CHARLES V AND HIS TWO SISTERS,
ELEANOR AGED FOUR, CHARLES AGED TWO AND A HALF,ISABEL AGED ONE YEAR AND THREE MONTHSPainted in 1502,(MARGARET'S COLLECTION) NOW IN THE IMPERIAL MUSEUM, VIENNAView larger image
Jehan le Maire gives an interesting account of a memorial service in memory of Philip, King of Castile, held at Malines a few days later in the church of Saint Rombault on Sunday the 18th of July 1507. This record of an eye-witness is addressed to the 'très illustre et très claire princesse, Madame Marguerite d'Autriche.'[29]
In his description of the gorgeous procession, headed by the late king's officers and servants, which slowly wound its way through the streets of Malines to the cathedral church of Saint Rombault, Le Maire enumerates the motley crowd of priests and chaplains, begging friars, lawyers, and deputies from the states in their robes of office, the processions from various churches, and all the guilds of Malines in their state costume, carrying countless crosses and banners, followed by a crowd of humbler citizens bearing flaring torches. The procession of ambassadors, bishops, and nobles with their arms and devices; each contingent led by heralds on richly caparisoned chargers carrying the arms and banners of Hapsburg and Burgundy, with the banners of King Philip's ancestors, those of the Emperor Frederick, Charles the Bold, Isabel of Bourbon, and Mary of Burgundy being minutely described. In the midst of his chronicle Le Maire suddenly addresses Margaret:— 'You, gracious lady and princess, were also present, secretly praying in your oratory for the soul of your only brother, whom may God absolve, very simply dressed in your mourning, and covered by a veil, in company with your noble ladies.'
In the cathedral, the young Archduke Charles sat facing the pulpit, whilst the late king's confessor, John, Bishop of Salubri, preached the funeral oration,dwelling at much length on King Philip's virtues and great gifts. Le Maire relates that the large congregation was so touched by his eloquence that many were melted to tears, and he adds: 'I believe, very gracious Madame, ... that you too were secretly weeping in your oratory.'
At the end of high mass, when the Bishop of Arras pronounced the words, 'Et verbum caro factum est,' the heralds cast down their banners on the marble floor before the high altar, and the king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece threw his staff of office on the ground and cried three times, 'The king is dead.' After a pause he picked it up, and raising it above his head, proclaimed: 'Long live Don Charles, by the grace of God Archduke of Austria and Prince of Spain.' ... Then the first herald raised his banner, and waving it on high, cried, 'Of Burgundy, of Lostrick, and of Brabant.' And the second herald took up the cry, as he lifted his banner, proclaiming Charles 'Count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, Palatine of Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Namur, and Zutphen.' Then the third and fourth heralds raised their banners and continued the stately roll-call, ending with 'Marquis of the Holy Empire, Lord of Friesland, of Salins and Malines!'
The cap of mourning which had been worn by the young prince was now removed from his head by the king-at-arms, who took the great sword, which had been blessed by the bishop, from the altar, and held it in front of the Archduke Charles, thus addressing him: 'Prince Imperial and royal, this sword of justice is given to you from God ... and from your noble ancestors ... that you may protect the most Holy Faith and all your kingdoms....'
The king-at-arms then kissed the sword and gaveit into the young archduke's hands, who took it by the hilt, and, with the point in the air, advanced and knelt before the high altar.[30]
HenryVII., writing on October 18th, 1506, to condole with Maximilian on the death of his son, promised to remain his good friend and the friend of the Prince of Castile, and to assist them in everything. If King Philip had lived, he says, the treaties which he had concluded with him would have been carried out. Maximilian replied that he 'hopes Henry will not forsake the poor orphan, who is Maximilian's son as well as Henry's.'
The few years of Philip's government had been relatively peaceful, but at his death troubles broke out anew. It is difficult to draw a line between the Dutch and Flemings, yet the Dutch provinces were, as a whole, distinct in character and interests from the Flemish; and much more deeply were the commercial and manufacturing Flemish provinces divided from the French-speaking states of Artois, Hainault, West Flanders, Luxembourg, and Franche Comté. The latter were held under the empire, and the youthful Charles, as Count of Flanders, was also a peer of France. The princely diocese of Liége, French in language and sympathy, but politically connected with the empire, was only separated from the Flemish group by the Burgundian lordship of Namur, Limburg, and Luxembourg. Lorraine stood between Franche Comté and the Netherlands, Franche Comté having a far closer connection with the Swiss than with the Netherlands, whilst the fortunes of Limburg and Luxembourg were destined to be quite distinct from those of the Dutch and Flemish provinces. It was to be the task of the future ruler to revivemonarchical institutions and to create a national unity among alien races and interests. At Philip's death Charles succeeded to a wasted heritage. All the chief factories and industries peculiar to the Netherlands had dwindled and diminished, and even the fishing fleet of former days had shrunk to only a few sail in some of the ports of the Zuyder Zee.
During the early years of Charles's life we only get a few glimpses of a shy and inarticulate boy. We read of him dancing round a bonfire with his sisters on Saint John's Day. His grandfather, Maximilian, gave him a wooden horse, and amongst his prized possessions was a sledge in the form of a ship, with masts, ropes, and flags. In games, like most children, he liked to be on the winning side. When he and his page played at battles between Turks and Christians, Charles was always a Christian, and the page, who commanded the paynim host, complained that the Christians were always made to win. The boy was brought up to like manly sports. He shot skilfully with the bow, and took great delight in hunting, which pleased the old Emperor Maximilian, for otherwise, he wrote, the boy could not be his legitimate grandson. Charles as a child is described as graceful and well-built, but his face was pale, and he looked delicate. His long projecting lower jaw, so peculiar to the Hapsburg family, embarrassed mastication and caused hesitation in his speech. He had clear and steady eyes, and a calm, intellectual forehead which gave a pleasant and dignified expression to his face. His childhood was spent at Malines, and there watched over by his aunt Margaret he was brought up in the strict etiquette of the Burgundian Court.
Charles was devoted to music, a taste which hecultivated throughout his life. As a boy we hear of him and his sister Eleanor having lessons on the clavicord and other instruments from the organist of the chapel. He was carefully educated. His grandfather appointed William de Croy, Lord of Chièvre, as his governor, and he was taught to read and write by Juan de Verd, who in 1505 was succeeded by another Spaniard, Luis Vaca, who after six years gave up his charge to Adrian of Utrecht, Dean of Louvain, the future Pope AdrianIV. But the boy was not a willing pupil; he complained of being educated as if he were intended for a schoolmaster. The future ruler of so many vast kingdoms was never a good linguist. He learned very little Latin, and was never proficient in German. Two years after he became King of Castile and Aragon he only knew a few words of the national language. His knowledge of Italian was barely elementary. Flemish was the tongue of his birthplace, but he did not begin to learn it until he was thirteen. French was his natural language, but he neither spoke nor wrote it with any elegance. Of theology the champion of Catholicism knew little or nothing. He could scarcely read the Vulgate, and in his latter years his comprehension thereof had to be aided by very simple commentary. Mathematics he studied when over thirty, as he believed they were essential to the career of a great captain.[31]
ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD
ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILDFROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE,IN THE POSSESSION OF M. CHARLES LÉON CARDOU, BRUSSSELSView larger image
At the time of Margaret's appointment as Governess of the Netherlands she was twenty-seven years old. She is described as a 'fair young woman with golden hair, rounded cheeks, a grave mouth, and beautiful clear eyes.' And when she reappeared in Flanders, with the added charm born of her many sorrows, she was received with unanimous joy by allthe people, with whom she was extremely popular. Amongst other poems written at this time in her honour the following was composed by Jean Molinet, her librarian and almoner:—
LE RETOUR DE MADAME MARGUERITE.
