after his death, shared her mother's captivity in the old palace of Tordesillas, until her marriage seventeen years later.
Finding that the palace at Malines was not large enough for all her requirements, Margaret persuaded Maximilian to buy another house exactly opposite belonging to Jérôme Lauwrin, which he presented to her after redecorating and altering it to suit her requirements. On July 6th, 1507, she made her solemn entry into the town and installed herself in the palace with her nephew and nieces.[28]