Almost at the same time that Charles was crowned at Aix, the most enterprising and accomplished of the Turkish sultans, Solyman the Magnificent, ascended the Ottoman throne. The world has seldom seen such a brilliant constellation of rulers as now filled the principal thrones of Europe. LeoX., CharlesV., FrancisI., HenryVIII., and Solyman the Magnificent each possessed talents which would have made them conspicuous in any age, but which together made the history of Europe during the first half of the sixteenth century peculiarly interesting.
After his coronation, Charles returned to Brussels with Margaret. For some time past alarming news had reached him from his regent in Spain, where open rebellion had now broken out. Adrian of Utrecht was quite unequal to the task of coping with the insurgents, and first Medina del Campo, then Valladolid, and lastly Tordesillas (where Queen Joanna was confined) fell into the hands of the rebels. The great seal and state papers were seized, Adrian narrowly escaped being taken prisoner with his Council, and only saved himself by flight.
When Joanna heard that the rebel leader Padilla and his host had arrived before Tordesillas she ordered the townspeople to welcome them, and ostensiblymade herself head of the revolution, authorising the leaders to summon the Cortes to meet in her palace. But although the members of the Junta declared her sane, Joanna's refusal to sign any documents or come to any decision hopelessly checkmated their efforts, and early in December the Government troops were able to take Tordesillas by assault after four hours' desperate fighting.[71]
Meanwhile imploring letters reached Charles from his Councillors begging him to return to Spain and quell the rebellion; this he refused to do, until it suited his convenience, but appointed two Spanish nobles, the Constable and Admiral of Castile, to assist Adrian in restoring order, with strict injunctions to make no concessions. Before many months were out peace was once more restored, and the Communeros finally crushed in the following April at the battle of Villalar.
In January 1521 Charles sailed up the Rhine to attend the Diet which he had summoned to meet at Worms. It opened on January the 28th, and dragged on its wearisome deliberations for several months. Of all the questions the emperor had to solve, that of Luther was the hardest. The Pope did his best to complicate matters by urging that Luther should be condemned unheard; but the state of public feeling was such that Charles deemed it wiser to consult the Diet, who decided that the monk should be heard. A herald was therefore despatched to Wittemberg bearing a letter from the emperor with a promise of safe conduct. Luther appeared at Worms on April the 16th. Brought before Charles, he admitted the authorship of his books, but refused to withdraw any of his doctrines. He spoke boldlyand impressively, but when he enlarged upon the Pope's iniquities, the emperor reprimanded him, nor would he listen to the monk's denial of the authority of Councils. Charles was not impressed by Luther's manner or bearing, and during the interview was heard to remark, 'This man will never make me a Lutheran.' This was their first and last encounter, for the emperor and monk were destined never to meet again.
The next day Charles handed his remarkable declaration to the German princes in which he said: 'My predecessors ... left behind them the holy Catholic rites that I should live and die therein, and so until now with God's aid I have lived as becomes a Christian emperor.... A single monk, led astray by private judgment, has set himself against the faith held by all Christians for a thousand years and more, and impudently concludes that all Christians up to now have erred. I have therefore resolved to stake upon this cause all my dominions, my friends, my body and my blood, my life and soul.... After Luther's stiff-necked reply in my presence yesterday, I now repent that I have so long delayed proceedings against him and his false doctrines. I have now resolved never again, under any circumstances, to hear him. Under protection of his safe conduct he shall be escorted home, but forbidden to preach and seduce men with his evil doctrines and incite them to rebellion....'
But Luther's brave bearing at Worms was his most heroic moment, nor was his power in Germany ever again so great as in 1521, nor was he ever again so truly the voice of the people.[72]
On April the 25th Charles ordered him to leaveWorms, and next day the monk departed, escorted by twenty horsemen. A few days later an edict was published in the emperor's name, and by authority of the Diet, depriving him of all the privileges he enjoyed as a subject of the empire, forbidding any prince to harbour or protect him, and requiring all to help in seizing his person as soon as the time specified in the safe conduct had expired. In less than a fortnight he had disappeared, rescued from his adversaries by the Elector of Saxony, who kept the place of his retreat carefully concealed.
Meanwhile FrancisI.had been actively engaged in sending forces against the frontiers of Belgium and Italy. Charles, through Margaret, made an appeal to the States-General convoked at Mons on February 9th, 1521. In a spirited speech she pointed out the perfidious conduct of Francis, who she declared was daily trying to induce the European powers to make war against the emperor's dominions. Amongst others she quoted his efforts to obtain support from the Kings of Denmark and Scotland, the Dukes of Savoy, Lorraine, and Ferrara, the republic, the Swiss League, and Charles of Gueldres. She then implored the assembly to grant help to protect the empire from its enemies. The people were flattered by this appeal to their patriotism, and hastened to prove that their emperor had not appealed to them in vain.