Fleur de noblesse, odorant Marguerite,Germe sacré de royal origine,Manne du ciel, rameau plein de mérite,Palme de paix jurée et bien escripte,Du bien public exquise médecine,Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine,Chefz d'œvre sont; mieulx faire on ne pourroit:D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit.Toutes feuilles tendrettesChéent d'autres fleurettesQuand vent de bise poinct:Marguerites proprettesSans périr toujours prestesDemeurent en ung point.Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle,Bonté, beaulté d'une fleur de Bourbon.Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalleDes Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale,Semence et vie et de terroz fort bon:Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon,Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse,Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse:Vertu vous environne;Elle croist et fleuronneEn vous et point n'empire;Digne estes d'avoir throsne,Royal sceptre et couronne.D'ung glorieux empire.Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantéeAu fleurissant, souef verger de France,Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltée.Se pour aultre en estes dejectée,Portez le doux sans amère souffrance.Qui souffre il vainct; vivez en espérance.A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantée,Plourer comme femme desconfortée.Entre fleurons de lys,Doulx que pommes de lys,Avez été nourrieSans vicieux délictsDe vertus ennoblis,Ayant grant seigneurie.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt;Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye;L'œil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt,Le cueur qui pense à vous se resjouyt,La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie;Peuple même, qui va courant sa voye,Après vous tend œil, cueur, bouche et oreille,Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille.Chef d'œuvre tres parfaict,Mygnonement bien faict,Fleur de riche vallue,Où rien n'est imparfaict,Prenez en gré mon faict;Molinet vous salue.
Fleur de noblesse, odorant Marguerite,Germe sacré de royal origine,Manne du ciel, rameau plein de mérite,Palme de paix jurée et bien escripte,Du bien public exquise médecine,Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine,Chefz d'œvre sont; mieulx faire on ne pourroit:D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit.
Fleur de noblesse, odorant Marguerite,
Germe sacré de royal origine,
Manne du ciel, rameau plein de mérite,
Palme de paix jurée et bien escripte,
Du bien public exquise médecine,
Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine,
Chefz d'œvre sont; mieulx faire on ne pourroit:
D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit.
Toutes feuilles tendrettesChéent d'autres fleurettesQuand vent de bise poinct:Marguerites proprettesSans périr toujours prestesDemeurent en ung point.
Toutes feuilles tendrettes
Chéent d'autres fleurettes
Quand vent de bise poinct:
Marguerites proprettes
Sans périr toujours prestes
Demeurent en ung point.
Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle,Bonté, beaulté d'une fleur de Bourbon.Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalleDes Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale,Semence et vie et de terroz fort bon:Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon,Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse,Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse:
Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle,
Bonté, beaulté d'une fleur de Bourbon.
Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalle
Des Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale,
Semence et vie et de terroz fort bon:
Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon,
Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse,
Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse:
Vertu vous environne;Elle croist et fleuronneEn vous et point n'empire;Digne estes d'avoir throsne,Royal sceptre et couronne.D'ung glorieux empire.
Vertu vous environne;
Elle croist et fleuronne
En vous et point n'empire;
Digne estes d'avoir throsne,
Royal sceptre et couronne.
D'ung glorieux empire.
Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantéeAu fleurissant, souef verger de France,Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltée.Se pour aultre en estes dejectée,Portez le doux sans amère souffrance.Qui souffre il vainct; vivez en espérance.A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantée,Plourer comme femme desconfortée.
Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantée
Au fleurissant, souef verger de France,
Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltée.
Se pour aultre en estes dejectée,
Portez le doux sans amère souffrance.
Qui souffre il vainct; vivez en espérance.
A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantée,
Plourer comme femme desconfortée.
Entre fleurons de lys,Doulx que pommes de lys,Avez été nourrieSans vicieux délictsDe vertus ennoblis,Ayant grant seigneurie.
Entre fleurons de lys,
Doulx que pommes de lys,
Avez été nourrie
Sans vicieux délicts
De vertus ennoblis,
Ayant grant seigneurie.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt;Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye;L'œil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt,Le cueur qui pense à vous se resjouyt,La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie;Peuple même, qui va courant sa voye,Après vous tend œil, cueur, bouche et oreille,Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille.
Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt;
Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye;
L'œil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt,
Le cueur qui pense à vous se resjouyt,
La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie;
Peuple même, qui va courant sa voye,
Après vous tend œil, cueur, bouche et oreille,
Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille.
Chef d'œuvre tres parfaict,Mygnonement bien faict,Fleur de riche vallue,Où rien n'est imparfaict,Prenez en gré mon faict;Molinet vous salue.
Chef d'œuvre tres parfaict,
Mygnonement bien faict,
Fleur de riche vallue,
Où rien n'est imparfaict,
Prenez en gré mon faict;
Molinet vous salue.
Jean Molinet,Bibliothécaire et Aumônier deMarguerite d'Autriche.
Margaret was lucky in her councillors. She was seconded by such clever and devoted ministers as Burgo, Mélun, Viry, Le Vaux, Caulies, Mercurin de Gattinare, Ferry de Carondelet, and Albert Pio. One of the ablest amongst them was Mercurin de Gattinare, who came of a noble family of Verceil, and was one of the greatest jurisconsuls of his time. He had been a councillor of the late Duke of Savoy's, and afterwards president of the Parliament of Franche Comté. In 1508 Maximilian sent him to LouisXII.'sCourt to negotiate on the subject of the Treaty of Cambray.
On February 3rd, 1507, Margaret wrote from Malines to James d'Albion, King Ferdinand's ambassador in France, that 'she was very sorry that the peace between the King of France and the King of the Romans was not concluded. If the King of France should attack the estates of Prince Charles,' she says, 'she would do her best to defend them, and she hopes that the King of England and King Ferdinand would assist her. She begs that this may be communicated to King Ferdinand.'
Margaret was no sooner invested with the government of the Netherlands than, accompanied by her young nephew, she visited all the towns of Flanders, and promised in the prince's name to preserve the rights and privileges of the seventeen provinces, whose homage and oath of fidelity she received. Mercurin de Gattinare paid homage to LouisXII.in her name for the county of Charollais and the Burgundian territories. The letter in which he tells Margaret of the accomplishment of his mission contains this curious passage: 'J'ai fait vostre hommage entre les mains du roi, et l'ai baisé en vostre lieu, et me répliqua encore de nouveau qu'il eût mieux aimé vous baiser que moi.'
On July 20th, 1507, Margaret convoked the States-General at Malines, and asked them to levy a 'philippus' on each household. This tax was to be employed in paying the army in Gueldres, and in redeeming the prince's mortgaged lands. The States did not welcome this proposal, but voted a subsidy of 200,000 philippus. Charles, who was now seven years old, made his first public speech before the States at Louvain, where Margaret had cleverlybrought him to support her claim for the subsidy. Its purport was understood rather from his gestures than the sounding quality of the boyish voice; but at all events, the chronicler adds, the people could not fail to be well pleased. Reassembled at Ghent, the States refused to support the cost of an army of 10,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, which Margaret judged necessary to guard the country during the prince's minority. They objected that in the present circumstances this levy seemed to them useless; but if the country was really threatened it should be attended to; yet at that very moment Holland and Brabant were attacked by the Duke of Gueldres, aided and abetted by the King of France.
