'Very dear and Well Beloved,—It has pleased the emperor, my lord and grandfather, to emancipate us and free us from his guardianship and regency, placing the government of our country and lordships ... in our hands, and consenting that we be received and sworn to the principality and lordship of the same.... Therefore it is fit and reasonable that all things which concern our rights, greatness, lordship, and even the doing of justice and our other affairs, should be conducted henceforth in our name and under our title. For this cause we write to you; we require and command that all letters, acts, and other things which will be done and expedited towards you for our aforesaid affairs, shall be drawn up and despatched under our aforesaid name and title, placing at the end of the letters: Given under the seal which the emperor, my lord and grandfather, and we have used during the time of our minority....'Charles(1515)'
'Very dear and Well Beloved,—It has pleased the emperor, my lord and grandfather, to emancipate us and free us from his guardianship and regency, placing the government of our country and lordships ... in our hands, and consenting that we be received and sworn to the principality and lordship of the same.... Therefore it is fit and reasonable that all things which concern our rights, greatness, lordship, and even the doing of justice and our other affairs, should be conducted henceforth in our name and under our title. For this cause we write to you; we require and command that all letters, acts, and other things which will be done and expedited towards you for our aforesaid affairs, shall be drawn up and despatched under our aforesaid name and title, placing at the end of the letters: Given under the seal which the emperor, my lord and grandfather, and we have used during the time of our minority....
'Charles(1515)'
In addressing the deputies from the States-General Charles made the following speech: 'Gentlemen, I thank you for the honour and great affection youbear me. Be good and loyal subjects, and I will be your good prince.'
Margaret does not appear to have been consulted about Charles's emancipation until it was an accomplished fact, and we can well understand that, accustomed as she had been to exercise sovereign power for eight years, she felt some secret anxiety in seeing this power taken from her. Monsieur de Croy, Seigneur de Chièvres, had always opposed the princess's administration, and was anxious to exclude her from the government; it was therefore an added blow to know that he would now, as Charles's counsellor, be in a position to deprive her of her nephew's confidence.
Margaret no longer presided at the State Council, and was only appealed to as a matter of form. The emperor's letters were not communicated to her, and she even heard rumours that she was accused of personal avarice and of having been unsuccessful in her rule. She keenly resented these accusations and complained to her father, and also addressed a memorandum to her nephew containing a sketch of her government, and accounts, with a full list of the gifts and payments made out of her private income.
Maximilian replied that he has written to Charles, and encloses a copy of the letter, in which he says: 'We make no doubt, because of the honour and love you owe to our very dear daughter, your aunt, that you communicate your chief and most arduous business to her, and that you take and use her good advice and counsel, from which, for natural reasons, you will always find more comfort, help, and support than from any other. In which, as a royal father, we exhort you always to continue, begging you affectionately to remember the way she laboured during your minority in the administration of your country ... and alsothat you are her whole heart, hope, and heir,—that you will give her a good allowance, such as she has had until now ... for she has well deserved it from you.'
On August the 20th, 1515, Margaret presented a memorandum to her nephew before the assembled Council containing a justification of her government, which began thus: 'Monseigneur, as I evidently perceive, after having had such long patience, that by divers means they try to give you suspicions of me, your humble aunt, to withdraw me from your goodwill and confidence, which would indeed be a poor recompense for the services which I have rendered you until now, I am constrained to excuse myself....' She bitterly complains of the way she has been put aside, and protests against the calumnies brought against her. To justify her conduct, she recalls her services during Charles's minority, and firmly maintains that she always acted uprightly and loyally without any profit to herself, serving the prince from love, without any thought of gain. If any error should be found in the detailed account presented to the Council, she requests that it may be pointed out to her before the prince, so that she can answer it herself, for 'I prefer,' she says, 'that they should speak before me, than behind my back.' She then relates all the principal acts of her government, from the time the emperor first confided the regency to her care, and recalls her long struggles with the Duke of Gueldres, who, aided and abetted by the King of France, broke all treaties, and feared neither God nor man; and recounts the part she played in the alliance with England, and also at the Treaty of Cambray, which was only brought to a successful issue after much pain and trouble. She indignantly denies that she has beenthe cause of renewed wars with Gueldres, for far from seeking war, she has ever striven for peace. 'And what has been the reward of all this service and sacrifice?' From the time of her appointment as regent she has given her time and money for her nephew's service, without touching a 'denier,' and spent more than three thousand florins from her own income. The prince's proposed emancipation was kept from her, though had her advice been asked she would not have opposed it; her opinion was no longer asked, and through calumnious imputations it was tried to injure her with her nephew. The payment of her pension was purposely delayed, though every nobleman could count on receiving the allowance due to him. 'If mine is larger,' she adds, addressing herself to her nephew, 'I am also your only aunt, and have no other son nor heir but you, and I know of no one to whom your honour is dearer than to me. You can rest assured, Monseigneur, that when it pleases you to make use of my services, and hold and treat me with the esteem which is reasonable, I will serve you well and loyally, not sparing my person or my goods, as I have done heretofore. But if you are pleased to give ear to what they tell you against me, and allow me to be treated as I see they have begun to do, I would much rather look after my own small affairs and gracefully retire, as I have already begged the emperor to allow me to do by my secretary, Marnix, when he was lately with him.'
After the young prince had listened to this eloquent justification, he declared, and the Chancellor agreed, 'that Madame was held fully discharged from all things, with many other fine words and promises.' On the back of the paper is a note containingthe names of the councillors present when Charles received the document, and at the end is a full account of the money received at different times from the Flemish States, and an appendix showing the various gifts from Margaret's own collection of treasures which she gave for the service of her government during her regency.
Peace was once more restored, and we hear of Margaret accompanying Charles at the various festivities which marked his majority.
The following extract is from Margaret's memorandum of gifts and sacrifices made by her during regency:—
'1. To the Duke of Juliers, who had accompanied her on her return from Germany, a large silver-gilt goblet, weighing sixteen marks, which had been given to her by the town of Antwerp.
'2. To the Controller of Calais, who had come on an embassy from the King of England, half-a-dozen cups, two jugs, and two flagons, all of silver, weighing together fifty-five marks.