On the 5th of May 1521 the Archduke Ferdinand concluded his marriage with Princess Anne of Hungary, and Charles conferred the five duchies of Austria, Carinthia, Carniola, Styria, and Tyrol upon his brother, to which he added later the German possessions inherited from Maximilian.
On May the 29th he confirmed a secret treatywith LeoX.through Don John Manuel, his ambassador in Rome, by which the Pope and emperor agreed to join forces to expel the French out of the Milanaise, to restore Parma and Piacenza to the Church, the emperor helping the Pope to conquer Ferrara, in return for the investiture of the kingdom of Naples. This treaty was carefully concealed from De Chièvres, whose aversion to a war with France was well known. When at length he heard of it, his grief was so great at this proof of his loss of influence over his former pupil, that it is said to have shortened his days. His death at this juncture certainly hastened the war with France, though it freed Charles from an irksome subjection and greatly helped in the development of his character. From henceforth the emperor was his own master, nor was he ever again under another governor. Instead of his boyish motto—'Nondum' (not yet), his device in future was 'Plus ultra' (yet further).
The French were the first to cross the Pyrenees and begin hostilities. When Charles, who was then at Brussels, heard the news, he exclaimed: 'God be praised that it is not I who begin the war: the King of France wishes to make me greater than I am; for, in a short time, either I shall be a very poor emperor, or he will be a poor King of France.'[73]
On the 17th of July Margaret again addressed the assembled States at Ghent, for the exchequer was very low, and men and money were needed for the war. She implored them to use every effort to protect their country, and restore peace by voting the much-needed subsidies. She begged them to avert the threatening storm, and with a voice moved by emotion said: 'Because of the love and peculiaraffection his Majesty bears you, being a native of these lands, born, brought up, and nourished amongst you, he is anxious to protect you from danger, and preserve you from all harm and oppression, by driving war from out of his dominions, keeping you in peace. Which things his Majesty has willingly put before you as his good and loyal subjects, because of the entire confidence he has in you, so that you may know all his affairs and understand the danger you are in, for on this depends either your safety or ruin.' She then promised 'a perpetual safety and abundance of all good things' after peace was restored, and freedom from subjection to France. She praised the fine example of Spain and Austria, who, although they hardly knew his Majesty, had nevertheless of their own accord raised superb armaments; 'and you who have his person with you ready to use his life, his goods, and all that God has given him to preserve, help, and defend you, ought not to be less generous or less courageous than others, seeing that the case touches you so closely, and with the noise of war so near, knowing the harm which may come upon you if war breaks out, and seeing that the quarrel is just, which is as true as God is, and that He will help his Majesty. And on this account you ought to take courage and show yourselves bold and fearless, and be more willing and anxious than any others, as his Majesty does not doubt you will be, and without waiting to be asked, offer liberally your persons, goods, and chattels (as you have always done in times past) to help his Majesty in this same enterprise, which is for your own and the public good.'[74]
Margaret had not miscalculated the effect of this speech on her audience. Enthusiasm and loyaltytowards the emperor and herself passed all bounds and spread like wildfire throughout the Netherlands. An army of 22,000 men was quickly raised, and assembled in the outskirts of Malines. Part of these troops the emperor despatched under the Count of Nassau to subdue the inroads of Robert de la Marck, lord of Bouillon, known as the wild Boar of the Ardennes, who had been giving considerable trouble. The emperor having offended him, he left Charles's service and threw himself upon France for protection. In the heat of his resentment he had the audacity to send a herald to Worms to declare war against the emperor before the assembled Diet. To punish this insolent vassal the Count of Nassau was sent at the head of 20,000 men to invade his territories, and in a few days took every place but Sedan, and reduced De la Marck to beg for clemency. Nassau then advanced towards the borders of France, where Charles of Gueldres was ravaging the Northern provinces, and Henry d'Albret had crossed the Pyrenees and occupied Navarre.
