But Margaret's favourite occupation was superintending the education of her nephew Charles. She had a wonderful aptitude for teaching, and was not satisfied that he should excel in manly sports, which was usually all that was required of princes, but she insisted on his studying history, languages, and science. She also found time for more domestic employments. From the letters we find that she spun flax, and amongst the objects mentioned in her inventory are a spindle, distaff, and winding reels. She was accustomed to work with her needle, and once she surprised her father by sending him 'good linen shirts,' which she had made herself, and Maximilian, delighted with this present, hastened to thank her: 'I have received by this bearer some beautiful shirts and "huves" which you have helped to make with your own hand, with which I am delighted.... Our skin will be comforted with meeting the fineness and softness of such beautiful linen, such as the angels in Paradise use for their clothing.' Margaret also sent her father receipts for various dishes which pleased her, and we find her recommending him to eat some preserves during the heat of summer which she has tried herself and found excellent. 'I have a good apothecary,' she says, 'called Countess de Horne, who takes care to supply me every year with the best preserves in the world, which she makes with her own hands, and as I find them good, it seems to me that you will also, even in this great heat.'
Margaret took much interest in her maids of honour, and when necessary did not spare them either adviceor punishment. She warned them especially to avoid gossiping or foolish conversation. During the long winter evenings she played chess, or when summer came with long fine days, she rode with them through the forests of Scheplaken, Groenendael, and Boisfort, followed by her greyhounds. If one of her maids married, Margaret took care to prepare the trousseau. Sometimes she put aside a certain sum for this purpose from her privy purse, and often begged a post from Maximilian for the girl's future husband. Thus she dowered and provided for many maidens whose names are mentioned in the Archives of Lille.
As a rule, Margaret and her father treated each other with the greatest confidence. Maximilian took a fatherly interest in whatever concerned his daughter's happiness. He would like to have seen her married to HenryVII., for then, as he said, she would not have been 'a person lost and forgotten.' Sometimes he made her small presents, 'a carbuncle which his father the Emperor Frederick had valued,' or a haunch of venison off which she could 'feast at some dinner or supper.' On another occasion he sent her the plan of a triumphal arch before 'having it erected, so that it might remain for ever as a monument to their perpetual glory.'
One day, in a fit of rare generosity (for he was very impecunious), he made her a present of 100,000 crowns. Margaret will be ungrateful, he says, 'if she is not well pleased with him.' He tells her his most secret thoughts ... that he intends soliciting the papal tiara, for the Pope 'cannot live long.' He wishes to be nominated coadjutor of the Sovereign Pontiff, so as 'to be assured of having the Papacy and becoming a priest and afterwards made holy.' With this intention he begins to 'win over the cardinals' withtwo or three thousand ducats, and he sends 'a messenger to the King of Aragon, begging him to help him to get what he wants.'
But this confidence between the emperor and his daughter was often broken. Maximilian sometimes complains that she treats him badly and 'takes him for a Frenchman!' She was not always his 'good daughter;' she sometimes speaks too plainly and asks him when he intends sending an answer to the English ambassadors, who have been kept waiting for eight months, and reminds him ironically 'that it is time to move in this business.' On another occasion she writes these words in a letter which he calls 'rude and ungracious': 'I know that it is not my business to interfere in your said affairs, as I am an inexperienced woman in such matters, nevertheless the great duty I have towards you emboldens me to ... beg of you ... to take care whilst there is yet time.'
But in spite of these small recriminations each tried to help the other, as we see from the numerous requests they constantly made to each other in favour of various persons in whom they were interested. In spite of the Netherlands' general prosperity, both Margaret and her father suffered greatly from lack of funds, as is shown in nearly every page of the correspondence. Maximilian hardly writes a letter without mentioning that he has need of 'a sum of money.' One day he humbly begs for 10,000 florins, another time for 70,000 or 80,000, which he must have. He knows, he says, that the States complain that he only thinks of 'knavery and taking their money for nothing,' but all the same he begs Margaret to do all in her power to find him the sum he requires. His lamentations, resources, and importunity in beggingare most pitiable. 'We must,' he says, 'in order to raise money quickly, pawn two gold chains set with many valuable and precious stones, one (chain) being larger than the other.' Sometimes Margaret was as hardly pressed for funds as her father, and several of her letters have this sad ending, 'The treasurer does not know where to turn for money; he has no "deniers" (old Roman coins) left.' The Swiss and German infantry were unpaid, and Maximilian for this reason kept out of the way, and fled to the Tyrolese mountains on the pretext of hunting. His daughter wrote to him severely: 'I hoped that you would have come here, but from what I see, you are going further and further away, which displeases me, for it was very necessary that you should come here.' At another time she tells him that she will be forced to become 'bankrupt' if she cannot quickly raise '24,000 florins from the King of England.' She has appealed to the States in vain; for some 'cannot agree,' whilst others 'have settled nothing yet ... for they are obstinate and disagreeable.'
Even the ambassadors were hampered by lack of means. André de Burgo could not go to Lyons, where he was afraid to stay for want of money. 'It is a pity,' he says, 'for so good and loyal a servant of your house to have so often to beg and ask for the wherewithal to live, as God's poor do ... he is ashamed not to be able to pay his creditors, and shall be reduced to sell half his plate to some Jew.'
Even Mercurin de Gattinare had to give up an important journey, and states he will have to go 'bankrupt' if he cannot sell a gold chain. For Anne of Brittany's accouchement the other ambassadors had ordered coloured clothes; he alone has to appear in black garments, and is much distressed. 'I have onlyblack,' he writes in Italian, 'and have no means of buying colours.'
Besides these oft-recurring complaints, the correspondence is full of the hatred which Margaret and her father still felt for France. Maximilian never liked the French, and his letters abound in maledictions against them. He tries to stir up his daughter's aversion, and congratulates her 'on the goodwill and diligence she has shown in resisting them. We have,' he says, 'more experience of the French than you have ... and we would rather you were deceived by their fair speeches than ourselves, so that you would take more care in future.' He knows their 'treachery and falseness,' for they only act by abuse, dissimulation, and deceit, as they have done for the last hundred years past, and will still be doing a hundred years hence.
Maximilian himself served as a private soldier in the King of England's army on the Continent, and advised HenryVIII.to land at Crotoy, where he proposed meeting him 'on condition that his said brother gave him the money he had promised, and that he sent the second portion with the first.' Margaret certainly shared her father's aversion for all things French, although she disguised it in writing to LouisXII.She secretly rejoices at every French defeat, and when she hears of the victory of Guinegate, 'she is more happy than she can say.' She also reminds Maximilian of old wrongs to rouse up his wrath, and ironically recalls 'the good faith and loyalty of the French.' Several times she points out how easy it would be to conquer their hereditary enemy: 'There is no boundary between our country and France, and you know the deep inveterate hatred the French bear us.'