'3. To the English ambassadors who came to treat about the marriage between her and the late King HenryVII., and who were afterwards sent to take part in the Peace of Cambray, viz., to the Count of Surrey a golden goblet out of which Madame drank every day, weighing three hundred golden crowns; to Richard Wingfield, second ambassador, twenty yards of velvet, twenty yards of satin, and twenty yards of damask; to the third ambassador ... twenty yards of velvet and twenty yards of damask; and to their herald, twenty yards of damask.
'4. To Monseigneur the Legate at the Treaty of Cambray, by the advice of the Council, a very beautiful golden goblet, weighing nearly six hundredcrowns, with a cover ornamented with large pearls, forming five trefoils of five pearls each, and between each trefoil a very fine balass ruby, each of the five table rubies valued at more than three hundred and fifty golden florins. The foot of the goblet had also five trefoils of medium-sized pearls and five balass rubies.' In short, this cup, surmounted by a great and beautiful emerald, was valued at more than four thousand golden florins. The Cardinal d'Amboise thought it so exquisite and beautiful that he considered he ought to present it to King LouisXII.
'5. To the Bishop of Paris, being an ecclesiastic, was given a beautiful and rich Book of Hours, which had been bought from Maillardet for the sum of four hundred golden crowns. It was ornamented with gold; and on both covers were two superb table diamonds, and to mark the place a large balass ruby, set clear, which was valued at more than a thousand florins, and to which were attached twenty-five silken cords, each one finished with a pearl.
'6. To the Count of Carpi, two large and rich silver flagons, which Madame had brought from Spain, each weighing twenty-two marks, of good workmanship.
'7. To the heralds, ushers, and other members of the French embassy, from four to five hundred gold crowns. "All given in order the better to nourish peace and love between France and this House, as the affairs of Monsieur require it." Other ambassadors, officers, and gentlemen received various gifts and presents to the amount of five thousand florins.
'Item.—Madame has lent her money for State affairs, and has greatly reduced the expenses of her own household.... For three years, far from havinga pension for her services, she spent her dowry as long as it lasted. It will also be found that during her government she never gave any gratuities to her dependants from the finances of Monsieur.'
This document, corrected in the margin by Margaret, is found in duplicate in the archives of Lille.
Magnificent fêtes everywhere inaugurated Charles's coming of age. The Pope presented him with the Golden Rose; and Maximilian, writing to Margaret on the 8th of December, hopes that she will see that the Pope's ambassador, who brought the gift, is well received by Charles, and orders that a sum of £700 be given to him.
M. Tailliar gives an interesting account of the young archduke's state entry into Douay, accompanied by Margaret: 'On the 15th of May 1516 Charles, King of Spain and Count of Flanders, having made his joyous entry into Douay, went next day, the 16th, to the market-hall to receive the oaths of fealty. The square in front of the hall was richly hung with velvet and cloth of gold. After hearing mass, the king appeared, accompanied by his aunt, Madame Margaret of Austria, and by his eldest sister, Madame. He took the oath in the prescribed manner, and likewise all those present swore fealty to him.'
King Ferdinand of Aragon had died on the 23rd of January 1516. By his will, Charles was excluded from the kingdom of Aragon, which was left to his younger brother, Ferdinand, who had been the old king's favourite; but in his last moments, repenting perhaps of this unjust arrangement, he made a codicil, in which he not only left Charles heir to all his estates, but also made him Grand Master of the MilitaryOrders, leaving Ferdinand with a pension of 50,000 ducats a year.
Although Queen Joanna was still alive, Charles assumed the title of King, and was first proclaimed Sovereign of Castile and Aragon, conjointly with his mother, at Brussels, where Ferdinand's funeral obsequies were celebrated in the cathedral of St. Gudule. 'Twice the king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece called aloud, "Don Ferdinand." Twice the answer came, "He is dead," and on this the great standard clattered to the ground. Then cried the herald, "Long live donna Jehanne and don Charles, by the grace of God Catholic kings," whereon Charles, doffing his mourning, received and brandished the sword of justice.'[52]
In Spain this assumption of the royal title was regarded as a breach of custom, and caused comment and discontent. Nevertheless Cardinal Ximenes had his young master proclaimed in Castile. The regency of Castile had been intrusted to him by Ferdinand until Charles's arrival, and that of Aragon to the late king's natural son, the Archbishop of Saragossa.
Before Charles succeeded to his Spanish kingdoms, his sister Mary had already left home for her short, though comparatively happy, marriage with the ill-fated Louis of Hungary, while Isabella had begun her miserable life with the brutal and licentious ChristianII.of Denmark. His brother Ferdinand and his youngest sister Katharine were being brought up in Spain. Only Charles's eldest sister Eleanor remained at Brussels. About this time she seems to have had a rather serious flirtation with the handsome Count Palatine Frederick, who was the most accomplished nobleman of the Court, and though seventeen years his senior, Charles's earliest personal friend. Theaffection between the count and Eleanor was mutual, and led to clandestine correspondence. Chièvres set Charles on the track of one of the count's love-letters. Pretending to wish his sister good-morning, he snatched it from her bosom before she had time to read it, and after a brief scrimmage secured the prize. 'Upon this his constancy into a like affair,' wrote Spinelli to HenryVIII., 'many do conject in him good stomak and couraggy, and how he will be fast in his determjnacions, and much extime the honnor of the worlde.' This singularly sound forecast of the character of the hitherto problematic boy of sixteen gives, perhaps, the first glimpse of his personality.[53]
Educated by the courtly William de Croy, Lord of Chièvres, with Adrian of Utrecht as preceptor, Charles developed manners and characteristics, half patrician, half plebeian, which was probably due to his tutors' opposite influences. De Croy's courteous manners gave him a stately bearing, reserve, and dignity which subsequently attached him to the Spaniards; while from Adrian he acquired the popular, easy-going and simple ways which made him so beloved by his Flemish subjects.
CHARLES V
CHARLES VFROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FLEMISH SCHOOL)View larger image
His intellectual faculties did not develop early—he even showed marked aversion for science and letters, and preferred military exercises to the study of government. De Chièvres, however, made him study the history not only of his own kingdoms, but of those with which they were connected. He accustomed him, from the time of his assuming the government of Flanders, to attend to business, and persuaded him to read all papers relating to public affairs, to be present at the deliberations of his privy-councillors, and to propose to them himself those matters concerningwhich he required their opinion. From such an education Charles contracted habits of gravity and recollection which scarcely suited his youth. The first openings of his genius did not show that superiority which its maturer age displayed.[54]
The French envoy once expressed surprise at Charles's diligence before De Chièvres, who replied: 'My friend, I am his tutor and master. When I die, I want him to be free, for if he does not understand his own affairs, after my death he will be obliged to have another tutor, and will always have to lean on others.'