Meanwhile a congress had been held at Calais, under HenryVIII.'s mediation, with a view to settling all differences and establishing peace. Henry gave Wolsey full powers to arrange the negotiations, but the Cardinal, anxious to please both Francis and Charles, ended by satisfying neither, and the congress broke up without any definite result. During its progress Wolsey journeyed to Bruges and had a meeting there with Charles and Margaret, the latter having come in hot haste to visit her nephew, anxious to use her influence to procure an armistice. The Cardinal was received by the emperor and his aunt with as much respect and magnificence as though he had been King of England, but instead of furtheringthe treaty of peace, Wolsey, in his master's name, concluded a secret alliance with the emperor against France. This treaty, which was drawn up at Bruges on August 25th, 1521, and signed by Margaret and Jean de Berghes for the emperor, and by Wolsey for the King of England, arranged a marriage between Charles and his cousin Mary Tudor (King Henry's only child and apparent heir) as soon as the princess should have completed her twelfth year; both Charles and Henry agreeing to invade France in the spring of 1523 from opposite sides, each with an army of 40,000 men—the emperor promising to visit England on his way to Spain early in the following year. It was especially stipulated that 'one month before Charles undertook the voyage he would notify the time of it to the King of England, who would then send his fleet to sea, with about 3000 armed men on board, to drive away all enemies and pirates from the Channel and English seas, so that the emperor might safely come over to Dover or Sandwich. The King of England would receive the emperor with the greatest honour and accompany him to Falmouth, whilst the English navy would escort the emperor's fleet from Zealand to Falmouth, and together remain in that port until he embarked and then accompany him to Spain.'[75]
During the years that had passed since Margaret left Savoy she never lost interest in the memorial church she was building at Brou. In September 1521 she sent her treasurer Marnix and some members of her Council to report on the progress of the work. The church was rapidly gaining shape, and the outer walls were nearing completion under the skilful direction of Louis Van Boghen. Thefollowing letter from Loys de Gleyrens, prior of the monastery of Brou (written to Margaret on the 2nd of September 1521), gives a detailed account of de Marnix's visit:—
'To our much-honoured Lady and very gracious Mother,—God grant you a good and long life. You will be pleased to know that the day of the feast of Saint Augustine Monseigneur Marnix came to visit your church of Brou, with the gentlemen of your Council of Bourg, and saw the progress of the same, and found that your two chapels in the aisle of the choir are roofed over, as well as the higher and lower aisles and oratories above and below, on the side of the belfry, and that the pipes and gurgoyles for carrying off water falling from the roofs are fixed on the said aisles. And the belfry has grown this year to the height of twenty-three to twenty-five feet....' He goes on to say that the workmen have plenty of materials, wood, etc., to finish the work—but that money is running short, and that only about fifteen or sixteen florins are left, which will hardly last till All Saints Day, and unless more is supplied, the work must be interrupted ... 'but at present it is in the best state and appearance possible, and ought shortly to be finished, as those will tell you who have seen it....'[76]
Meanwhile the league between Charles and the Pope had produced great results in Italy; Lombardy being the chief centre of war. On November the 19th the Papal-Imperialist army entered Milan, and within a fortnight the French held only the town of Cremona, the fortress of Milan, and a few scattered strongholds. Parma and Piacenza surrendered toLeoX., but amidst the rejoicings which followed this brilliant victory and the fulfilment of his dearest wishes, the Pope was suddenly struck down with malaria at Magliana, and died after a few days' illness on the 1st of December 1521, in the forty-sixth year of his age.
This wholly unexpected event caused a cessation of hostilities for a while—both monarchs turning their attention to the proceedings of the Conclave. News of the Pope's death was brought to Charles on the 12th of December, and he hastened to write a diplomatic letter to his uncle, King Henry, and fully explained his intentions to the Bishop of Badajoz, his ambassador in England, promising to do his utmost to secure Wolsey's election to the Papacy. But after the Conclave had sat for fourteen days, it was announced on the 9th of January 1522 that not Wolsey, but Adrian of Utrecht had been elected Pope. The election of the emperor's old tutor came as a surprise to Europe. Charles received the news at Brussels, and on January the 21st wrote to Mezza, his ambassador in London: 'However anxious was our wish that Pace (HenryVIII.'s secretary) should have arrived in Rome at the right time, and that the letters we had written in favour of the Sieur Legate (Wolsey) had been conducive to the fulfilment of his wishes, and those of our uncle the king; yet must we be thankful, the object we had at heart having thus failed, that the choice fell upon Cardinal Tortosa,[77]whose elevation, next after the Cardinal of York, will certainly be most for the good, not of ourselves only, but of the whole of Christendom. I hope tohave the greater interest with him, who under my own roof was my instructor in morals and literature.'[78]
The new Pope was in Spain when the unexpected news of his election was brought to him. AdrianVI.'s letter to his former pupil, dated Saragossa, May 3rd, 1522, is interesting as confirming the emperor's statement that he did not interfere in favour of his election, but honestly did his best for Wolsey, to whom he had promised his influence with the Conclave.