These words express all Margaret's hatred and ambition, and show one of the reasons why she took such a special care of Prince Charles's education. In him she hoped to see realised all her dreams of the future greatness of Austria and Burgundy. With infinite trouble she directed his masters and mistresses, was herself present at their lessons, and often interceded with Maximilian on their behalf. Thus she recommends Anne de Beaumont 'for the first vacant post over the ladies of the household ... or a good annual pension, as a reward for her past services, which ought to be noticed'; she also praises Louis Vacca 'for great and worthy service which he has daily rendered as tutor for eight years, teaching Monseigneur with such great care and diligence, as a good and loyal servitor should.'
We read of the child's rapid progress in his lessons, and also of a fever he caught after attending his sister Isabel's wedding, at which 'he behaved as a good brother, accompanying his sister in the dances so perfectly, and perhaps rather more than was good for him.' A few days later 'he began to get better,' and it is hoped that he 'will soon be restored to health,' as he has such a good appetite 'that now it is difficult to satisfy him.' He is learning to shoot, but it is dangerous for the passers-by, as he shot a man by mistake, 'when Monseigneur, my nephew, went to play at Wure. On Whit-Monday he fired off his gun, and had the misfortune to kill a workman of this town, a drunkard and ill-conditioned man ... which has caused my said Lord and me much sorrow and regret, but there is no help for it.'
When the boy went hunting near Malines Maximilian wrote joyfully: 'We are well pleased that our son Charles takes so much pleasure in hunting,' butat the same time he recommends, 'when the weather is mild, to send him to Anvers and Louvain to take the air, and to pass the time, to ride on horseback for his health and strength.'
Maximilian then goes on to describe his own sport. He has taken 'at least four large stags in the morning, and after dinner five herons. Ducks and kites we catch daily without number; even to-day we got four herons besides, and thirteen ducks or river birds in twelve flights in one half league. Every day we get three kites, for here there is any amount, and all in the most beautiful country....'
These few quotations will show that the letters are more or less memoirs of Margaret's life for about twenty-five years, and give us a good idea of the part she played in the stirring events of her time.
After the reduction of Tournay and Therouenne in the autumn of 1513, HenryVIII.and Maximilian met Margaret at Lille. She was accompanied by the Archduke Charles and a large retinue. This was Henry's first meeting with his wife's nephew; it was also Margaret's first introduction to the man whose engaging manners and brilliant personality nearly made her give up the resolution to which she had adhered for so many years, and marry again.
Amongst Henry'sVIII.'s officers was Sir Charles Brandon, one of the handsomest men of his time, and a great favourite with the English king, who, in May 1513, had been created Viscount Lisle. The new Lord Lisle had accompanied his master to the war in France, being marshal of the host and captain of the foreward, with 3000 men under him. Hall, in his Chronicle, gives the following interesting account of the meeting of Margaret and Charles Brandon:—'Monday, the 11th day of October, the king without the town received the Prince of Castile, the Lady Margaret, and divers other nobles of their countries, and them brought into Tournay with great triumph. The noise went that the Lord Lisle made request of marriage to the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Savoy, and daughter to the Emperor Maximilian,which before that time was departed from the king with many rich gifts and money borrowed; but, whether he proffered marriage or not, she favoured him highly. There the prince and duchess sojourned with great solace by the space of ten days. On the 18th of October the jousts began, the king and Lord Lisle answered all comers. Upon the king attended twenty-eight knights on foot, in coats of purple velvet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of gold was set in the place for the armoury and relief. The king had a base and a trapper of purple velvet both set full of fine bullion, and the Lord Lisle in the same suit. There were many spears broken, and many a good buffet given; the strangers, as the Lord Walon and the Lord Emery, and others, did right well. When the jousts were done, the king and all the others unhelmed them, and rode about the tilt, and did great reverence to the ladies, and then the heralds cried, "To lodging!"
'This night the king made a sumptuous banquet of a hundred dishes to the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret, and to all the other lords and ladies, and after the banquet the ladies danced; and then came in the king and eleven in a masque, all richly apparelled with bonnets of gold, and when they had passed the time at their pleasure, the garments of the masque were cast off amongst the ladies, take who could take.
'The 20th day of October, the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret, with many great gifts to them given, returned to Lille with all their train.'
A few months after this meeting Lord Lisle was created Duke of Suffolk (February 1st, 1514) on the same day that the dukedom of Norfolk was restoredto the Howards, and when there was only one other peerage of that grade, namely, Buckingham, existing in England.
In October HenryVIII.wrote to LeoX.to tell him that he had conquered Tournay, and that the French ran away so quickly that it was impossible for him to follow them. He also mentions that he has conferred with the emperor and the Archduchess Margaret about the affairs of the Prince of Castile, and especially about the marriage of the prince with his sister, the Princess Mary. He mentions that 'Prince Charles came in person to Tournay.'
In the following May, when in England, the king and the new Duke of Suffolk were present at a tournament and 'defenders at the tilt against all comers,' dressed as black and white hermits, having the following motto written in white letters on their black staves: 'Who can hold that will away.' Gossip said that this posy was made for the Duke of Suffolk and the Duchess of Savoy.
Be that as it may, Henry soon grew alarmed when rumours reached him that his favourite was thinking of marrying Margaret. He at once wrote to Maximilian expressing his annoyance, and the same day (the 4th of March) sent a letter to Margaret enclosing the one he had written to her father, leaving it to her discretion to forward it or not as she thought best. King Henry says, ... 'Because it has come to our knowledge that the common report is in divers places that marriage is contemplated between you and our very dear and loyal cousin and councillor, the Duke of Suffolk, we are making all possible diligence to know and hear from whence this report can come and proceed; and if we find that it comes from overthere, we will cause such grievous punishmentto be inflicted, that all other inventors and sowers of lies will take example from it.'