The States' refusal to grant proper subsidies greatly irritated Maximilian. In a remarkable letter he tried to show them that the war with Gueldres was not only of interest to Brabant, as they pretended, but to all the Netherlands, and that all ought to take part in it. He recalls how the princes of the House of Burgundy had laboured from the days of Charles the Bold to reduce the duchy of Gueldres, and the efforts of the French kings to defraud them of their legitimate rights. He complains above all of LouisXII., who had employed every imaginable means to leave the contested country to Charles of Egmont. 'And what is his real aim?' he asks. 'He pretends through the medium of the said country of Gueldres to separate our country from the Holy Empire, and from the House of Burgundy, so as to better hold this country in subjection.'
On September 16th Maximilian wrote to Margaret to acknowledge her letters in which she requested him to come to Flanders in order to conclude a newalliance with England. He has, he says, been prevented from doing so, but begs that King Henry may be amused with false hopes, and kept from concluding an alliance with France and Spain. 'If she would consent to marry the King of England, it might be arranged that she should remain Governess of the Netherlands, and pass three or four months every year in her own country.'
A few days later De Puebla, writing from England to King Ferdinand, informs him that ambassadors have arrived at the English Court from Maximilian and from Flanders, the former to beg King Henry to make war against France, alleging that the French king was usurping his grandson's (Prince Charles's) dominions. The ambassador also broached the subject of the prince's marriage with Princess Mary, King Henry's daughter. The Flemish ambassador, Don Diego de Gueyara, told the king that King Louis had declared war against all the seigniories of Burgundy, and invaded them with an army, excepting Flanders and Artois, which two provinces recognised the sovereignty of France, and the appeals from their tribunals went direct to the Parliament of Paris. The ambassador begged for King Henry's help against France and the Duke of Gueldres. The English king promised to ask the French monarch not to meddle in German affairs, but at the same time he wished to keep friends with France, and so put off the ambassadors with polite and general phrases which meant nothing. De Puebla adds in a postscript: 'The King of England sends six horses and some greyhounds to the Archduchess Margaret, and a letter.'
A few weeks later De Puebla tells King Ferdinand that Margaret had sent a very loving letter to KingHenry the previous week, holding out hopes that her father would send a 'great personage' as ambassador to England with full powers to conclude all the treaties which her brother Philip had arranged, and if necessary to grant more favourable conditions. De Puebla states that when he asked King Henry what the treaties were about, the king replied 'they were very good treaties, and very advantageous to himself personally, and also to his kingdom, for, besides his own marriage with the Archduchess Margaret, an alliance had been concluded between the Archduke Charles and his daughter, Princess Mary, and all matters respecting commerce settled according to his wishes.' De Puebla wound up his letter by informing Ferdinand that King Henry was anxious to keep friends with the Emperor Maximilian, and not to break off negotiations with him, at any rate not without first consulting the King of Aragon.
On December 4th Maximilian wrote to Margaret acknowledging her letters and the articles concluded between the Flemish and English ambassadors. He told her that the French king had complained to the Pope, King Ferdinand, and even to the Diet of Constance, that he (Maximilian) had broken his word in marrying Prince Charles to Princess Mary. In order to satisfy his honour the emperor requests that a clause should be inserted in the marriage treaty to the effect that the whole treaty should be null and void, and not even the penalty paid if the King of France declare himself ready, within one year, to marry his daughter Claude to Prince Charles. On the 21st of December 1507 two treaties were drawn up and dated Calais. One, a treaty of alliance between HenryVII., Maximilian and Prince Charles,was practically the same as the former treaty concluded between Henry and the Archduke Philip; and the other, concerning the marriage of the Archduke Charles with the Princess Mary, was between HenryVII., Maximilian, the Archduke Charles and the Archduchess Margaret, but was unsigned. In this treaty the Archduke Charles is to conclude the marriage with the Princess Mary, either in person or by proxy, before the following Easter. He is to contract the marriage by ambassadors sent to England for the purpose within forty days after he has completed his fourteenth year. The King of England is to send Princess Mary to the Archduke Charles within three months after the marriage shall have been contractedper verba de præsenti. The dowry to consist of 250,000 crowns. The Emperor Maximilian, the Archduchess Margaret, Charles de Croy, Henry, Count of Nassau, bind themselves to pay 250,000 crowns to King Henry if the Archduke refuses to contract the marriage. The King of England and his nobles bind themselves to pay an equal sum to Maximilian if Princess Mary refuses to fulfil the agreement. The treaty to be ratified by the contracting parties before the following Feast of Easter.
An interesting account exists of an interview between King Henry's ambassador and the Emperor Maximilian. In it we learn that the emperor had long conferences with his daughter respecting her marriage with King Henry, which had been settled by her brother Philip. In order to persuade Margaret, Maximilian told her that the marriage was necessary for the good of the House of Austria, besides being honourable to her, the King of England being 'such a pattern of all the virtues.' He addedthat it was also necessary on account of commerce, and in order to secure the Spanish succession, and keep the Duke of Gueldres at bay; without it the King of England might marry into another family and endanger the marriage between Prince Charles and Princess Mary. The emperor told the English ambassador that the Archduchess was fully aware of King Henry's many virtues, and that should she marry again, she would marry no one else but him. But as she has already been three times unfortunate in her marriages, she is much disinclined to make another trial. Besides, she said she believed she should have no children, and that she might thereby displease the King of England. Seeing that he could not prevail on Margaret to change her mind, her father called the Privy Council together, his grandson Charles being present. The question of the marriage was once more discussed, but the Archduchess remained firm in her decision. The ambassador remarks: 'From all this it is clear that the emperor has done all in his power to persuade his daughter to consent to the marriage, and that he can do nothing more.' But in spite of Margaret's absolute refusal to marry Henry, his agents for more than a year pressed her to reconsider her decision. The utmost that could be obtained was to prevail on her to write, from time to time, flattering letters to him in order to secure some advantages for her father.
On January 28th, 1508, Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Bolzano to tell her that 'he is sending Andreas de Burgo to England, and that he has ordered him to see her before he starts. Andreas has some money, but it may not be enough to defray his expenses; he has therefore given himdirections to take some money for his own use from the 100,000 gold crowns which the King of England is expected to give.' He also begs her to write a pleasant letter to King Henry.
A few weeks later Maximilian again wrote to Margaret excusing himself for not having sent the ratifications of the treaties with England. He has been so much occupied, he says, with his great undertakings in Italy and Spain, that he has really had no time to attend to that business; but he has now done so.
In May of the same year HenryVII.wrote a letter to Sir John Wiltshire, Comptroller of Calais, about a correspondence with Margaret, in which King Henry tried to persuade her to arrange a meeting with him at Calais to treat with him in person about her nephew's marriage with Princess Mary. He suggests that some 'discreet and able personages' should be sent on before to 'reduce the said matters to a final and perfect conclusion' before he and Margaret met, so that when they did meet they could talk of 'other pleasant and comfortable matters,' and all business could be concluded before their meeting. But Margaret does not seem to have accepted this invitation, and the meeting so much desired by King Henry did not take place.