Charles did not hurry at once to enter into his new possessions. He remained in Flanders until the repeated entreaties of Ximenes, and the advice of his grandfather, Maximilian, at last prevailed on him to embark for Spain. Before he set out he confirmed Margaret in the government of the Netherlands, and appointed a Council to assist her. Accompanied by his sister Eleanor, De Chièvres, his Prime Minister, and a splendid train of Flemish nobles, he set sail from Flushing on September the 8th, and after a dangerous voyage, landed at Villa Viciosa, in the province of Asturias. For six weeks Charles wandered through the wild mountainous country without entering any large town. On the last day of October the Constable of Castile met him, and soon the Spanish nobility flocked to greet their sovereign from all parts of the kingdom. But before Charles would show himself to his people he visited his mother and his youngest sister Katharine at Tordesillas. Queen Joanna was surprised to find Charles and Eleanor grown up, and asked if they were really her children. A little later Charles tried to remove his young sisterKatharine from her gloomy surroundings, but her secret abstraction caused her mother such grief that she had to be restored.
About this time Maximilian wrote to Margaret, sending advice to Charles, and begging her to continue to help him: 'My good daughter, thinking day and night about the affairs of my heirs, I have decided, chiefly for the good and honour of my son, King Charles, to write to my deputies who are with him, certain things concerning their good and that of their subjects. Knowing that you will be required by my said son to accomplish an honourable charge, we desire and we require that you should fulfil it; in so doing you will do a thing very pleasant and honourable to yourself, as you will more clearly understand from our deputies, Messieurs André de Burgo and Nycasy. And so 'A. Diu.' Written on the 2nd of March by the hand of your good and loyal father,Maxi.'
Charles's arrival in Spain caused great excitement among high and low, and every one was speculating about his appearance, character, and accomplishments. The Bishop of Badajoz sent the following interesting, though somewhat exaggerated, description of the new king and his surroundings to Cardinal Ximenes: 'The prince,' he says, 'has good parts, but he has been kept too much isolated from the world, and, in particular, he knows too little of Spaniards. He does not understand a single word of Spanish. He obeys his councillors implicitly; but, as he has entered the seventeenth year of his age, it would be well if he took part in the discussions of his Council.
'Monsieur de Chièvres is the most influential person in the prince's Court; he is prudent and gentle, but avaricious. The same may be said of the Chancellorof Burgundy. On the whole, love of money is the besetting sin of the Flemings. They buy and sell the Government offices, and it is to be feared that they will introduce the same custom into Spain.... Monsieur de Chièvres is a Frenchman by birth, and keeps the prince very much under subjection to the King of France. The prince signs his letters to the King of France, "Your humble servant and vassal," ... and though he signs himself to others "Principe," he likes to be called king....'
Cardinal Ximenes' health was now rapidly declining. When the news of Charles's arrival in Spain had been brought to him he revived a little, and sent the young king letters of welcome, filled with good advice as to the best way of securing his people's affection. Charles answered in the most deferential manner, but his Belgian Ministers, fearing that the Cardinal would exercise too much influence over him, prevented their meeting by keeping the king in the north, and estranging him from Ximenes. Through their advice Charles wrote to the Cardinal in a very different strain, depriving him not only of the regency but of all share in state affairs. When the letter was brought to Ximenes at Roa he was dangerously ill. Adrian de Burgo was with him, but feared to tell him of the royal command, and the great Cardinal, who had preserved the kingdom of Castile intact for his master, passed away without the knowledge of Charles's ingratitude. He died on the 8th of November 1517 in the eighty-third year of his age.
De Chièvres had now no rival, and hoped to be as powerful in Spain as he was in the Netherlands.
On the 18th of November 1517, ten days after Ximenes' death, Charles, accompanied by a gorgeous train of nobles, ambassadors, and the flower of the Spanish army, made his state entry into Valladolid, the capital of Old Castile. The splendid procession slowly wound its way through the narrow streets of the town. First came thirty falconers, with birds on wrist, some wearing the king's livery of white, yellow, and red, others the red and green of Ferdinand, then two hundred of the royal guard, a contingent of Spanish Lancers, with the nobles' drum and fife bands, followed by twenty led chargers from the king's stables. Behind rode three hundred Spanish and Flemish nobles, then two hundred men-at-arms, with foreign ambassadors and heralds; and lastly Charles appeared, a truly regal figure in surcoat of crimson silk and gold brocade over his steel armour, seated on a prancing horse, 'with the majority of its legs always in the air,' but, as an eye-witness observed, the king no more stirred nor swayed than if he had been glued thereon.'[55]
Fêtes and tournaments followed, and the people flocked from far and near to see their king; but beneath the rejoicings there were murmurs and discontent, for the chief posts were given to Flemings,to the exclusion of Spaniards, who naturally felt themselves slighted, and the clergy, to show their annoyance, rudely refused to quarter the royal suite. Jean le Sauvage, Grand Chancellor of Burgundy, was made Chancellor of Castile, and to De Chièvres' young nephew, a mere boy, was given the archbishopric of Toledo, the wealthiest see in Spain.