The following letters, referring to the subject, are in the handwriting of the English ambassador, Sir Richard Wingfield, to whom Margaret addressed herself. They were evidently translated from the French, in which the originals were written, and were either translated by Sir Richard, or he transcribed the version, the matter being so secret for his despatches home:—
MS. Cotton.'My Lord the Ambassador,—Since that I see that I may not have tidings from the emperor so soon, it seemeth me that I should do well no longer for to tarry to despatch this gentleman. And for that by my letters addressing unto the king and to the duke, of that I dare not adventure me to write unto them so at length of this besides, because that I fear my letters to be evil kept, I me determine to write to you at length to send that of all ye may the better them advertise of mine intent.'Ye may know, my lord the ambassador, that after some days having been at Tournay, knowing from day to day the great love and trust that the king bare and had to the personage which is no need to name; also with the virtue and grace of his person, the which me seemed that I had not much seen gentleman to approach it; also considering the desire the which always he showed me that he had to do me service; all these things considered by me, I have always forced me to do unto him all honour and pleasure, the which to me seemed to be well agreeable unto the king his good master; who, as I may imagine, seeing the good cheer and will thewhich I bare him, with the love which he beareth unto him, by many times spake unto me, for to know if this goodwill which I bare unto the said personage it might stretch unto some effect of promise of marriage, seeing that it was the fashion of the ladies of England, and that it was not there holden for evil; whereunto many times I answered the most graciously that was to me possible, knowing this thing not to proceed but of love which he bare him, the several of reasons wherefore it was not to me possible, unless I should fall in the evil grace of my father and of all this country. Also that it was not here the custom, and that I should be dishonoured, and holden for a fool and light. But all my reasons might not help me, that without rest he spake thereof to me. That seeing, and that he had it so much at the heart, for him not to anger, I found to him one other reason, to him saying, that if now I had well the will so for to do, that yet I nor would nor durst think, seeing his return to be so nigh, and that it should be to me too much great displeasure to lose so good company; of the which he contented him somewhat better, and passed the thing unto his departing, and then began to say to me that the departing drew nigh, and that he knew well I should be pressed for to marry me, and that I was yet too young for to abide thus; and that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty and threescore years.'Whereupon I answered that I had never had will so to do, and that I was too much unhappy in husbands; but he would not believe me. And after, by two times, in presence of the personage that ye know, he returned to say the same words, saying more, "I know well, madame, and am sure that my fellow shall be to you a true servant, and that he isaltogether yours, but we fear that ye shall not do in likewise, for one shall force you to be again married; and that ye shall not be found out of this country (i.e.in this country) at my return." That which I promised to him I should not do; and for that he desired greatly thereof to be more assured, he made me to promise in his hand that howsoever I should be pressed of my father, or otherwise, I should not make alliance of marriage (with) prince of the world, at the least unto his return, or the end of the year. The which I did willingly, for I think not to again never to put me where I have had so much of unhappiness and misfortune. And afterwards made his fellow to do the same, who, as I believe and seemeth me, said of adventure, as his master me showed again, that he should never do thing, were it of marriage, or to take lady nor mistress, without my commandment, but would continue all his life my right humble servant; and that it was to him enough honour, so much honestly, and of so good sort as was possible. And these words were said at Tournay in my chamber one night after supper, full late. The other time was at Lille, the day before that they should depart, that he spake to me long at the head of a cupboard, he and his fellow, of the departing, which was not without displeasure full great of all persons. And again, after many devises and regrets, he made me to reconfirm in his hand, and the same of his fellow, the like promise aforesaid. And the said personage in my hand, without that I required him, made me the semblable, and that for always he should be to me true and humble servant; and I to him promised to be to him such mistress all my life as to him who me seemed desired to do me most of service. And upon this there was no morewords of this affair, nor hath not been since, if not some gracious letters, the which have been (enough or I know) evil kept.'
MS. Cotton.
'My Lord the Ambassador,—Since that I see that I may not have tidings from the emperor so soon, it seemeth me that I should do well no longer for to tarry to despatch this gentleman. And for that by my letters addressing unto the king and to the duke, of that I dare not adventure me to write unto them so at length of this besides, because that I fear my letters to be evil kept, I me determine to write to you at length to send that of all ye may the better them advertise of mine intent.
'Ye may know, my lord the ambassador, that after some days having been at Tournay, knowing from day to day the great love and trust that the king bare and had to the personage which is no need to name; also with the virtue and grace of his person, the which me seemed that I had not much seen gentleman to approach it; also considering the desire the which always he showed me that he had to do me service; all these things considered by me, I have always forced me to do unto him all honour and pleasure, the which to me seemed to be well agreeable unto the king his good master; who, as I may imagine, seeing the good cheer and will thewhich I bare him, with the love which he beareth unto him, by many times spake unto me, for to know if this goodwill which I bare unto the said personage it might stretch unto some effect of promise of marriage, seeing that it was the fashion of the ladies of England, and that it was not there holden for evil; whereunto many times I answered the most graciously that was to me possible, knowing this thing not to proceed but of love which he bare him, the several of reasons wherefore it was not to me possible, unless I should fall in the evil grace of my father and of all this country. Also that it was not here the custom, and that I should be dishonoured, and holden for a fool and light. But all my reasons might not help me, that without rest he spake thereof to me. That seeing, and that he had it so much at the heart, for him not to anger, I found to him one other reason, to him saying, that if now I had well the will so for to do, that yet I nor would nor durst think, seeing his return to be so nigh, and that it should be to me too much great displeasure to lose so good company; of the which he contented him somewhat better, and passed the thing unto his departing, and then began to say to me that the departing drew nigh, and that he knew well I should be pressed for to marry me, and that I was yet too young for to abide thus; and that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty and threescore years.
'Whereupon I answered that I had never had will so to do, and that I was too much unhappy in husbands; but he would not believe me. And after, by two times, in presence of the personage that ye know, he returned to say the same words, saying more, "I know well, madame, and am sure that my fellow shall be to you a true servant, and that he isaltogether yours, but we fear that ye shall not do in likewise, for one shall force you to be again married; and that ye shall not be found out of this country (i.e.in this country) at my return." That which I promised to him I should not do; and for that he desired greatly thereof to be more assured, he made me to promise in his hand that howsoever I should be pressed of my father, or otherwise, I should not make alliance of marriage (with) prince of the world, at the least unto his return, or the end of the year. The which I did willingly, for I think not to again never to put me where I have had so much of unhappiness and misfortune. And afterwards made his fellow to do the same, who, as I believe and seemeth me, said of adventure, as his master me showed again, that he should never do thing, were it of marriage, or to take lady nor mistress, without my commandment, but would continue all his life my right humble servant; and that it was to him enough honour, so much honestly, and of so good sort as was possible. And these words were said at Tournay in my chamber one night after supper, full late. The other time was at Lille, the day before that they should depart, that he spake to me long at the head of a cupboard, he and his fellow, of the departing, which was not without displeasure full great of all persons. And again, after many devises and regrets, he made me to reconfirm in his hand, and the same of his fellow, the like promise aforesaid. And the said personage in my hand, without that I required him, made me the semblable, and that for always he should be to me true and humble servant; and I to him promised to be to him such mistress all my life as to him who me seemed desired to do me most of service. And upon this there was no morewords of this affair, nor hath not been since, if not some gracious letters, the which have been (enough or I know) evil kept.'