On July 23rd Maximilian wrote to tell her that he has received her letters, in which she begs him to alter the instructions given to his ambassadors who are starting for England. He says he cannot do so, as she knows that the principal reason which has induced him to betroth Prince Charles to Princess Mary is to get a good sum of money from the King of England. King Henry has promised 100,000 crowns, but has requested that in the security to begiven by the towns of Flanders, each town should be responsible for the whole sum. But the utmost that the towns can be induced to do is that each town would be responsible for a certain portion. If the King of England is not content with this proposal, it will show that he loves money more than his friend, and the marriage of his daughter with Prince Charles shall not take place. But Maximilian adds, 'should the Flemish towns after all be willing to sign the bonds in the manner the King of England wishes, he will not object.'
HenryVII., who had been ailing for some time, now fell seriously ill, and his illness appears to have been the cause of the postponement of Prince Charles's marriage with Princess Mary, which was to have been solemnised before the Feast of Easter. Johannes de Berghes was deputed to go to England and perform the ceremony according to the rites of the Church, in the name of the Archduke.
'On the 7th of October 1508 Charles was indeed wedded by proxy to the English princess, and at the age of eight wrote or rather signed his first love-letter, addressed to little Princess Mary Tudor, to whom he presented a jewel bearing the monogram K., and the posy,Maria optimam partem elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea.
'This was the last of HenryVII.'s many diplomatic triumphs; and it was no nominal momentary union, but was confirmed in 1513, and the boy-bridegroom then visited his brother-in-law HenryVIII.in his newly-won city of Tournay, his first royal visit. The following year the future King of Spain and Queen of France were parted in the shuffling of the cards, and although Mary Tudor married the old French king, statesmen on both sides regretted themore natural alliance. Before six years more had passed Charles was pledged to his betrothed's younger namesake, and thirty-four years later he showed all a young lover's eagerness in courting this second Mary Tudor for his son Philip.'[32]
Though Margaret's time was now fully occupied by her new duties, she did not forget the work she had begun at Brou. Early in 1508, immediately after her arrival in Brussels, she made a will, designating the church of the monastery of Saint Nicolas de Tolentin at Brou, near Bourg-en-Bresse, as her place of sepulture, where she wished to be buried near 'her very dear lord and husband.' 'The Duke Philibert of Savoy to lie between her and his mother, Madame de Bourbon.'
By an endowment she ensured the building of the monastery and the church of Brou, and the erection of the three tombs. Solemn religious services were to be performed there during each season, and only on certain days the people and magistrates were to be allowed to enter the sanctuary to offer up their prayers with those of the priests and monks. She also made gifts to the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg, and to several religious houses in the town, on condition that they should hold certain services; and she left legacies to the hospital, infirmary, and plague-house, and dowered fifty marriageable maidens of Bresse and fifty of Burgundy. Lastly, she ordained the ceremony of bringing her body to Bresse and the details of her funeral. All these provisions she made, lest death should take herunawares and stop the work she had so much at heart. This interesting will, expressing as it does Margaret's most intimate thoughts, also throws great light on the customs and practices of the time. The document is dated March 4th, 1508, and confirmed by a codicil twenty-two years later, in 1530.
From the year 1508 Margaret's life is no longer a private one. The part she took in politics from the date of her investiture as Governess of the Netherlands until her death belongs to European history. By her talents, ability, and rare aptitude for business she eclipsed more powerful rulers, and soon became the pivot of political life in Europe.
Strong as she was in the qualities her father lacked, she yet knew how to defer to his wishes, whilst holding strongly to her own opinions, and was always an affectionate and dutiful daughter. Maximilian's radical inconstancy and indecision of temper led him into many troubles, and his extravagance involved him in perpetual pecuniary difficulties, which destroyed all dignity of character; but he seems to have had the greatest admiration and respect for his clever daughter, to whose wise judgment he constantly deferred, as his many letters to her testify.
The warlike Pontiff, JuliusII., had announced his intention of 'driving the barbarians out of Italy by force of arms.' He it was who first instigated the League which was to prove so disastrous to France, and was to be the cause of so many years of bloodshed in Italy.
JuliusII.had been favourably impressed by Margaret's exemplary piety, and the respect and deference she had shown towards the Holy See. On several occasions he willingly granted her requests,and also sent her many relics and objects of devotion, amongst others two thorns from the true Cross, which, until the eighteenth century, were still preserved at Brou.
The League so desired by the Pope, known to history as the League of Cambray, was soon brought into discussion between the great powers of Europe. Two subjects were to be negotiated at the conference: the one consisted in the reconciliation of the Duke of Gueldres with the government of the Archduke Charles, and the other, which was to be kept secret, was the formation of a league against the Venetians. The princes who were to take part in it were the Pope, the King of France, the Emperor Maximilian, and Ferdinand, King of Aragon. HenryVII.of England, whose daughter Mary was betrothed to the Archduke Charles, had a direct interest in the Congress, as the Archduke's affairs were, ostensibly at least, the principal subject of the deliberations, but he does not seem to have been invited to join it. He begged the Archduchess Margaret, through Edmund Wingfield, to combine with the Cardinal of Amboise, in order that Ferdinand might be excluded from the negotiations and from the intended treaty; but the result was such as might have been anticipated—Henry did not exclude Ferdinand from the League, but Ferdinand excluded Henry from all advantage in it. This exclusion was so complete that, whilst the King of Hungary, the Duke of Milan, the Dukes of Savoy and Ferrara, and even the Marquis of Mantua were invited to join it, Henry's name was not even mentioned, though, as an afterthought, his ambassador was allowed to be present at the meetings. Moreover, the emperor and Ferdinand, who untilnow had been at variance, were reconciled, and postponed their differences concerning the regency of Spain until the war against Venice should be concluded.
On October the 8th Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Schoenhoven in answer to a letter of hers asking for his permission for the Papal Legate to confer the rite of confirmation on the Archduke Charles and his sisters.
'Very dear and much-loved daughter,—We have received your letters in which you tell us that you think it well that the Legate should, before his departure, confer the holy Sacrament of Confirmation upon our dear and much-loved grandchildren, and that he has agreed with you to do so; but because our dearly loved grandson Charles is at Lyère, you do not know which we prefer, whether our said grandson should be brought to our granddaughters at Malines, or our granddaughters to him. In consulting our wishes in everything you give us much pleasure. Wherefore, very dear and much-loved daughter, we inform you that we are content that our said grandson travel to Malines to receive the said holy Sacrament and the benediction of the said Legate, in our name and his. And for this reason we are now writing to our very dear and loyal cousin the Prince of Chimay to take him there. Until then, much-beloved daughter, may our Lord have you in His holy keeping.'[33]
On the 27th of October Maximilian again wrote to Margaret informing her that 'he has heard that she is preparing to go to the Congress of Cambray. As he is told that a great number of strangers areexpected, he advises her to engage all the houses on one side of the town, and to leave the other half to the Cardinal of Amboise. She must,' he says, 'take the English ambassadors to Cambray, especially Wingfield, and admit them to the deliberations. If an ambassador from the King of Aragon come, she is to ask him whether he is provided with authority from the king, and if he is, to admit him.'