Amidst general discontent the Cortes opened on February 2nd, 1518. The town deputies began by objecting to the new Chancellor presiding over their first meeting. After some stormy debates, the oath of allegiance was taken to Charles and his mother conjointly, but it was appointed that Joanna's name should be placed before that of her son in all public acts. A generous subsidy of six hundred thousand ducats was voted for three years. Charles was petitioned to marry at once, and to keep his brother in Spain until there was a direct heir to the throne. To these requests he gave evasive answers, but when implored to learn Spanish, he replied that he had already begun to study the language. As a matter of fact he only knew a few words, and his answers were extremely abrupt and hesitating. An Italian envoy who was present remarked: 'He says little, is not of much ability, and is entirely ruled by his Flemish governors'; whilst the Marquis of Pescara, who became one of his greatest generals, reported that in three audiences he had not said three words. But the young monarch was only biding his time, and was soon to prove that he was not such a cipher as he allowed himself to appear.[56]
When Charles became king, his Ministers were anxious to bring about a reaction against Maximilian and Margaret's hostile attitude towards France, andfor this end Charles hastened to inform FrancisI.of his accession. The French king replied by sending the Sire de la Roche with his affectionate congratulations, and expressed the hope that their friendship would become still closer. In an enthusiastic letter to Francis, Charles said: 'Monseigneur, in order to continue the fervent love I bear you, I wished as a good son to a good father, to inform you of my prosperous accession here, which is such, that in giving thanks to our Creator, who directs all things, yesterday, after mass was solemnly celebrated in the temple of our said Creator, accompanied by many ambassadors, yours amongst them, I was splendidly well received, and unanimously acknowledged lord and king of these my realms of Castile, Leon, Granada, and their dependencies, by the prelates, nobles, and representatives of the said kingdoms, with such great reverence and goodwill that ... nothing could be better....'[57]But Charles had a long progress in front of him, and soon after left Castile and set out for Saragossa, the capital of Aragon, in order to attend the Cortes of that kingdom. On his way there he took leave of his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent to Germany on the pretext of visiting Maximilian. This prudent but unpopular manœuvre probably saved Charles his Spanish dominions, for in the struggle that followed with the Cortes of Aragon the Spaniards would willingly have offered the crown to the younger brother, who had been brought up amongst them, and who was a favourite with all the people.
All this time Margaret was anxiously following every movement of her beloved nephew, and was kept well informed of his reception and progress.In one of her letters to Maximilian she says: 'Yesterday I received letters from the king, my lord and nephew, who is very well, and behaves himself so wisely and discreetly, that it is to his great honour and profit. He is, I understand, thinking of sending his brother over here about the month of April, which I much desire.'
On July the 24th, 1518, Charles issued an edict from Saragossa authorising his aunt to sign all documents in his name, giving her full power as though she was ruler, and causing the following announcement to be published in the Netherlands:—'By our letters-patent given in our town of Saragossa, on the 24th day of July last, and for the things contained therein, we have ordained that our very dear Lady and Aunt, the Lady Margaret, Archduchess of Austria, Dowager of Savoy, etc., shall sign from henceforth all letters, acts, and documents with her own hand, which are issued for us, and for our business over there, which ought to be sealed with our seal. Signing with these words: 'Par le Roy. Marguerite'; that she shall have the care of the seal of our finances, and that shealoneshall provide and dispose of the appointments of this our country, for we have given and left the disposal of them to her, assisted by the chief and other members of our privy council....'[58]
Maximilian was delighted when he heard of Charles's renewed confidence in his aunt, and wrote to Margaret expressing his pleasure in the following letter, which was one of the last he was destined to write to her:—'Very dear and much-beloved daughter, we have received your letters of the 25th of October, and hear through them of the honour andauthority that our good son, the Catholic king, has lately bestowed upon you, which gives us great pleasure, and we have good hope that you will so acquit yourself to the wellbeing, guidance, and direction of his affairs, that he may not only have cause to be pleased, but as your good nephew he will increase your said authority more and more. In doing which he could do nothing more pleasing to us. This God knows, and may He, very dear and much-beloved daughter, have you in His keeping. Written from our town of Wels, the 12th day of December, in the year 1518. Your good father,Maxi.'[59]
This same year Margaret's eldest niece, Eleanor, was married to Emmanuel, King of Portugal, who had previously married first Isabel and then Maria, both daughters of Ferdinand and Isabella. Her elderly husband did not long survive his third marriage, but died in 1523, and was succeeded by JohnIII., who, in the following year, married Eleanor's youngest sister, Katharine.
Since the summer Maximilian's health had gradually been declining. In July he presided for the last time at the Diet of Augsburg, and earnestly pressed for the fulfilment of his two dearest wishes—the fitting out of a crusade against the Turks, and the elector's promise to secure the succession to the imperial crown for his grandson, Charles. To this latter request there existed the obstacle, that as he himself had never been crowned by the Pope, he was only regarded by the Roman See as King of the Romans, and therefore Charles could not be invested with that dignity. Maximilian, however, spared no means to gain his ends, and bribed heavilywherever he thought it advisable. Charles appears to have objected to the exorbitant price that was put upon the imperial crown, knowing well that he would one day have to raise the promised sums from his resources in Spain, but his grandfather and Margaret, with their councillors, overruled his objections, and strongly advised him not to bargain for fear of the French king profiting by his stinginess. In an enigmatical letter Margaret thus expresses herself:—'The Lord King, my nephew, has written to us that the horse on which he wishes to come and see us is very dear. We know well that it is dear; but as matters stand, if he does not wish to have it, there is a buyer ready to take it, and, since he has broken it in, it seems a pity that he should give it up, whatever it costs him.'[60]Whilst Maximilian was engaged in taking measures to obtain his desires, the elector's attention was fully occupied by formidable religious troubles. The monk, Martin Luther, had arisen and vehemently declaimed against certain practices of the Church of Rome, and a spirit of revolt and restlessness was in the air. Maximilian does not appear to have been greatly interested in the commencement of the Reformation. Although in his letters to Margaret he often satirically complained of 'les beaux pratikes de la sainte mère de l'Église,' still he was far from upholding any schism in the Church, and urged on by the solicitations of the monks, he wrote to LeoX.asking him to determine the religious disputes by his decision, and summoned Luther to appear with a safe conduct before the Diet of Augsburg to answer for his attack on the system of Indulgences. Luther arrived toolate for the Assembly, and the emperor never saw him, but at the subsequent interview that took place before the Cardinal Legate the monk was told he must either recant his heresies or depart. He refused to recant, and departed to Wittenberg, there to write and publish an account of his interview, which was read far and wide, and helped to further the spirit of schism and revolt.
After a summer spent at Innsbrück, where he was attacked by an intermittent fever, the emperor travelled to Wels, in Upper Austria, hoping that the pure country air would restore his health. But the fever continued, aggravated, it is said, by too violent exercise, and an imprudent indulgence in melons. Soon dysentery supervened, and on the 12th of January 1519 he passed away in the sixtieth year of his age.