Further as to the words.
'And I promise you, my lord the ambassador, that this is the truth, and I know not other thing. I cannot tell if the king, which was "trwcheman" (interpreter), because of the love which he beareth him, might have taken it more forward for to interpret more his desire, but the thing is such, and truth.'My lord the ambassador, for that it hath been said unto me that he might have showed a ring where there is a diamond of mine, that which I cannot believe, for I esteem him much a man of virtue and wise, but always I will well show you the truth, to the end to answer to all. I take none in this affair to witness but the king and him; and himself first: it is that one night at Tournay, being at the banquet, after the banquet he put himself upon his knees before me, and in speaking and him playing, he drew from my finger the ring, and put it upon his, and then showed it me, and I took to laugh, and to him said that he was a thief, and that I thought not that the king had with him led thieves out of his country. This word "laron" he could not understand; wherefore I was constrained for to ask how one said "laron" in Flemish. And afterwards I said to him in Flemish "dieffe," and I prayed him many times to give it me again, for that it was too much known. But he understood me not well, and kept it unto the next day that I spake to the king, him requiring to make him to give it me, because it was too much known. I promising him one of my bracelets the which I wear, the which Igave him. And then he gave me the said ring, the which one other time at Lille, being set nigh to my lady of Hornes, and he before upon his knees, it took again from my finger. I spake to the king to have it again, but it was not possible, for he said unto me that he would give me others better, and that I should leave him that. I said unto him that it was not for the value, but for that it was too much known. He would not understand it, and departed from me.'The morrow after he brought me one fair point of diamonds and a table ruby, and showed me that it was for the other ring; wherefore I durst no more speak of it, if not to beseech him that it should not be showed to any person; the which hath not all been to me done. (Thus, my lord the ambassador, see all of this affair, and for to know mine advice upon all, I shall give it you more at length, which is this.)'That if the things had not been so published, the which I find the most strange of the world, knowing that creature of the world, at the least on my part, could thereof never speak, for that which I had said and done was for not to annoy the king, for I knew well that it came to him of great love for to speak so far forth as of marriage. And of another prince I had not so well taken it as of him, for I hold him all good, and that he thinketh none evil, wherefore I have not willed to displease him. And in this business I have found myself more impeached for to know that which me seemed touched to the king than that which me touched.'By one bylle (note) I shall put you in writing all the inconveniences which may happen of this thing. Also that which seemeth to me for the remedy of itto be done; but, for that I have no leisure, I shall make an end, praying you to do with this that which the bearer shall say you, and no more. I trow that ye know this hand.(Thus signed, M.).'
'And I promise you, my lord the ambassador, that this is the truth, and I know not other thing. I cannot tell if the king, which was "trwcheman" (interpreter), because of the love which he beareth him, might have taken it more forward for to interpret more his desire, but the thing is such, and truth.
'My lord the ambassador, for that it hath been said unto me that he might have showed a ring where there is a diamond of mine, that which I cannot believe, for I esteem him much a man of virtue and wise, but always I will well show you the truth, to the end to answer to all. I take none in this affair to witness but the king and him; and himself first: it is that one night at Tournay, being at the banquet, after the banquet he put himself upon his knees before me, and in speaking and him playing, he drew from my finger the ring, and put it upon his, and then showed it me, and I took to laugh, and to him said that he was a thief, and that I thought not that the king had with him led thieves out of his country. This word "laron" he could not understand; wherefore I was constrained for to ask how one said "laron" in Flemish. And afterwards I said to him in Flemish "dieffe," and I prayed him many times to give it me again, for that it was too much known. But he understood me not well, and kept it unto the next day that I spake to the king, him requiring to make him to give it me, because it was too much known. I promising him one of my bracelets the which I wear, the which Igave him. And then he gave me the said ring, the which one other time at Lille, being set nigh to my lady of Hornes, and he before upon his knees, it took again from my finger. I spake to the king to have it again, but it was not possible, for he said unto me that he would give me others better, and that I should leave him that. I said unto him that it was not for the value, but for that it was too much known. He would not understand it, and departed from me.
'The morrow after he brought me one fair point of diamonds and a table ruby, and showed me that it was for the other ring; wherefore I durst no more speak of it, if not to beseech him that it should not be showed to any person; the which hath not all been to me done. (Thus, my lord the ambassador, see all of this affair, and for to know mine advice upon all, I shall give it you more at length, which is this.)
'That if the things had not been so published, the which I find the most strange of the world, knowing that creature of the world, at the least on my part, could thereof never speak, for that which I had said and done was for not to annoy the king, for I knew well that it came to him of great love for to speak so far forth as of marriage. And of another prince I had not so well taken it as of him, for I hold him all good, and that he thinketh none evil, wherefore I have not willed to displease him. And in this business I have found myself more impeached for to know that which me seemed touched to the king than that which me touched.
'By one bylle (note) I shall put you in writing all the inconveniences which may happen of this thing. Also that which seemeth to me for the remedy of itto be done; but, for that I have no leisure, I shall make an end, praying you to do with this that which the bearer shall say you, and no more. I trow that ye know this hand.
(Thus signed, M.).'
The second writing:—
'My lord the ambassador,—Ye may have seen how the things have been, and ye know the unhappy bruit which thereof hath run not only here but on all parts, as well in Germany as in all countries. Whereof I have found myself so much abashed that I cannot imagine wherefore this thing is said so openly as in the hands of merchant strangers. And for to say you the truth, I have been constrained as well by the counsel of my servants as of the lord Berques and others, to make inquiry whereof it came, and as well by information as writings always I have found that it proceeded from England. Whereof I have had a marvellous sorrow. And I have letters of the self hand of an English merchant, the which hath been the first that hath made the wagers, as Bresylle knoweth well. Now, my lord the ambassador, the king, at the request of the said Bresylle, and the personage also, have done many things for to remedy to this fortune, wherein I am holden unto them, but yet I see that the bruit is so imprinted in the fantasies of people, and fear if that it continue long, that all that which is done is not enough, for I continue always in fear. And also I know that I may not show towards the personage the weal and honour which I desire to do as before.'For yet I dare not write unto him when I have anything to do towards the king, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am constrained to entreat himin all things like a stranger, at the least before folks, the which doth me so much displeasure that I cannot write it, seeing that I take him so much for my good friend and servant; and that I am constrained so to do, and also I see that to this gentleman only which is here I dare not speak or look to him. Whereof I am so much displeased that nothing more. He himself perceiveth well that every one beholdeth him of the other side.'And as to the descent[43]of the king it shall behove me to speak so soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the thing that I desire as much as his coming. And the same of my lady Mary, as God knoweth. The heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to dissemble, not in this but in many others. And it seemeth to me that I may not so well serve the king, being in this fear, as before; so when the king shall descend that I shall be always in this pain, and I feel me I shall not dare speak nor show good semblance to the said personage; whereas I would make to him much honour and good cheer, I shall not dare behold him with a good eye, which displeasure shall be the same to him and to me. And I know no remedy[44]but the same that Bresylle shall show you for to put remedy to all. I would not constrain him to it against his will, but, and he desire ever that I do him honour or pleasure, it is forced that it be so, not for that I have not the good will towards him, such as ever I have had, but for that I am for mine honour constrained so to do. I pray you very much to take pains for to make wellto understand to the king and to the personage this thing, to the end that I may do to him better service and to his fellow pleasure. I pray you to do of this as of the other.(Likewise signed, M.).'(Endorsed, Secret matters of the Duke of Suffolk.)