He tells her that 'his ambassadors have not yet gone to England, because he has not had time to furnish them with instructions. He has now ordered them to set out immediately, and will send the instructions after them.' Breda, 27th October 1508.[34]
In November 1508 Edward Wingfield wrote to Margaret to inform her that 'HenryVII.has it much at heart that the affairs of the Emperor and the Prince, his son (Prince Charles, his grandson), should be settled to the greatest advantage in the approaching Congress of Cambray, and that their enemies should be entirely discomfited. As long as the alliance between the King of France and the King of Aragon continues, he says, it is to be feared that the principal enemy of the Emperor and Prince Charles will triumph. For if he be assisted by France, the King of Aragon will most probably be able, not only to keep the usurped government of Castile in his own hands, and the other dominions belonging to that kingdom, as long as he lives, but also to deprive the Prince of his right of succession. To prevent this, it seems to Henry that the best plan would be to exclude the King of Aragon from the treaties that are to be made at Cambray, and to sever the alliance existing between him and the King of France. The King of Aragon has usurped thegovernment of Castile only by means of the help of the King of France. If he were to be isolated, he would be unable to preserve it, and the Emperor would have it in his power, aided by those who are inimical to the King of Aragon, to take the government of that kingdom into his own hands....'[35]Margaret also kept ostensibly on the most friendly terms with LouisXII., whose correspondence with her about this time shows that to him at least she concealed her hatred of France. In each of his letters he takes a pleasure in reminding her of their early friendship and of their childish games, in the days when she was 'la petite Reine' at Amboise.
It is evident that being on such excellent terms with the chief sovereigns in Europe gave Margaret some advantage where negotiations and treaties were concerned. In fact she intervened as arbitrator or negotiator in most of the political events of this time. Her experience and knowledge of different countries made her old for her years. 'Madame Margaret,' says Jean le Maire, 'has seen and experienced more at her youthful age ... than any lady on record, however long her life.'
It is, therefore, not surprising that Margaret was deputed by Maximilian and Ferdinand to act as their representative at the forthcoming Congress. Hostilities had continued more actively than ever between the Duke of Gueldres and the provinces of the Netherlands. At last a truce of forty days was declared during which time Margaret went to Cambray to meet the Cardinal of Amboise, and to confer with him with a view to concluding a final peace. She arrived at Cambray in November 1508 with an escort of a hundred horsemen and a companyof archers. Half the town was reserved for her and her suite; the other half had been placed at the disposal of the Cardinal of Amboise, who was acting on behalf of the Pope and LouisXII., and was accompanied by Étienne de Poncher, Bishop of Paris, and Alberto Pio, Count of Carpi.
Margaret, invested with full powers by Maximilian, was escorted by Mathieu Lang, Bishop of Gurk, the emperor's confidant and secretary; Mercurin de Gattinare, President of the Burgundian Parliament; Jean Peters, President of the Council of Malines; Jean Gooselet, Abbot of Maroilles; and Jean Caulier, President of the Privy Council. She was also instructed to admit Jacques de Croy, Bishop of Cambray, and Edmund Wingfield, the English ambassador, to the negotiations, as well as King Ferdinand's envoy, if he should send one.
The Sieur de Chièvres (de Croy) and other members of the Burgundian Council accompanied the princess as far as Valenciennes, and remained there to receive daily reports of the proceedings at Cambray, and to give their help if necessary. Maximilian stayed at Malines to transact the business of the Netherlands during his daughter's absence. Du Bos, speaking of the part that Margaret played in the League of Cambray, says: 'This princess had a man's talent for managing business, in fact she was more capable than most men, for she added to her talents the fascination of her sex; brought up as she had been to hide her own feelings, conciliate her opponents, and persuade all parties that she was acting blindly in their interests.'
Another contemporary writer says: 'This princess received the Cardinal with great honour, captivated him by her courteous, insinuating, and caressingmanners, and was so successful in charming him, that he could refuse her nothing.'
Margaret and the Cardinal began by fixing the laws of the dependence of the principal provinces of the Netherlands with regard to France. LouisXII.did not wish to cede what he called the rights of his crown, and Margaret would not yield any of the prerogatives obtained by the last Dukes of Burgundy. She and the Cardinal had many hot disputes, and several times were on the point of separating. Margaret argued until she often had a headache, and we are told they 'cuydoient se prendre au poil.' Finally they agreed to leave the most difficult questions until the archduke should come of age. It was decided that Charles Egmont should have (provisionally) the duchy of Gueldres and the county of Zutphen, but that he should restore three or four places which he had taken in Holland to Charles, who, on his part, should give up certain castles which he still held in the duchy of Gueldres; that things should remain thus until the respective commissioners nominated by the Emperor Maximilian and the King of England on one side, and by the Kings of France and Scotland on the other, had examined the rights of both sides and given their decision.
With regard to the second part of this treaty, which was to be kept secret until it was executed, no difficulty was raised. It was to share the spoils of the Venetians, and this sharing was done in advance.
Maximilian and Ferdinand agreed to postpone their differences concerning the regency of Castile until this division was successfully accomplished. At last, on December the 10th, 1508, the League of Cambray was signed by Margaret of Austria and the Cardinal of Amboise, 'pour faire cesser les dommages,injures, rapines, et maux que les Vénitiens ont faits tant au Saint-Siège apostolique qu'au Saint Empire Romain, à la Maison d'Autriche, aux Ducs de Milan, aux Rois de Naples, etc.' Immediately after the treaty was signed, Margaret, the Cardinal, and King Ferdinand's ambassador took a solemn oath in the cathedral of Cambray to observe the treaty which they had just concluded. 'This League was the result of a new political system which was beginning to prevail in Europe: a coalition was formed between powers having different interests against a single state whose ruin they desired.'
Besides the Emperor Maximilian and LouisXII., Ferdinand of Aragon and Pope JuliusII.were included in the treaty and 'whoso else should claim that the Venetians were occupying any of his territory.' A pious preamble set forth the common desire of these princes to begin the crusade against the enemies of the name of Christ, and the obstacles that the Venetians offered to this holy purpose by ambitiously occupying cities that belonged to the Church; these obstacles the allies proposed to remove, in order afterwards to proceed unitedly to such a holy and necessary expedition. 'In the division of the spoils the Pope was to have Faenza, Rimini, Ravenna, and Cervia, which no doubt did belong to the Holy See, in the same way as the rest of Romagna might be said to belong to the Papal States; Maximilian was to have Padua, Vicenza, and Verona, as belonging to him in the name of the Empire, and Friuli and Treviso as pertaining to the House of Austria; the King of France, Cremona, the Ghiradadda, Brescia, Bergamo, and Crema; the King of Spain to have back Trani, Brindisi, Otranto, and the other ports on the Neapolitan coast whichhad been given in pledge to Venice for sums of money advanced to the late King FerdinandII.of Naples. The Pope hesitated and temporised, although he had been the original instigator of the League. It was only after he had attempted to make terms on his own account that he ratified the League at the end of the year.'[36]
'It is therefore solely jealousy and cupidity which united so many hostile powers against a state that some had good reason to uphold and others no reason to fear.'[37]
Margaret's joy at the success of this negotiation, so disastrous to the political interests of France and Italy, breaks forth in the letter she wrote to the King of Aragon's ambassadors in England immediately after the treaty was signed. She informs them that 'she has concluded all the affairs she had to transact with the Cardinal of Amboise at Cambray to her satisfaction, and thanks the King of England, whose ambassadors have assisted her. She has communicated the secret matter to the English ambassadors, in order that they may inform their master of it.' Cambray, December 10th, 1508.[38]
MARGARET OF AUSTRIA IN WIDOW'S DRESS
MARGARET OF AUSTRIA IN WIDOW'S DRESSFROM THE PAINTING BY BERNHARD VAN ORLEYIN THE POSSESSION OF DR. CARVALLO, PARISView larger image
The proceedings between the allies were kept so secret that the Venetian ambassador, Antonio Condelmerio, who had followed the Cardinal of Amboise to Cambray, had no idea of the real facts, and even wrote to the republic that they could rely more than ever on LouisXII.'s friendship and support. At last the allies announced their intention of uniting to make war upon the Infidels, and tried to pick a quarrel with the Venetians by reproaching themwith placing obstacles in the way of their carrying out this holy object, which, they said, obliged them to force the Venetians to restore what they had usurped, for the glory and good of Christianity. On April 16th, 1509, the French herald formally declared war to the Venetians, in terms which, as the Doge Leonardo Loredan remarked, were 'fitting rather to be used against Saracens and Turks, than made to a most Christian republic.' The French vanguard had already begun hostilities on the previous day. Pope Julius followed on the 22nd, and LouisXII.crossed the Alps with a large army and arrived at Milan.