As long as he had been able to do so, Maximilian bravely attended to public business, but racked with fever at night, and unable to sleep, he tried to soothe his weariness by having the history of the House of Austria and legends of the saints related to his house read aloud to him. Feeling that his end was near, he asked for a Carthusian monk from Brisgau. When the monk entered his room the emperor sat up and received him with every sign of joy, and turning to the officers standing round his bed he said: 'This is the man who will show me the way to heaven.' With an untroubled mind, and every semblance of piety, he received the last sacraments, and gave minute directions as to his burial, which he wished to be as simple as possible. To show the emptiness of human greatness he ordered that after death his teeth should be drawn, his body polled and shaved (rasé et épilé), and exposed for a whole day,then enclosed in a sack of quicklime and placed in a coffin which he had carried about with him since 1515, and buried in the church of the castle of Nieustad under the altar dedicated to Saint George, in such a position that his head should be under the feet of the celebrant. His heart he wished to be buried at Bruges, near his first wife, Mary of Burgundy, 'sa réelle épouse.' Having thus made all arrangements, he took leave of those present, raising his hand and giving them his blessing. 'Why do you weep,' he asked, 'because you see in me a mortal? Such tears suit women better than men.' And thus calmly and fearlessly Maximilian faced death, reverently responding to the monk's prayers until his voice failed; but when he could no longer utter, still showed by signs that he followed the holy office, until sinking into unconsciousness, with a smile upon his face, he passed away before the dawn.
THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN I AND FAMILY
THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN I AND HIS FAMILYFROM THE PAINTING BY BERNHARD STRIGELIN THE IMPERIAL MUSEUM, VIENNAView larger image
Maximilian was twice married; first, to Mary of Burgundy, through whom he became possessed of the vast domains of that house; and secondly, to Bianca Sforza, daughter of the Duke of Milan, by whom he had no children. Of a kindly and chivalrous nature and endowed with many good qualities, Maximilian was popular amongst his subjects, but obtained little esteem from his contemporaries, owing to a radical inconstancy and indecision of temper, and an extravagance which involved him in perpetual pecuniary embarrassments. Margaret was not present at her father's death, but no one felt his loss more keenly than she did, for he had ever shown himself an affectionate and devoted parent, and though so often parted, their intercourse had been, as their correspondence proves, of the closest and most intimatekind. Her grief found vent in a long poem or lament, in which she enumerates her many sorrows:
'.... O mort trop oultrageuse!Tu a estain la fleur chevaleureuseEt as vaincu celluy qui fust vainqueur,Maximilien, ce très-noble Empereur,Qui en bonté à nul ne se compère.C'estoy César, mon seul seigneur et père,Mais tu l'as mis en trop piteux estat,Sépulturé au chasteau Nieustat....'[61]
'.... O mort trop oultrageuse!Tu a estain la fleur chevaleureuseEt as vaincu celluy qui fust vainqueur,Maximilien, ce très-noble Empereur,Qui en bonté à nul ne se compère.C'estoy César, mon seul seigneur et père,Mais tu l'as mis en trop piteux estat,Sépulturé au chasteau Nieustat....'[61]
'.... O mort trop oultrageuse!
Tu a estain la fleur chevaleureuse
Et as vaincu celluy qui fust vainqueur,
Maximilien, ce très-noble Empereur,
Qui en bonté à nul ne se compère.
C'estoy César, mon seul seigneur et père,
Mais tu l'as mis en trop piteux estat,
Sépulturé au chasteau Nieustat....'[61]
Amongst the condolences which she received there is an interesting joint-letter in Latin from Anne of Hungary (who was betrothed to Ferdinand of Austria), and from Ferdinand's sister Mary (affianced to Louis of Hungary). The letter is written from Innsbrück on the 22nd of January and signed by both princesses.
Maximilian did much to improve his country, and greatly encouraged art and learning. He especially favoured the universities of Vienna and Ingoldstadt, and caused at least two works to be written under his own personal direction—Theuerdankin verse, andWeiss Künigin prose—in both of which he figures as the hero. He also rendered an important service to Germany by abolishing the famous secret tribunal of Westphalia.
Charles was on his way to Barcelona when he received the news of his grandfather's death. Deputing Adrian of Utrecht to hold the Cortes of Valencia, he hurried from Barcelona to Corunna on the Galician coast, intending to set sail for his new kingdom. His appointment of Adrian as sole regent was the crowning insult to Spanish feelings; theCardinal had little experience and less ability; above all he was of low birth and a foreigner, and the king had promised to bestow no office on 'those who were not natives of the kingdom.' Besides, a Cortes had been summoned to meet at Santiago in Galicia, outside Castile, and the Castilians felt deeply injured. Discontent was rife on all sides, and many wild rumours were afloat. It availed little that Charles in his broken Spanish promised to return in three years. The deputies were not mollified, and demurred to granting the desired subsidy, which was only reluctantly voted. Charles excused his hurried departure from Spain on the plea of his obligation to attend to his new dominions, but this excuse did not pacify his discontented subjects, who foresaw the misery of his prolonged absence, with a hated foreigner as regent.
Maximilian's death revived FrancisI.'s hopes of gaining the much-coveted imperial crown, for he was not long in recognising the equivocal and expectant attitude of the electors who had formally promised their votes to the dead emperor. He now entered the lists as Charles's rival, and tried to gain over the electors by every means in his power.
Margaret was in despair at the apparent small chance of her nephew's success, and with the advice of her Council prepared to send the Archduke Ferdinand into Germany to look after his brother's interests, and suggested that Charles should waive his claim in favour of Ferdinand, whose candidature would be less likely to be opposed by the Pope and the German princes.
But Charles was as adamant, and indignantly rejected this proposal, asserting that it had been his grandfather's wish that he alone should succeed tothe imperial dignities, and for this end the electors had promised him their votes. If Ferdinand was chosen, the empire would be weakened, and the House of Austria divided, to the gratification of his enemies. 'He alone,' he haughtily said, 'ought to be emperor in order to uphold the splendour of his House, and realise the great designs he had conceived for the good of Christianity. Should our person be elected, as is reasonable from what has gone before, we could carry out many good and great plans, and not only preserve and keep the dominions that God has given us, but greatly increase them, by giving peace, repose, and tranquillity to all Christendom, in exalting and upholding our holy Catholic faith which is our chief foundation....'[62]
Margaret hastened to justify her conduct in a letter to Charles on the 21st of March, in which she said that when the news of Maximilian's illness reached the Netherlands, the Council had judged it wiser to send Ferdinand to Germany to watch over Charles's hereditary domains, but that the archduke would yield to his brother's wishes, 'for,' she added, 'one could not see a better or more debonair prince of his age.'