'My lord the ambassador,—Ye may have seen how the things have been, and ye know the unhappy bruit which thereof hath run not only here but on all parts, as well in Germany as in all countries. Whereof I have found myself so much abashed that I cannot imagine wherefore this thing is said so openly as in the hands of merchant strangers. And for to say you the truth, I have been constrained as well by the counsel of my servants as of the lord Berques and others, to make inquiry whereof it came, and as well by information as writings always I have found that it proceeded from England. Whereof I have had a marvellous sorrow. And I have letters of the self hand of an English merchant, the which hath been the first that hath made the wagers, as Bresylle knoweth well. Now, my lord the ambassador, the king, at the request of the said Bresylle, and the personage also, have done many things for to remedy to this fortune, wherein I am holden unto them, but yet I see that the bruit is so imprinted in the fantasies of people, and fear if that it continue long, that all that which is done is not enough, for I continue always in fear. And also I know that I may not show towards the personage the weal and honour which I desire to do as before.
'For yet I dare not write unto him when I have anything to do towards the king, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am constrained to entreat himin all things like a stranger, at the least before folks, the which doth me so much displeasure that I cannot write it, seeing that I take him so much for my good friend and servant; and that I am constrained so to do, and also I see that to this gentleman only which is here I dare not speak or look to him. Whereof I am so much displeased that nothing more. He himself perceiveth well that every one beholdeth him of the other side.
'And as to the descent[43]of the king it shall behove me to speak so soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the thing that I desire as much as his coming. And the same of my lady Mary, as God knoweth. The heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to dissemble, not in this but in many others. And it seemeth to me that I may not so well serve the king, being in this fear, as before; so when the king shall descend that I shall be always in this pain, and I feel me I shall not dare speak nor show good semblance to the said personage; whereas I would make to him much honour and good cheer, I shall not dare behold him with a good eye, which displeasure shall be the same to him and to me. And I know no remedy[44]but the same that Bresylle shall show you for to put remedy to all. I would not constrain him to it against his will, but, and he desire ever that I do him honour or pleasure, it is forced that it be so, not for that I have not the good will towards him, such as ever I have had, but for that I am for mine honour constrained so to do. I pray you very much to take pains for to make wellto understand to the king and to the personage this thing, to the end that I may do to him better service and to his fellow pleasure. I pray you to do of this as of the other.(Likewise signed, M.).'
(Endorsed, Secret matters of the Duke of Suffolk.)
Although these interesting letters are so badly transcribed from the original French that their meaning is often obscure, they undoubtedly prove that Margaret had fallen desperately in love with the handsome English favourite, who, on his side, appears to have been more or less serious in his flirtation with her. How deep were Brandon's feelings for Margaret we shall probably never know. It is certain that HenryVIII.did not look favourably on his suit, and as Margaret herself sadly observed to the English ambassador in her letter quoted above: 'I know no remedy (to stop the gossip) but the same that Bresylle shall show you,' namely that Brandon should look elsewhere for a wife. The rumours and reports concerning Margaret and the Duke of Suffolk reached as far as Spain. King Ferdinand heard of them, and in July he wrote to Luiz Caroz de Villaragut, his ambassador in England, asking 'if it is true or not that Madame Margaret is to marry Monsieur de Lisle (Charles Brandon)?'[45]
But in the midst of all these troubles and anxieties preparations for the first wedding in the little circle at Malines turned Margaret's thoughts into another channel.
On Trinity Sunday, the 11th of June 1514, her niece, Isabel of Austria, was married by proxy to Christian II., King of Denmark, who had succeeded to his father's throne the previous year. In a longletter to Maximilian Margaret gives an interesting account of the wedding:—
'Brussels,the 12th of June.'Monseigneur,— ... After the arrival of the Danish ambassadors on Wednesday last they had their public audience on Thursday, and visited Monsieur and Mesdames and delivered their king's messages with many good words; they then withdrew until Friday, when I sent the Chancellor of Brabant, the President of Burgundy, and other deputies to call upon them.... The next day, which was Saturday, they expressed a great desire that the marriage should be solemnised on the following day, which was Trinity Sunday, on which day the king their master held the festival of his anointing and coronation. But, Monseigneur, it was very difficult to arrange such a solemn function in so short a time, for it could not be as honourably held as I should have wished, but, anxious to please them and gratify their desires, I agreed that the said ceremony should be held on Trinity Sunday, which was yesterday, and I did my best to have everything arranged and put in order. The parties assembled on the said day between ten and eleven o'clock, with as much state and honour on our side as was possible, owing to the short notice, in front of the great hall of this house, where Monsieur de Cambray gave the promises and performed the espousals by word of mouth, as was right between the King of Denmark ... and Madame Isabel, my niece, whom it certainly did one good to look at. The said promises given, they went to hear high mass in this hall; and the ambassadors were seated according to their rank, he of Spain beside Monseigneur, to the great content of all, but those of England were not there because "on ne lesscavoit accorder." And when evening came, supper was served and every one sat down in order, and after supper there were dances and tourneys until very late, when they retired to put the bride to bed ... as is the custom amongst great princes. Thus all was very solemnly and duly accomplished, to the great delight of the said ambassadors, who thanked me very much at their departure; as they had fulfilled their mission they were anxious to hasten their return, and I believe they will guard your honour and that of this house as much as possible....'
'Brussels,the 12th of June.