On the 14th of May 1509 the battle of Agnadel was fought, which broke the power of Venice and decided the fate of the war, victory being with the French. In writing to inform Margaret of the battle of Agnadel, Maximilian says: 'Our ambassador, Adrian de Burgo, who was present at this victory, writes that he has seen quite four thousand dead. Through other letters from France we hear that there are from ten to twelve thousand men either dead or taken prisoners, and that our said brother and cousin (LouisXII.) has taken forty pieces of artillery. We also hear that the Venetians were twenty thousand strong, and the French force rather stronger.' So far the emperor had not taken an active part in the great struggle. The low state of his finances and the war with Gueldres had kept him in the Netherlands.
On March 31st the States met at Antwerp and had voted a subsidy of 500,000 crowns as a gift to Maximilian and the Archduke Charles in acknowledgment of the services rendered by the former in defence of the country and in concludingthe Peace of Cambray. At the same time a sum of sixty thousand pounds was voted for the Archduchess Margaret in recognition of the trouble she had taken in arranging the peace.
Meanwhile LouisXII.had seized Brescia and Bergamo almost without a struggle. The Venetian army retreated as far as Mestre, whilst the French advanced to Fusino. Maximilian at the head of a powerful force approached Venice from the other side. The Venetians, surrounded by enemies and left without a single ally, shut themselves up in their capital as their last refuge. This rapid success, however, proved fatal to the Confederacy. The memorable decree followed, by which Venice released her Continental provinces from their allegiance, authorising them to provide for their own safety. The allies, who had remained united during the struggle, now quarrelled over the division of the spoil. Old jealousies revived, and the Venetians, taking advantage of their opportunity, recovered part of the territory which they had lost, and appeased the Pope and Ferdinand by concessions in their favour, and at length dissolved the Confederacy which had brought their commonwealth to the brink of ruin.
Prescott says: 'The various negotiations carried on during this busy period, and the different combinations formed among powers hitherto little connected with each other, greatly increased the intercourse amongst the European nations; while the greatness of the objects at which different nations aimed, the distant expeditions which they undertook, as well as the length and obstinacy of the contest in which they engaged, obliged them to exert themselves with a vigour and perseverance unknown in the preceding ages.'
After a reign of twenty-three years HenryVII.died at Richmond on the 21st of April 1509, and the whole aspect of affairs was suddenly changed. He, like his rival Ferdinand, had been avaricious from deliberate policy; and his avarice was largely instrumental in founding England's coming greatness, for the accumulated riches he left to his son lent force to the new position assumed by England as the balancing power, courted by both the great Continental rivals. The new king, HenryVIII., was a very different man from his father. From the time when he ascended the throne, at the age of eighteen, he adopted an opposite policy.
Ambitious and incautious, and immeasurably vain, he courted rather than evaded diplomatic complications. The death of HenryVII.had indeed cleared away many obstacles; Ferdinand had profoundly mistrusted him, but with the younger Henry as king affairs stood differently. Even before his father's death Ferdinand had taken pains to assure him of his love, and had treated him as a sovereign over the old king's head.
The news of HenryVII.'s death was longer in reaching Spain than might have been expected. First a courier arrived from Flanders, who had met another Spanish courier in France, who came from England, and informed him that King Henry wasdead. Thus King Ferdinand remained for some time in uncertainty whether his adversary was dead or alive. He did not wait for the arrival of positive news, but at once ratified the treaty of marriage between Prince Charles and the Princess Mary. King Ferdinand may have preferred a Portuguese alliance for his grandson, or a marriage with the Princess of Bohemia; but the chief advantage was that no immediate danger was attached to the English marriage. As Prince Charles was only nine years old, King Ferdinand could trust to time, and felt tolerably sure to find more than one pretext for breaking off the engagement before the betrothal could become an indissoluble union.
On the 3rd of June 1509 HenryVIII.married Princess Katharine of Aragon, his brother Arthur's widow, and on the 24th of the same month their coronation took place at Westminster.
On the 17th of July the new king wrote to his father-in-law, King Ferdinand, to inform him that he and Queen Katharine had been solemnly crowned on the day of St. John the Baptist. He mentions that his father died a good Catholic, after having received the holy Sacrament; and that his burial had been magnificent.
Henry adds that 'he diverts himself with jousts, birding, hunting, and other innocent and honest pastimes, also in visiting different parts of his kingdom; but does not on that account neglect affairs of state.'
In the meanwhile Maximilian had gone to Trent, and from there had written to thank LouisXII.for having helped him to recover his former territories. As a proof of his eternal gratitude he mentions that he has burnt his 'red book,' which was kept at Spire, in which he entered all his grievances against France.As a sign of friendship Louis sent the Cardinal of Amboise to meet Maximilian at Trent with promises to provide him with four thousand men. The emperor in return conferred upon Louis a new investiture of the duchy of Milan, including the newly won towns and territories.
A day was fixed for a meeting between the emperor and the French king near the border town of Garde. Louis kept the rendezvous, but Maximilian did not go farther than Riva di Trento; after staying there for two hours, he abruptly returned to Trent and sent word to Louis that he had been recalled on matters of urgent business, but begged for another interview at Cremona, which he promised faithfully to attend. The indecision shown by Maximilian in this instance has been attributed to suspicions he entertained as to his old enemy's good faith. But Louis was naturally annoyed at these marks of distrust, and being anxious to recross the Alps, he returned to Milan without waiting any longer for his ally.
It was fortunate for King Ferdinand that HenryVII.had been excluded from the League of Cambray, as it left his son (HenryVIII.) free to act as he thought convenient. The Spanish king resolved to make use of his son-in-law's liberty, and wrote a letter to his daughter Katharine on the 13th of September in which he spoke in general terms of the affairs of Venice, and referred her to an accompanying letter in cipher, in which his views on the subject were fully detailed. In replying on the 1st of November, King Henry thanked his father-in-law for having communicated to him his views on Venetian affairs, praised his wisdom and moderation in rejecting his confederates' iniquitous proposal to entirely destroyVenice, and enlarged on the necessity of preserving the republic, which formed a wall against the Turks. Before the month was out Henry was a zealous advocate of the Venetian republic, and interfered in its behalf in Rome, in France, and with the emperor, furnishing King Ferdinand at the same time with an excellent pretext for advising his allies to reconsider the question whether Venice should be destroyed or not. The voice of England was, after a long interruption, heard once more in the councils of Europe on a measure of general policy. The King of France seems to have regarded the unexpected audacity of his young neighbour with a feeling of surprise mingled with contempt. King Louis' answer was very uncivil, and Frenchmen boasted openly that they would soon make war upon England in order to punish her for her arrogance. As for these threats King Ferdinand truly observed that France was not in a position to attack England.