As matters turned out, Charles's determination was fully justified, for Francis's methods had not proved successful, and had only alienated him from some of his most powerful supporters. The condottiere, Franz von Sickingen, the Duke of Bouillon, and his brother Érard de la Marck, Bishop of Liége, offended by Francis's treatment of them, went over to the Court of Brussels and upheld the interest of the Spanish king.
The rivalry which from henceforth existed betweenthe two young monarchs promised ere long to break the friendly relations with which Charles's reign began, but Margaret with her usual diplomacy saw the danger of a rupture with France at such a moment, and strongly advised Charles to keep on good terms with his rival. Acting on this wise advice, when Robert de la Marck left France and joined the Court at Brussels, Charles's ambassadors hastened to assure the French king that their master had taken no part in Robert's defalcation, and to support their assertion proposed that Charles should marry Francis's youngest daughter, Princess Charlotte, which offer was very well received.
To get an idea of the activity and political talents Margaret displayed in connection with Charles's election one must read her correspondence with Frederick, Count Palatine, Maximilian de Berghes, Henry of Nassau, her treasurer Marnix, the Cardinals of Sion and Gurce, John de la Saulx, and Gérard de Pleine, and glance through her accounts and receipts, which show what enormous sums were spent in presents, bribes, pensions, and salaries on all those who were likely to contribute to the desired end. The Archbishops of Cologne, Mayence, and Trèves, and their councillors received between them nearly five hundred florins in gold. In these curious accounts large sums appeared to have been lavished not only on the principal negotiators, but on their relations, friends, and servants. Thus five hundred florins are given to the Archbishop of Trèves' nephew, a hundred to the Cardinal of Mayence's valet-de-chambre, and a present of two thousand florins is promised to Count John, the elector of Cologne's brother, who is supposed to have more influence than the elector himself.[63]
Margaret also drew largely from her own revenues in furthering her nephew's interests, and transferred to him the duchies and lordships she had inherited from Maximilian. In grateful appreciation Charles presented her with the town and territory of Malines for her life and a sum of two hundred thousand golden florins (the deed being signed on September the 18th, 1520, at Brussels). In a long letter written from Barcelona, on the 22nd of February 1519, he thanks her warmly for all the trouble she has taken with regard to his election, recommending her to spare no means to obtain the desired end. He says:—
'Madame ma bonne tante et très chiers et féaulx, nous avons reçus vos lettres des viii et onze de ce mois, ensemble plusieurs copies de lettres que ont été escriptes à vous notre tante, d'Allemagne, d'Angleterre et ailleurs, par lesquelles vos lettres avons congneu le grand soing, devoir et diligence que portez en tout nos affaires et singulièrement en celuy d'Allemagne, et louons les bonnes dépesches que y avez fait vers les princes électeurs et autres, et l'envoy des personnaiges tant en Allemagne, Angleterre et Rome, louant aussy Dieu notre Créateur que nos affaires sont en si bon train partout, et que y faites si bonne provision de votre cousté, comme faisons ici de la nôtre, sans y rien épargner, et ne cessons de continuellement en écripre à Rome, Angleterre, Allemagne et ailleurs par tout où il est besoing et necessité; car, pour un tel et si gros affaire, ne voulons cette fois riens obmettre. Vous recommandant tousjours persévérer en vos bonnes diligences, selon la confidence que en portons à vous.
'Il nous semble que le seigneur de Zevenberghe et autres nos conseillers, out très prudement fait et advisé d'avoir envoié le marquis Casimirus et comte deMansfeldt devers le marquis Joachim et de là outre vers le duc Fédericq de Saxe. Nous espérons que les deux bonnes lettres que avons naguères écript de nostre main au comte Fédericq palatin, inclineront luy et son frère à persévérer en la promesse qu'ils nous ont faite. Nous tenons aussy que le comte de Nassau ou de Hoghostraet en passant pardevers l'archevêque de Coulongne, feront quelque bien vers luy. Nous désirons que faites pratiquer Franciscus de Seckinghen si fait ne l'avez, pour l'avoir en notre service, et appointer de son traitement avec luy, ainsi que, par plusieurs fois, le vous avons écript.
'Nous faisons présentement response au seigneur de Zevenberghe sur lesdites lettres, et luy envoions nouveau pouvoir, instruction et lettres de crédence, délaissant le nom en blan de celuy qui en aura la charge par l'advis des gens de notre conseil d'Isbroeck, pour envoyer devers les Suisses renouveller et confirmer les alliances que nos maisons d'Austriche et de Bourgogne ont avec eux, et les faire plus estroités et meilleures, s'il est possible.
'Nous escripvons aussy au Cardinal de Gurce, ledit seigneur de Zevenberghe, Villinger et autres nos conseillers, que s'ils sont requis de notre part par la grande lighe de Swane d'assistance come chief d'icelle lighe, et voyent que ce soit notre bien, proufit, seureté et avancement de nos affaires, qu'ils prendent led. Franciscus de Seckinghen avec six cens chevaux pour un mois ou deux, et les baillent en assistance de ladite lighe contre le duc de Wirtemberghe, et payent iceux chevaux des deniers que Amerstorff avoit emporté pour lever lesIIIImpiétons que devoient aller à Naples.
'Par les lettres que naguerre nous a écript le roy d'Angleterre, et ce que nous a dit son ambassadeurétant lez nous, avons entendu la bonne affection qu'il nous porte à l'avancement de notre élection, et qu'il a écript bien affectueusement à notre Saint Père le pape de la vouloir favoriser et donner charge au Cardinal de Syon soy trouver de sa part à la journée de l'élection, pour y faire pour nous ce qu'il sera possible, et soubs espoir que avons notredit saint Père donnera ladite charge audit Cardinal de Syon, et la confidence que prendons qu'il nous servira bien en cest affaire, mandons au Foucker et à Villinger bailler à iceluy cardinal mil florins d'or pour l'ayder à ses dépens.
'Et pour mercyer ledit roy d'Angleterre, lui escripvons présentement gratieuses lettres et aussy au cardinal d'Yorck, et pareillement à notre ambassadeur maître Jean Jonglet, en la sorte que verrez par nos lettres cy rendues ouvertes, lesquelles leur envoyerez closes et diligemment....'[64]
The Pope at first warmly upheld FrancisI.'s claim and opposed his rival, but he soon saw that the French king had small chance of success, whilst all seemed in favour of Charles. LeoX.did not dissemble that he would have preferred a less powerful emperor than either the King of Castile or the King of France—'but,' as Charles confidently wrote to his envoys in Germany, 'if it should come to choosing either of us two, he has given out that he would be better pleased with us than with the said King of France, and would not refuse us the said dispensation nor any other thing that we should ask.'[65]
Although things seemed to be in his favour, stillthe King of Spain's election was far from a certainty. Henry of Nassau, writing to Margaret, did not conceal the difficulties that had to be overcome. 'The king,' he says, 'is little known in Germany; the French have said much against him, and the Germans, who come from Spain, have hardly said any good.'