'Monseigneur,— ... After the arrival of the Danish ambassadors on Wednesday last they had their public audience on Thursday, and visited Monsieur and Mesdames and delivered their king's messages with many good words; they then withdrew until Friday, when I sent the Chancellor of Brabant, the President of Burgundy, and other deputies to call upon them.... The next day, which was Saturday, they expressed a great desire that the marriage should be solemnised on the following day, which was Trinity Sunday, on which day the king their master held the festival of his anointing and coronation. But, Monseigneur, it was very difficult to arrange such a solemn function in so short a time, for it could not be as honourably held as I should have wished, but, anxious to please them and gratify their desires, I agreed that the said ceremony should be held on Trinity Sunday, which was yesterday, and I did my best to have everything arranged and put in order. The parties assembled on the said day between ten and eleven o'clock, with as much state and honour on our side as was possible, owing to the short notice, in front of the great hall of this house, where Monsieur de Cambray gave the promises and performed the espousals by word of mouth, as was right between the King of Denmark ... and Madame Isabel, my niece, whom it certainly did one good to look at. The said promises given, they went to hear high mass in this hall; and the ambassadors were seated according to their rank, he of Spain beside Monseigneur, to the great content of all, but those of England were not there because "on ne lesscavoit accorder." And when evening came, supper was served and every one sat down in order, and after supper there were dances and tourneys until very late, when they retired to put the bride to bed ... as is the custom amongst great princes. Thus all was very solemnly and duly accomplished, to the great delight of the said ambassadors, who thanked me very much at their departure; as they had fulfilled their mission they were anxious to hasten their return, and I believe they will guard your honour and that of this house as much as possible....'
The next day Margaret writes to say that Charles danced too much at his sister's wedding, and made himself ill. 'Monseigneur,' she says, 'showed himself such a good brother, and carried out everything, even to the dances in which he accompanied the said lady, his sister, to perfection ... and a little more perhaps than his constitution could bear, for the day after the said espousals he was attacked by fever....' A fortnight later Margaret writes thankfully to tell her father that Charles is convalescent.
As the Princess Isabel was barely thirteen, it was arranged that owing to her youth she should remain at home for another year. When the marriage at last took place it was not a happy one, the king being a notorious libertine, who was later known as 'the Nero of the North,' and after a few years of misery the poor little princess died, leaving her children to Margaret's care.
Isabel's younger sister, Mary, was sent this year on a visit to the Court of Hungary, possibly with a view to her future marriage. Margaret mentions her journey in several letters. In April she wrote from Malines: 'Touching the departure of Madame Mary, all is ready; and she will start from herewithout fail on the 2nd of May ... and will go by Grave as you advised.'
On the 5th of May Florent of Egmond writes to Margaret from Maestricht: 'Madame, Madame Mary arrived here this evening in very good disposition, without having met any danger on the road to her person or otherwise; to-morrow we pass from here to Aix-la-Chapelle.' The princess accomplished her journey safely, but her marriage to Louis of Hungary did not take place until seven years later.
In 1507 HenryVIII.'s sister, Princess Mary, had been betrothed to Prince Charles of Austria, and the marriage contract signed at Calais between her father, HenryVII.'s, and Maximilian's ambassadors. It had been arranged that the betrothal should take place in London before the following Easter; but the King of England's illness and the emperor's engagements had delayed the ceremony until the 17th of December 1508. It was agreed to wait for the completion of the marriage until Charles had attained his fourteenth year in February 1514.
In the month of October 1513 the king and emperor still appeared to be willing to fulfil the contract, and signed a treaty arranging that Maximilian and Margaret should accompany the Archduke Charles to Calais before the 15th of May following for the celebration of the marriage. But six months later Ferdinand and Louis signed another treaty agreeing to marry the archduke to Renée, LouisXII.'s daughter, who was barely four years old. Ferdinand, as Charles's maternal grandfather, claimed the right to control the marriage of his grandson and heir. He informed Maximilian of the contents of the treaty, but begged him to keep it secret from Margaret, asheintended to keep it secret from theEnglish king. Margaret, left in ignorance, continued to beg her father to celebrate the archduke's marriage with Princess Mary, but the emperor always evaded her requests with fresh excuses. She reproached him for his negligence in a letter written in March 1514 in which she showed how necessary it was that he should hasten the marriage to secure peace to the Austrian dominions, and especially to the Netherlands.
Anne of Brittany had been in failing health for some years, and as far back as 1511 had had a serious illness which placed her life in danger. De Burgo, Margaret's ambassador at the French Court, in one of his letters to his mistress's secretary says: 'The queen, as I lately informed Madame, was nearly well again, but last night she was suddenly attacked with fever and other symptoms so violently that her life was in danger.' Later on he wrote that the patient had had such a bad night, she had lost all power of speech, but after having received the last sacraments she gradually became better. Anne recovered, and on the 4th of April De Burgo wrote the news of her convalescence.
But on the 23rd of January of the following year Jean Leveau informed Margaret that 'the day before yesterday, which was the 21st of this month, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the queen was delivered of a still-born son, much to the king's grief, though others take it calmly since God wills it thus.' This was Anne's last child. In the following March she again had fever, and did not leave her bed until May. De Burgo gave Margaret an account of an audience he had with Anne on the 19th of May. 'Madame, although the queen is not yet quite well and speaks to no stranger, she was pleased to wishto see me, to hear what the emperor had written to me about some days ago, and that I might take leave of her; I found her in bed, but looking well, and much improved in health.'
Anne, however, never really recovered, and on January the 9th, 1514, passed away at Blois, leaving the king with only two daughters, Claude and Renée. Ferdinand soon tried to find Louis another wife, and proposed that he should marry Margaret, who was now thirty-four years old, or her niece Eleanor, who was only seventeen. Louis chose the latter, and had the marriage articles drawn up.
In a long despatch to Juan de Lanuza, his ambassador in Flanders, written in March, King Ferdinand says that he hears that Madame Margaret does not approve of the mission on which Quintana (his secretary) was sent to the emperor. Quintana was sent to find out the emperor's wishes about concluding a truce with France for one year between Austria, England, and Spain.... Had he believed that Madame Margaret entertained a different opinion from that of the emperor, he would have consulted her first. Not knowing that she would disapprove of the treaty, and considering delay dangerous, he had sent Quintana to the emperor, and ordered that as soon as he arrived, Luis de Gilaberte should go to Madame Margaret, and inform her of what was going on. As the truce is now signed according to the orders of the emperor, it must be observed....'
'In addition to the commission to conclude a truce with France ... the emperor ordered Quintana to propose in his name to the King of France a marriage with Madame Eleanor of Austria.... King Ferdinand says that he is astonished to hearthat Madame Margaret opposes his plans, as he is only following her father's counsel, and thinks she must be imperfectly informed of the true nature of this affair.... Madame Margaret, he says, dwells on the great difference of age between the King of France and Madame Eleanor. Lanuza is to tell her that in marriages of great kings difference of age is never taken into account. The King of France has no son and no heir. A son of Madame Eleanor's would, therefore, be the heir to the throne of France. It would be of incalculable advantage to Prince Charles if his sister's son were King of France. Madame Margaret is mistaken if she thinks it a disadvantage that Madame Eleanor is so thin. Thin women generally ... bear more children than stout ones. If the King of France were to marry Madame Eleanor, Austria, France, England, and Spain would form but one family, of which the emperor would be the head....'