In 1509 the Venetians, taking advantage of Maximilian's vacillation, recaptured Padua. The surrounding population and peasantry immediately rose in favour of the republic, which recovered the town and fortress of Legnago. Padua's capitulation did not prevent LouisXII.from recrossing the Alps after he had concluded a new treaty with Pope JuliusII.at Biagrassa, in which they mutually promised to help each other. Maximilian now decided to crush the republic by a decisive blow in laying siege to the capital. But although Louis seemed to agree with this plan, the Pope disapproved, and Ferdinand formally opposed it.
The emperor finding it impossible to lay siege to Venice without help from his allies, prepared to retake Padua; but after sixteen days of firm resistancefrom the Venetian garrison, he withdrew to Limini, on the way to Treviso. From there he went to Vicenza and Verona, bitterly complaining of the treatment he had received from the Pope and the King of France, because the former had consented to receive the Venetian ambassadors, and the latter had caused the loss of Padua through his delay in sending help. Having failed to retake Legnago, Maximilian seemed inclined to make a truce with Venice, but the republic turned a deaf ear to his advances, and he returned to Trent discontented with himself and his allies.
JuliusII.'s changeable policy increased the dissensions which undermined the League. In spite of remonstrances from Maximilian's and Louis' envoys, Julius wished to receive the Venetian ambassadors and pardon the republic. He was secretly encouraged in this by the King of Aragon and openly by the Archbishop of York, representing HenryVIII.Julius thought he could save the republic by overthrowing the French rule in Italy, and for this reason he made friends with England, and encouraged the Swiss in their discontent with France.
In a long letter to his daughter Queen Katharine, written on November 18th, 1509, King Ferdinand says 'that he has touched on the subject of the preservation of Venice in his negotiations with the King of France, but very cautiously and without discovering his plans, his intention being to keep his negotiations secret until he has won over Maximilian. He tells Katharine that a short time ago Madame Margaret sent her secretary to him. The secretary spoke about the alliance, but he (Ferdinand) intends to make a further communication to Madame Margaret, who is the person who has the greatestinfluence with her father, and she would think herself honoured if so important a business as the conclusion of the alliance were intrusted to her hands. He begs Katharine to see that the English envoy who is sent to Madame Margaret is an honest, intelligent, and discreet man,' and adds, 'he must go alone and not be accompanied by any other person, and it is necessary that he should be able to speak and express himself well on the subject he has in hand.'[39]
In the following December Miguel Perez Almazan, King Ferdinand's First Secretary of State, wrote to Margaret's secretary to inform him that news had arrived that the King of France intended seizing the cities of Verona and Vicenza; and that he was also making preparations to besiege Venice on every side. 'If he should carry out his designs he would probably become master of Italy and perhaps of Christendom, unless the emperor and King Ferdinand take prompt means to stop him, which they ought to do for the sake of their common grandson, Prince Charles.' Almazan goes on to state that HenryVIII.had sent a letter to King Ferdinand, in which he expressed a wish to enter into a close alliance with Spain and the emperor. If such an alliance were concluded the King of France would be kept from injuring the allies.
'This letter,' he says, 'is sent in order that the secretary may use his influence with Madame Margaret, and induce her to help forward the alliance between the emperor, Spain, and England; a task which is certainly not difficult for her, and the execution of which would secure her lasting fame.'[40]
Whilst Maximilian was trying to extract a subsidy for the continuance of the Venetian war from the Diet at Augsburg, JuliusII.was maturing his plans. When the Venetian ambassadors accepted his proposed treaty (24th of February 1510), he took them back into favour, and solemnly gave them absolution.
Subjects and vassals of the Church were bidden to help the republic, and Julius openly quarrelled with the Duke of Ferrara, who wished to remain faithful to the League of Cambray. He urged HenryVIII.to declare war against France, and King Ferdinand secretly did the same. As the Pope observed, the object of the League of Cambray ceased to exist.
At this crisis LouisXII.lost his faithful friend and able Minister, Cardinal d'Amboise. He was succeeded by Florimond Robertet, who had none of his predecessor's great qualities. The Cardinal died at Lyons on the 26th of May 1510. André de Burgo was then Austrian ambassador at the French Court, and writing to inform Margaret of the Cardinal's death, he says, 'I assure you your House has suffered a great loss.'
Encouraged by the death of Georges d'Amboise, the Pope continued to make preparations, and declared that God had chosen him to be the Liberator of Italy. In spite of his age and infirmities he was present at the siege of Mirandola, in January 1511, and entered the town by a breach.
In 1512 he concluded a treaty with King Ferdinand and the Venetian republic, which the allies called the 'Holy League.' The apparent object of this League was to defend the unity of the Church, and restore the ecclesiastical state; but the real object was directed against France.
JuliusII.'s designs were helped by the Swiss, who entered Italy more than sixteen thousand strong, determined to re-establish Maximilian Sforza in the duchy of Milan; but the Pope and his allies received a check when a new general appeared at the head of the French army. LouisXII.had made his nephew, Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours, Governor of Lombardy. This young general of twenty-three soon distinguished himself by winning three victories in three months. By a well-planned march he brought help to the town of Milan, which was left without means of defence; and forced the Swiss to recross the mountains. He then obliged the Army of the League to raise the siege of Bologna. After reconquering Brescia, which was occupied by the Venetians, he marched on Ravenna, garrisoned by papal and Spanish soldiers. But his troops had hardly begun the attack when the Army of the League arrived with reinforcements. A battle took place on Easter Sunday, April 11th, 1512, outside the walls of Ravenna. Gaston de Foix, in the moment of victory, was surrounded, thrown from his horse and killed, as he was charging the retreating Spaniards. His death was disastrous to the French cause in Italy.
When JuliusII.heard of Gaston's victories it is reported that he tore his beard with rage. One of Margaret's correspondents writes: 'Madame, there is news from Rome ... that after the Pope heard that the Venetians had taken Brescia, he expressed the greatest joy imaginable, and ordered the bells of Rome to be rung, fireworks, and many other rejoicings; but since he heard that his people and the Spaniards had retired from Bologna, he was much displeased, and caused a strong and furious letter tobe written to the Viceroy of Naples, captain of the said Spaniards, ordering them to return to Bologna at once, and on no account to leave; and, moreover, when he heard that the French had retaken Brescia and slaughtered the Venetians, they say he tore his beard with rage.'
During this struggle the emperor remained passive. Although he agreed to Louis' proposed reforms, he evaded his promise to send German bishops to the Council the French king had convoked at Lyons. The truth was that Margaret had forbidden the bishops to attend. Louis naturally complained, and threatened the princess with his Government's displeasure. Margaret replied to his threats by reproaching him with his conduct in reference to the Duke of Gueldres. He protested that he had neither furnished the duke with men or money, but she would not accept his excuses, and soon after successfully formed a league between her father and the Kings of Spain and England, which league she said represented the mystery of the Holy Trinity.
JuliusII.died on the 21st of February 1513. He had been one of the chief promoters of Italian independence, and through his warlike policy had considerably enlarged the papal states.