Whilst the struggle between the rival kings' agents continued, the kings themselves were no less anxious as to the final issue. Charles was certain that if the imperial crown left the House of Austria the French would lay claim to his hereditary German states as well as to his kingdom of Naples; and besides being forced to renounce for ever the recovery of the duchy of Burgundy, he might even run the risk of being despoiled of the Netherlands.
On the other hand, the possible election of Charles filled Francis with dismay. On the 16th of April 1519 he wrote to his ambassadors in Germany: 'You understand the reason that moves me to acquire the empire and prevent the Catholic king from acquiring it. If he gets it, seeing the greatness of the kingdoms and lordships he possesses, he might, in time, do me inestimable harm. I should always be uneasy and mistrustful, and it is to be feared that he would take good care to drive me out of Italy.'
But at last the long struggle came to an end, the Pope withdrew his opposition, and Margaret was rewarded by Charles's election at Frankfort as King of the Romans on June 28th, 1519, five months and ten days after Maximilian's death. The news of his election was conveyed in nine days from Frankfort to Barcelona, where Charles was detained by the Catalonian Cortes. His coronation, which gave him the title of 'Romanorum Imperator,' did not takeplace until the following year. The title of Emperor, though carrying with it no possessions, gave him the position of 'first of earthly potentates in dignity and rank.'
Louise of Savoy bitterly alludes to her son's successful rival in her diary. 'En Juillet, Charles Ve de ce nom, fils de Philippe, archiduc d'Autriche, fut, après que l'Empire eut esté vacant par l'espace de cinq mois, éleu roy des Romains en la ville de Francfort. Pleut à Dieu qu'il eust plus longuement vacquée, ou bien que pour jamais on l'eust laissé entre les mains de Jhésus-Christ, auquel il appartient et non à d'autres.'[66]Public rejoicings and processions gave expression to the Netherlanders' joy at this great event, and the States enthusiastically voted 200,000 crowns for the expenses of the forthcoming coronation. On the 30th of June Margaret informed the governors of the provinces of Charles's election, and at the same time ordered the towns and villages to give thanks to God 'by processions, sermons, pious prayers and orisons,' and to have 'fireworks, rejoicings, and other festivities which were suitable and usual in such a case.' In her letter to the Governor of Lille she triumphantly says: 'We have, this hour, received letters from the ambassadors of the king, my lord and nephew, who are now in Germany, in which they inform us that ... MM. the electors of the Holy Empire have unanimously, through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit ... elected my said lord and nephew King of the Romans.... We command you ... to inform his good subjects ... requesting them to praise and render thanks to God our Creator, by processions, sermons, devout prayers and orisons.'
Margaret's instructions were well carried out, and the festivities lasted a month until the end of July.
But Charles was badly needed in Flanders, for the four years' truce with Charles of Gueldres had expired, and the Guelderlanders were again giving trouble. Margaret's hands were full, and she anxiously awaited her nephew's arrival. After having handed over the government to Adrian of Utrecht, he left Barcelona on the 20th of January, and disregarding the murmurs of his Spanish subjects, who were smarting under the insult of a Castilian Cortes being summoned to meet at Santiago, passed through Burgos, Valladolid, and Gallicia to the port of Corunna.
He set sail towards the end of May and steered a straight course for England, intending to pay a visit to HenryVIII.and his aunt, Queen Katharine. A negotiation had for some time been secretly carried on between Cardinal Wolsey and the Court of Spain, and this visit was not as sudden as it appeared. In the previous March Charles had sent envoys to England to propose a friendly visit during his intended journey from Spain to Flanders. In a letter written to Charles by his ambassadors from London on the 19th of March 1520 we learn that King Henry sent for them to Greenwich on the previous day, which was a Sunday, and after mass took them aside, Cardinal Wolsey and Queen Katharine being present, and told them that he was very glad that things had turned out as they had done, and addressing Queen Katharine said, that when the emperor, his brother, and her nephew should arrive, he hoped to see him before meeting his brother of France.... That he had written to the French king to postpone seeing him until later, but hadtaken care not to give any reason for so doing. He hoped he would receive a favourable reply, for he thought it hardly possible that the King of France had heard of the emperor's intended visit to England, for when he heard of it he would not be pleased, and for this reason things were to be kept as secret as possible. 'The queen then raised her eyes to heaven and praised God for the hope she had for the fulfilment of her dearest wish, which was to see your Majesty, and humbly thanked her lord the king, making him a very low curtsey, and the said lord king took off his cap and said to her, "We on our side will do all that we can...."'[67]
With every precaution of secrecy a treaty was signed on the 11th of April minutely arranging the reception of Charles by Henry and Katharine, either at Sandwich on his way to the Netherlands, or at a subsequent meeting between Calais and Gravelines.
It was towards the end of May when news was brought to Henry at Canterbury that the emperor's fleet had been sighted off Plymouth, and was sailing up the Channel. Wolsey was sent off at once to greet Charles with a Latin speech and invite him to land. Surrounded by his suite and a goodly retinue, Charles landed at Dover on May 26th, and was conducted to the castle, where, early on the following morning, Henry arrived and warmly welcomed his nephew. Amidst cheering crowds, who wondered at the simplicity of the Spanish king's dress and following, the two monarchs rode together to Canterbury, where Queen Katharine impatiently awaited her sister's son. By her side was her little daughter, Mary Tudor, a fair-haired child of four, with bigbrown eyes, and near her stood the elder Mary Tudor, the beautiful Duchess of Suffolk, former Queen of France. Charles stayed four days feasting at Canterbury, during which time he cleverly managed to attach Wolsey more closely to his interests by whispering promises of future assistance when the papal throne should become vacant, and deeply impressing the English king by his mature judgment, deference, and courtesy. It was agreed that the two sovereigns should shortly meet again between Calais and Gravelines, and that Henry should be accompanied by Katharine and Charles by Margaret. And so, with many expressions of goodwill on all sides, Charles set sail from Sandwich for Flanders on the same day that Henry embarked at Dover for Calais on his way to meet Francis between Ardres and Guisnes at the memorable scene of splendour and display known as 'the Field of the Cloth of Gold.'[68]
On the 1st of June Charles landed at Flushing at four o'clock in the afternoon, and continued his journey to Bruges, where he was warmly welcomed by Margaret and his brother Ferdinand, surrounded by the chief Flemish nobles, ambassadors from Venice, and deputies from the principal German towns.