'Ferdinand hopes that Margaret will not dissuade the emperor and the King of England from ratifying the truce with France, and wishes that the marriages (Prince Charles's and his sister Eleanor's) might be concluded in her presence and under her guidance. He goes on to say that Madame Margaret is a very pious and virtuous lady, and he expects that she will act like a good Christian, and prefer peace rather than war and bloodshed.... Should it be necessary, he must speak with Madame Margaret's confessor in secret, and ask him to use his influence with her....' Ferdinand ends the despatch by saying that 'he hopes Margaret will help him to secure incalculably great advantages to the emperor, himself, and to Prince Charles.'
In the same month King Ferdinand wrote a mostaffectionate letter to Margaret evidently in the hopes of winning her consent to his wishes by flattering speeches. The letter is addressed to his 'beloved daughter,' and begins by thanking her for all the great services she has rendered to himself as well as to 'his brothers, the emperor and the King of England, and to his son, the Prince (Charles).' 'She is,' he says, 'the most important person in Christendom, since she acts as mediator in almost all the negotiations between the princes of Christendom.'
In another letter to Lanuza a few days later, Ferdinand is still anxious lest Margaret should oppose the truce with France, and observes that 'Madame Margaret is the person on whom, more than any one else on earth, peace or war depends, and beseeches that she may use her influence in favour of peace.'
King Ferdinand tells Lanuza in confidence that he believes Margaret wishes to marry the French king herself, and that if this is the case, Ferdinand would not oppose it; but the King of France is anxious to marry again because he hopes for a son and heir, and he does not wish to marry Margaret because he fears that she would not bear him children....[46]
Whilst these negotiations were under discussion, HenryVIII.was contemplating marrying his sister Mary to LouisXII., in order to prevent the French king's marriage with Eleanor of Austria. It was now in the King of England's interest to be on good terms with France, as he was deserted by those who had formerly sided with him against her. Full powers for Princess Mary's marriage with LouisXII.were sent to France on the 29th of July. The next day Mary solemnly renounced the promises made inher name with reference to her marriage with the Archduke Charles, and on the 7th of August the marriage contract with Louis was signed in London by the ambassadors, without Margaret having any suspicion of the truth.
When at last she heard rumours of the Anglo-French marriage, she did not believe them, and even ordered Jacques de Thienne, Lord of Castres, to tell the King of England that she had never believed the report to be true. De Castres only started on his mission in the middle of August, and the marriage treaty had been signed since the 7th of the same month, and Mary had married the prisoner Duke of Longueville[47]by proxy at Greenwich on the 13th.
This public ceremony at last convinced Margaret of the unwelcome fact that her nephew had been thrown over. She bitterly complained of King Henry's want of good faith, and threatened to publish the promise he had given in writing to marry his sister to the Archduke Charles.
Before LouisXII.married the eighteen-year-old Mary Tudor he sent his first painter, Jean de Paris, to London to paint her portrait and plan her trousseau. Accompanied by King Henry, Queen Katharine, and a great retinue of nobles as far as Dover, the bride set sail for France, escorted by the Duke of Suffolk. Amongst her ladies we find the names of the Ladies Grey and Anne Boleyn. Gorgeous pageants greeted Princess Mary; King Louis went himself in state to receive her at Calais, accompanied by the Duke of Valois and Margaret of Angoulême, and loaded her with presents and costlyjewels. The wedding took place at Abbeville on the 9th of October. With reference to this marriage, Louise of Savoy, whose son, the Duke of Valois, was heir-presumptive to the throne, made the following spiteful entries in her diary: 'Le 22nd Septembre 1514, le roi LouisXII., fort antique et débile sortit de Paris, pour aller au devant de sa jeune femme, la reine Marie.'
'Le 9 Octobre 1514, furent les amoureuses noces de LouisXII., roi de France, et de Marie d'Angleterre; et furent épousés a dix heures du matin.'
On the 5th of November the new queen was crowned at St. Denis, and during the ceremony Francis, Duke of Valois, held the crown above her head.[48]
HenryVIII., in writing to thank Louis for a richly caparisoned Spanish genet which he had sent as a present, expressed his hopes that Mary's lively disposition might not harm conjugal peace. But Louis was quite fascinated by his youthful bride, and for her sake changed all his habits, and breakfasted at noon instead of eight in the morning, and went to bed at midnight instead of six, and soon ended by falling seriously ill. His wife amused him whilst he lay in bed by singing romances to her guitar; but three months after their marriage the worn-out old king of fifty-two died during a terrific storm which raged throughout New Year's night,1515. Only a few faithful friends were with him at the last, and when next day Mary was informed of her loss she fainted, and with every sign of becoming grief shut herself up according to the custom of royal widows for six weeks in a darkened room.
Towards the month of March 1515 an English embassy was sent to France, headed by the Duke of Suffolk, to bring back the Queen-Dowager of France to England. Margaret writes to her father: 'Monseigneur, I have received your three letters of the 14th instant ... and in reply I write to inform you that the King of England has despatched a large embassy to the King of France, in charge of the Duke of Suffolk, who I hear is sent to bring back the Queen-Dowager.... As for the ambassadors who are to go to England with the Bishop of Brixen, I have communicated that part of your letters to the lord of Chièvres, as head of the finances and government of Monseigneur, who replied that the various personages were ready, but that the difficulty was finding money to provide them suitably. And I think, Monseigneur, he speaks the truth,' but, she adds sadly, 'I can do no more, fornow I do not meddlein any business.'
After this date Margaret's letters to her father become much less frequent.
Soon after any dreams that she may have indulged in of a fourth and handsome husband in the person of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, were finally dissipated by his marriage with the young Queen-Dowager of France.[49]Mary Tudor was eighteen years younger than Margaret, and was consideredone of the most beautiful princesses in Europe. These facts may account for Charles Brandon's preference. At any rate, after this episode Margaret remained a widow to the end of her life, and although the manuscripts in the British Museum abound with her letters to HenryVIII., Wolsey, and others on grave political affairs, they probably comprise no more than those already quoted that have so direct a reference to the affairs of her heart.[50]
Soon after midnight on the 2nd of January 1515 Francis, Duke of Valois, was aroused by an excited crowd rushing into his chamber and hailing him King of France. 'May you have a happy New Year!' cried his friend Fleurange, 'Les belles étrennes!'