On the 11th of March 1513 Cardinal John de Medicis, then in his thirty-sixth year, was unanimously elected Pope by the twenty-four Cardinals assembled in conclave. The new Pope (LeoX.), who was of a peaceful and diplomatic nature, refused to ratify a treaty concluded at Malines on the 5th of April in the same year between Margaret, acting for her father, and HenryVIII.'s ambassadors; a treaty which would have forced him to send the papal troopsto invade Provence or Dauphiny. He arranged a truce with LouisXII., who, after Gaston de Foix's death, had lost most of his Italian possessions. The Sforzas were reinstated in Milan, the Medicis in Florence, and Genoa became once more a free republic; the king's army was beaten by the Swiss at Novara, and by the English at Guinegate. A treaty signed at Blois, on the 28th of March, was ratified at Venice on the 11th of April. The Venetian republic agreed to help Louis to regain Milan and Genoa, and the king promised to assist the Venetians to recover their territories on the mainland, which were occupied by Maximilian's troops. The political balance of Europe now depended entirely on the goodwill of HenryVIII.On the 25th of May 1513 Jean le Veau wrote to Margaret that 'the time had come to be firm, and that she ought to imitate the English, who always showed their enmity against France.'
A treaty was concluded through Margaret's intervention in 1513 between the emperor and Henry VIII., which aimed at humbling France, but only resulted in the battle of Guinegate, where Maximilian served as a volunteer in the English army, and received a hundred crowns a day as pay. It was on this occasion that Margaret ordered the town of Therouenne on the borders of France and Belgium to be completely destroyed. Whilst he was with the English army Maximilian sent a messenger to Margaret asking her to join him at Tournay. In reply she says: 'Monseigneur, I have received the message that you have been pleased to send me by Marnix, my secretary, about my going to Tournay. As for me, Monseigneur, if you think that my going there is necessary, and can be of service to you, Iam ready in this and in all else that it may please you to command me; but otherwise, it is not fitting for a widow to be trotting about and visiting armies for pleasure....' But a little later, after the reduction of Tournay, Margaret met her father and HenryVIII.at Lille.
In June of the same year King Ferdinand wrote to his ambassador in Flanders 'to tell Madame Margaret that before and after he concluded the truce with France in his own name as well as in the name of the emperor, the King of England, and Prince Charles, he wrote to his ambassador, Don Pedro de Urea, and ordered him to explain all his reasons to the emperor.... Having concluded the truce from pure necessity, he is forced to observe it this year.' King Ferdinand tells his ambassador to beg Madame Margaret to use her influence with the emperor, and to show him that the policy he has hitherto adopted can have only one result, viz. 'that of making the King of France master of the world; whilst if the emperor follows his (Ferdinand's) advice, nothing will be lost.'
He writes that 'Madame Margaret is willing to deliver Don Juan Manuel up to him as prisoner. She is to be told that Don Juan has not only behaved badly to King Ferdinand, but also speaks so ill of her that for this alone he deserves punishment.'[41]
And when, a little later, Margaret has asked Maximilian's permission to arrest Don Juan Manuel, because he had spoken against King Ferdinand, Maximilian answers that 'if Don Juan has committed a crime which is punishable according to law, he may be arrested; if not, it will be sufficient to banish him from the Court.'
But although Margaret as Governess of the Netherlands took part in the greatest events of her century, yet her private life in her home at Malines was of the simplest and most domestic kind. We get a very good idea of the way she spent her days from her interesting correspondence and from her father's letters which have, fortunately, been preserved. These letters are in French, but Maximilian's spelling is chiefly euphonical, and the meaning often obscure. In spite of the quaint style, these letters form an interesting history of Europe at the dawn of the Renaissance. Beginning with the drama which opens at the League of Cambray, in which England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, and Spain all play their parts, and ending with the disaster of Pavia, the humbling of France, and the triumph of the House of Austria, there is not a negotiation, war, or treaty, whose secret cause and real origin is not disclosed. Although the correspondence comprises a comparatively short period, and does not go much beyond the first quarter of the sixteenth century, still the age was one of thrilling interest and brilliant personality. Amongst the illustrious personages who pass in review before us are LouisXII., Anne of Brittany, FrancisI., Louise of Savoy, Margaret of Angoulême, the Cardinal of Amboise, and the Chevalier Bayard, Ferdinand of Aragon, Gonzalva of Cordova, and Ximenes, HenryVII., HenryVIII., and Cardinal Wolsey, CharlesV., and Luther.
Margaret's correspondents included most of the sovereigns of Europe and their various ambassadors. Besides the personages already mentioned, we come across the names of Raulin, Carondelet, Alberto Pio, the Cardinal of Gurk, Caulier, and Laurent de Gorrevod, to whose conferences and intrigues we areintroduced, and sometimes to the snares they laid for their best friends. Amongst them we find André de Burgo, Maximilian's 'faithful councillor' and ambassador in France, whose despatches to Malines are masterpieces of finesse and diplomacy. The pages in which he describes the events of which JuliusII.is the hero are full of interest. In a witty and delightful manner he records the ambitions, cabals, and various factions which hastened the end of this warrior pontiff who was 'always dying but never buried.' He frequently announces that the Holy Father is the victim of a violent fever, and that the doctors hardly hope to save him—it is whispered that he will be 'in paradise before a year and a half is out.' The Cardinals prepare to 'choose a good and holy Pope,' but before they can do so, the dying Pope recovers, or at least he is 'so much better that he thinks himself cured and has lost his fever.'
Then there is André de Burgo's successor, Chancellor Perrenot, the father of Cardinal de Granvelle. Also the Granvelles' enemy, Mercurin de Gattinare, a skilled diplomatist and picturesque writer. More than once we read of his reminding Margaret of the respect she owes him, and he tells her, not without pride, that she does not deserve to have a servant like himself, and when she gave him some unmerited rebuke, he replied: 'These words should be addressed to a stranger and an unknown man, not to me, whom you have known and tried.'
In Margaret's time Malines was a flourishing commercial city, whose manufactures were exported to all parts of Europe. Commerce, industries, and navigation had made great progress under her wise rule. Her palace was the centre of life in the old city and the meeting-place of many illustrious familiesand learned men who came from all parts of the Netherlands to visit her Court. Jean Second, Erasmus, Cornelius Agrippa, Jean Lemaire, Mabuse, Coxcie, and Van Orley were amongst her frequent guests.
One of her chief ladies was the Countess of Hochstrate, who had charge of her maids of honour and the women of her household. Her husband, Count Hochstrate, was the princess's chevalier d'honneur, and commanded her bodyguard of twenty-seven noblemen, whose duty it was to attend her wherever she went. He also was in charge of the stewards, cooks, pastrycooks, bakers, cupbearers, carvers and the other servants, besides the keeper of Prince Charles's lions and rare birds, so that his post was no sinecure.
Margaret took great pride in keeping up an establishment worthy of her rank. She lived in great luxury, and her table was always furnished with the choicest wines, and every kind of fish, fowl, and game in its season. In spite of her habitual melancholy, she took part in the usual amusements of her time. We read of her attending many feasts, dances, and jousts; and it was seldom she did not have music during her meals, either fife, tambourin, or violin players, or sometimes the choristers of Notre-Dame de Sablon, or Monsieur de Ravestein's singers, who played and sang songs before her. Another day we read of her watching the performance of 'two large and powerful bears' brought by some strolling Hungarian players; or sitting in the vast hall, silent and dreamy, listening to old airs of German minstrelsy.
Maximilian occasionally visited his daughter, and then Malines wasen fête. Sometimes he invited his young granddaughters to spend a few days withhim at Brussels, 'to see the park and enjoy themselves.'[42]