'Very dear and much-beloved Son!—Health and apostolical benediction. I have been rejoiced on receiving the letter which your Majesty has written to me with your own hand.... I am fully convinced of the satisfaction which you will derive from my election to the Popedom; and I never entertained a doubt that had it depended alone on your goodwill and affection towards me, your suffrage would have been in my favour; but I was equally aware that it was neither suitable to your own interests nor to the good of the Christian commonwealth, that you should have used any solicitation in my behalf, knowing that such interference would have been fatal to your good understanding with one (Wolsey) who at this moment is of all others most necessary to your welfare in Italy.... Although my election may in one respect be attended with inconvenience, in taking me away from the management of your affairs in Spain, yet this will be so much overbalanced by other considerations, as nowise to diminish the joy which it will occasion you. And in this my election, the feeling whichinfluenced the sacred College of Cardinals, as you will readily believe, and as has been intimated by them to Don John Manuel, was, that it would be a choice agreeable to your Majesty: for no one, it appeared, would have obtained their votes who could be considered objectionable either to you, or to the King of France.'I cannot, therefore, express my satisfaction in having attained to this elevation without the exercise of your influence, inconsistent as that would have been with the purity and sincerity which divine and human rights require in such proceedings; and in saying this, you will be assured that I feel as much, if not more truly devoted to your Majesty, than if I had owed to your means and prayers my present advancement....'Sire, I pray God to grant you a happy and long life. Written at Saragossa the 3rd of May,ad tempus sacræ Romanæ ecclesiæ. Entirely yours.'[79]
'Very dear and much-beloved Son!—Health and apostolical benediction. I have been rejoiced on receiving the letter which your Majesty has written to me with your own hand.... I am fully convinced of the satisfaction which you will derive from my election to the Popedom; and I never entertained a doubt that had it depended alone on your goodwill and affection towards me, your suffrage would have been in my favour; but I was equally aware that it was neither suitable to your own interests nor to the good of the Christian commonwealth, that you should have used any solicitation in my behalf, knowing that such interference would have been fatal to your good understanding with one (Wolsey) who at this moment is of all others most necessary to your welfare in Italy.... Although my election may in one respect be attended with inconvenience, in taking me away from the management of your affairs in Spain, yet this will be so much overbalanced by other considerations, as nowise to diminish the joy which it will occasion you. And in this my election, the feeling whichinfluenced the sacred College of Cardinals, as you will readily believe, and as has been intimated by them to Don John Manuel, was, that it would be a choice agreeable to your Majesty: for no one, it appeared, would have obtained their votes who could be considered objectionable either to you, or to the King of France.
'I cannot, therefore, express my satisfaction in having attained to this elevation without the exercise of your influence, inconsistent as that would have been with the purity and sincerity which divine and human rights require in such proceedings; and in saying this, you will be assured that I feel as much, if not more truly devoted to your Majesty, than if I had owed to your means and prayers my present advancement....
'Sire, I pray God to grant you a happy and long life. Written at Saragossa the 3rd of May,ad tempus sacræ Romanæ ecclesiæ. Entirely yours.'[79]
AdrianVI.was an upright, conscientious, and honest man, but quite unfitted for the high position he was called upon to fill, and his reign of ten months was unsuccessful and unhappy. As he himself once exclaimed, 'Let a man be never so good, how much depends upon the times in which he is born.' A learned scholar and rigid disciplinarian, he regarded the conduct of the reformers with horror; but at the same time candidly acknowledged the abuses and corruptions that disgraced both the Court and Church of Rome. This moderation, whilst it disgusted the great ecclesiastics in Italy, tended to encourage the reformation in Germany. A host of pamphlets and caricatures were circulated,and helped to popularise the new ideas and spread the reformed religion far and wide. Charles hastened to forbid under pain of death the printing of literature directed against the Pope or the Church of Rome, and ordered Francis Van der Hulst to hunt all Lutherans out of the Netherlands.