Charles was now in his twenty-first year. Of middle height, with well-proportioned limbs, a pale sallow complexion, light blue eyes, aquiline nose, and a protruding lower jaw, his expression, though heavy, was at once dignified and reserved; no trace of passing emotion disturbed the serenity of his features. His broad forehead and penetrating glancegave strength to his expression, and his gentle courtesy and charm of manner won him the affection of all those who had to serve him. An interesting insight into his character is given in a letter from Gérard de Pleine to Margaret:—'There is no one great enough or wise enough in his kingdom to make him change his opinion, if he does not see a reason for changing it. I have known many princes at different times, but none who have taken greater pains to understand their affairs, or who disposed of them more absolutely than he does. He is his own treasurer of finance and his own treasurer of war; he bestows offices, bishoprics, appointments as God inspires him, without listening to the prayers of any.'
A little later, Aleander, whom LeoX.sent to persuade Charles to condemn Luther, gives an interesting estimate of the emperor's character. Aleander was a man of the world and a scholar, and though well aware of the faults of the Church and the folly of the Papacy, was eager to extirpate what he believed to be the seeds of social and ecclesiastical anarchy. On being granted an audience he addressed the emperor in French; Charles replied by declaring his willingness to risk his life in defence of the Church and the Holy See. He spoke at some length, but so extremely well that Aleander was much impressed by his ability, and wrote admiringly, 'Say what they will, this prince seemed to me well endowed with sense and with prudence, far beyond his years; to have much more, however, at the back of his head than he carries on his face.'[69]
Charles had asked his aunt to convoke the States-General, and he found them assembled when hearrived at Brussels. In a long speech he praised Margaret's wise administration, loyalty and devotion, and thanked her Council for the help they had given. He repeated that, in spite of his absence, 'his heart had always been with them.' He then gave a summary of his sojourn in Spain, and informed the States that he had returned to take possession of the imperial crown, as well as the domains he had inherited in Germany, but that he was badly in need of funds, and asked them to do their best to help him.
The meeting of the Field of the Cloth of Gold, where FrancisI.tried by every means in his power to ingratiate himself with the English king, was hardly over when Charles started for Gravelines to try and efface the impression produced by his rival. Gravelines was a small place, ill-fitted for the reception of kings, but Charles had different methods than those employed by Francis, and he succeeded in confirming himself in his uncle's good graces by showing him the most courteous deference, and flattering his vanity in offering that he should act as arbitrator in any differences which might arise between Spain and France. Henry and Francis had already signed a treaty on the 6th of June whereby it was settled that the Dauphin should marry the Princess Mary; but on the 14th of July another treaty was secretly arranged in which the French alliance was indefinitely postponed, and Charles's marriage with Mary agreed upon, although at the time he was pledged to marry the French Princess Charlotte. Wolsey was largely responsible for this change in affairs, for he was now bidding high for the emperor's favour, though outwardly he still kept on good terms with Francis.
The Chronicle of Calais gives an interestingaccount of Henry's meeting with Charles at Gravelines on the 10th of July 1520. Margaret accompanied her nephew, and together, with a brilliant following of lords and ladies, the two monarchs and the regent journeyed to Calais. Within the town a large tent had been erected intended for a banqueting-hall, the seats arranged in tiers and draped with rich tapestries. The roof painted to represent the sky with sun, moon, stars, and clouds; but a great storm of wind and rain arose, and during the night the great tent, with all its fine decorations and tapestries, was blown down and ruined.
The two kings spent four days together, first at Gravelines and then at Calais, when, after taking an affectionate farewell of each other, they parted; Charles and Margaret journeying by slow stages towards Aix-la-Chapelle, which, by a decree of the Golden Bull, had been chosen as the scene of the emperor's coronation.
At Maestricht he reappointed Margaret as regent, and gave her a Council presided over by Philippe de Bourgogne, Bishop of Utrecht, and Érard de la Marck, Bishop of Liége. The Council of Malines, the Court of Holland, and the tribunals of the other provinces were henceforth made subordinate to the Council of the Regency established by the emperor. This arrangement infringed the privileges of these bodies, but Charles, deaf to their protests, abolished all privileges which were contrary to this new régime. In order to put an end to petty squabbles and ensure an equal protection to all, he gave, before starting for Germany, the command of the army to Count HenryIII.of Nassau. Accompanied by Margaret he then left Maestricht and passed a night at the castle of Wettheim.
Charles's election had called forth much enthusiasm in Germany. The towns he passed through gave him a hearty welcome, for they looked to him to restore order and redress their grievances.
On the 22nd of October he made his state entry into Aix-la-Chapelle, where the electors of Mayence, Cologne, and Trèves, and the ambassadors of the Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of Brandenburg had arrived the day before. Charles had been elected emperor on June the 28th, 1519; but it was not until October 23rd, 1520, that he was crowned at Aix. There in the church of Notre-Dame, in presence of a vast assembly, with every detail of gorgeous ceremonial, the crown of Charlemagne was placed upon his head; he swore to uphold the Catholic faith, defend the Church, administer justice, maintain the rights of the empire, recover its lost possessions, and render due obedience to the Pope and the Roman Church. The Archbishop of Cologne, turning to the assembled crowd, asked the German people if they would swear fealty to their prince and uphold his government. A loud assent was given. 'Charles was then anointed on his head, breast, arms and hands, clothed in the deacon's robe of Charlemagne, and girt with the great emperor's sword, crowned with his golden crown, and then with ring on finger and ball and sceptre in hand, he was led to the stone seat of empire.'[70]
The next day the Archbishop of Mayence proclaimed that Charles had assumed the title of Roman Emperor Elect. His coronation as Emperor and King of Lombardy did not take place until 1530, when he was crowned at Bologna by Pope Clement VII.
On November 1st he summoned the States to meet at Worms, and in January 1521 travelled thither to be present at the Diet, where he and Martin Luther met face to face for the first and last time.