The new king was in his twenty-first year, and in May 1514 had married LouisXII.'s eldest daughter Claude, thus securing Brittany to the French crown. Young, brave, and handsome, with fascinating manners, passionately fond of beauty in every form, he was undoubtedly the most accomplished 'chevalier' in the kingdom, but his love of pleasure and extravagance were carried to excess, and marred the brilliancy of his many good qualities. 'This big boy will spoil everything,' LouisXII.had predicted, more struck by his son-in-law's failings than by his virtues.
On the 15th of February Francis made his state entry into Paris, and at the banquet given the same evening, the Flemish ambassadors were present, having been previously received in audience by Queen Claude. Mercurin de Gattinare wrote to Margaret from Paris giving her an account of their reception. 'Queen Claude,' he says, 'is very small and extraordinarily fat, but her graceful way of talking makes amends for her lack of beauty.' When the ambassadorswere presented to her, 'she kissed Monsieur de Nassou, but gave her hand to Monsieur de Saint-Py and all of us.'
FrancisI.found his kingdom prepared for war. From the time of his accession he dreamed of winning glory in Italy, and reconquering the duchy of Milan. As soon as he had made the necessary preparations he entered on the campaign; and in August led a brilliant army of 60,000 men and 30,000 horse across the Alps by narrow, unfrequented roads over the Col d'Argentière, entering Italy by the valley of the Stura, thus avoiding the passes guarded by the Swiss, and finally taking up a strong position to the south-east of Milan, near Marignano. Against him were the emperor, King Ferdinand, and the Swiss Cantons, Venice being his only ally. Fifteen thousand Venetians under Alviano advanced by forced marches to help him, and had reached Lodi, four miles distant. Milan itself was occupied by 30,000 Swiss, who were resolved to prevent the junction of the two armies, and attack the French in their own trenches. They opened fire late on the afternoon of September 12th, and all that evening until it grew pitch dark the battle raged. When morning dawned the two armies were still facing each other, and with the first rays of the sun the battle continued with renewed vigour until ten o'clock, when, at sight of the Venetian advance-guard led by Alviano, the Swiss began to waver, and hastily retreating to Milan, left the French masters of the field.
Marshal Trivulzio, who had been present at eighteen battles, declared that all the others were child's play when compared to Marignano, which was 'a battle of giants.'
After the victory Francis wished to be knightedby Bayard, who, though only a lieutenant, had so distinguished himself that the whole army looked upon him as a perfect model of a Christian soldier, and gave him the name of 'le chevalier sans peur et sans reproche.'
Maximilian, writing to Margaret from Innsbrück, thus describes the battle of Marignano:—
'Very dear and much-loved daughter,—We have had news that on the 13th of this month[51](September), the French being quartered about two leagues from Germany, near Milan, they set out and appeared before the said town. Wherefore the Swiss who were in the town of Milan, having quitted the flat country, being informed of this fact, left the town about twenty thousand strong and marched against the French, and about four o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, the Swiss and French began to fight each other, more by way of skirmishing than giving battle, for there were so many ditches that the French men-at-arms on horseback could not help their foot-soldiers, and fought so long that night surprised them; and all that night the said Swiss and French remained on the field of battle, without attacking each other until the morrow, the 14th of the month, when they renewed the battle, which lasted quite three hours, after which fight about three thousand of the said landsknechts (foot-soldiers) and as many or more Swiss were left dead upon the field. And because there was mutiny and division amongst the said Swiss, through some of their people making peace with the French and refusing to fight, they retreated some to Milan and others to Como, without either party pursuing or trying to fight the other.And because they could not subdue the mutiny, the day after they left the above-mentioned places and returned to their own country....'
After the battle Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan, yielded his rights to the conqueror and accepted a pension of 30,000 crowns.
Before the year was out, FrancisI.and the Pope met at Bologna and arranged a peace which was signed at Fribourg and called 'La Paix perpétuelle.'
In the lull that followed the battle of Marignano Maximilian found time to turn his attention to the interesting occupation of planning marriages for his grandchildren. His Court has been called a sort of matrimonial agency, and his letters to Margaret abound in projects and schemes for grand alliances for his granddaughters. In the spring of 1515 he had met the Kings of Poland and Hungary at Vienna. VladislavII., King of Hungary, had a son Louis, whose marriage was now arranged with Mary of Austria, whilst his daughter Anna was betrothed to Ferdinand of Austria, Maximilian's youngest grandson. It was hoped that this double marriage would secure the kingdom of Hungary to the House of Hapsburg, besides carrying out the original treaty of 1463 between the Emperor FrederickIII.and King Mathias.
In one of his letters to Margaret, Maximilian reminds her of his remark that, in order to find a husband for the 'Lady Léonora,' his eldest granddaughter, he must wait for the decease of one of the three principal queens of Europe, either of France, England, or Poland. He now writes to say that the Queen of Poland is dead, and it has been suggested to him that the widowed king is thinking of Léonora,and he would like to know his granddaughter's wishes on the subject.
'As to our opinion,' he says, 'we are willing that the said marriage should take place; for the said King of Poland is a handsome person, somewhat fat, anyhow he will never be fatter; with a white face and body and very white hands, the height of Seigneur de Berges at the age of twenty, with a handsomer face than Monsieur de Berges has, for his face is open and very honest.... He keeps great state, is beloved by his subjects and by all those with whom he comes in contact, of whom I am one, and also my whole house. He is, as he told me with his own mouth, which is beautiful and red, forty-six or forty-seven years old, his hair is already a little grey; his kingdom, two hundred miles from Germany, large, warlike, and can raise a hundred thousand fighting-men.... The king and all his court speak German and Latin as well as their native language....'
Margaret replied that in accordance with Maximilian's wishes she had spoken to Léonora about the projected marriage with the King of Poland. 'I spoke to her,' she says, 'on my own account, telling her of the virtues and beauty of the said king's person, with the greatness of his kingdom, and all that there was to be said on the subject; she listened to me willingly, very gently, and rather timidly, and after several subtle devices, I could only draw from her the words that....' (Here the letter tantalisingly breaks off.)
SigismondI., King of Poland, of whom the emperor draws so attractive a portrait, was in truth a very accomplished prince—but he did not marry Eleanor of Austria, and eventually became thehusband of Bona, the daughter of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.
The Archduke Charles was now fifteen, and Maximilian declared him of age and handed over to him the reins of government of the Netherlands. He was inaugurated Duke of Brabant in February 1515, Count of Flanders in April, and successively took possession of Holland and Zealand, Leeuward, Harlingen, and Franicker. Charles's letter to the president and councillors of Flanders announcing his emancipation has been preserved:—