On the 15th of March 1522 Margaret convoked the States-General at Brussels. The emperor, through his Chancellor, complimented the citizens on their loyal conduct and bravery at the recent siege of Tournay, which had greatly helped towards its reduction. 'The French,' he said, 'have sustained a great loss in losing Milan and Tournay, which are of such importance, as every one knows.' His approaching journey to Spain was then announced, and he informed them of the treaties he had made, and the precautions taken for the defence of the country, thanking his brave subjects for the zeal they had shown in his service. He informed them that during his absence the government would be confided to Margaret, 'who for so long has shown by her praiseworthy, memorable services and great experience, that she well knows how to honourably acquit herself of the said government and administration. For which good rule and conduct his Majesty and you are beholden to her through the fervent zeal and natural love she bears you.' The Chancellor ended his long speech by saying that the emperor hoped they would live peaceably with each other during his absence—'for their strength lay in unity....'[80]
Charles, who was now preparing to visit England on his way to Spain, was sadly in want of money. Margaret did her best to help him, and in order toraise funds pawned her jewels to the Count of Hochstrate. 'My said Lady, obeying the order of his Majesty, has offered to leave her rings with the said Hochstrate, until he has been acquitted and discharged of the last sums he furnished ... at the very pressing request and insistence of my said Lady, knowing that in this lies his Majesty's honour, but he has behaved so well that he will not keep them.'[81]
Before leaving Bruges the emperor made his will on the 22nd of May 1522, arranging that if he died in Flanders his body was to be buried at Bruges, near his grandmother Mary of Burgundy. He then bade farewell to Margaret and set out for England, sailing from Calais, with a gorgeous retinue of a thousand horse and two thousand courtiers, and landing at Dover towards the end of May, was welcomed by Wolsey in his master's name. It had been arranged that King Henry should meet the emperor on the downs between Dover and Canterbury; but to show him greater honour the king rode into Dover, and after together inspecting the English fleet, which was duly admired by the emperor and his train, the two monarchs made a triumphal progress through Canterbury, Sittingbourne, and Rochester to Gravesend. From Gravesend the splendid processions rowed in royal barges to Greenwich. At the entrance door of the palace Queen Katharine stood awaiting her nephew, surrounded by her ladies, and holding little Princess Mary by the hand. The emperor, kneeling on one knee, then asked for his aunt's blessing, which was readily granted, and from henceforward for six weeks his visit to England was a continual roundof feasting, dancing, hunting, masquerading, and splendid entertainments.
But amidst all this hospitality his thoughts were mainly fixed on Spain, and as he wrote to Margaret, 'the six weeks seemed a thousand years.'
Whilst Charles was at Greenwich a messenger arrived from France bearing a letter to King Henry, in which FrancisI.bade defiance to the King of England. The letter was handed to the emperor for his perusal, who must have rejoiced at its contents, for now he and his uncle could join forces against their common enemy France; and soon after an eternal friendship was solemnly sworn between them upon the Sacrament in Saint George's Chapel, Windsor, and an abiding alliance in peace and war cemented by Charles's betrothal to his cousin Mary Tudor. Glittering pageants in London and Windsor, where Charles was made a Knight of the Garter under his uncle's presidency, brought his visit to a close, and on July the 6th the emperor set sail once more for the port of Santander.[82]
A few weeks later an Anglo-Belgian army, under Florent d'Ysselstein, Count of Buren, invaded Picardy, whilst the Earl of Surrey's fleet hovered off the Norman coast, and threatened all French shipping in the Channel.
Margaret meanwhile was busily employed in harrowing the Duke of Gueldres, whose troops appeared before Leyden, and pillaged the village of La Haye. The States of Friesland upheld the regent in her endeavours, but it was not until June the 4th, 1524, that a truce was concluded with Gueldres, and peace restored.
Whilst Charles, Henry, and Francis were thus employed wasting each other's strength, the Turkish sultan, Solyman the Magnificent, invaded Hungary with a large army, and took Belgrade. Encouraged by this success, he besieged the Island of Rhodes, then the seat of the Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem. The Grand Master of Villers de L'Isle Adam sent imploring messages to the powers of Europe begging for assistance. AdrianVI.did his utmost to persuade Charles and Francis to forget their quarrels and join forces in saving Rhodes, then the chief bulwark of Christianity in the East. On March the 3rd, 1523, he wrote to Charles exhorting him and all Christian princes to make peace with one another, and wage a common war against the Turks. He complains that 'so far all his exhortations have been fruitless, and the Turks have conquered Belgrade on one side, and it is said they have taken Rhodes on the other. There is no doubt that the Turks will continue their conquests in Hungary (where the emperor's sister Mary is queen), as well as in the Mediterranean, till they have rendered themselves masters of the whole of Europe. This danger can only be averted by a reconciliation of all Christian princes....' The Pope ends by saying that he has written in the same sense to the Kings of France and England.[83]
But the rival princes turned a deaf ear to all these entreaties, and after six months of incredible courage, patience, and bravery on the part of the garrison, the gallant little band of knights were forced to capitulate, and the town was razed to the ground. When too late, Charles, Henry, and Francis, ashamed of their conduct, tried to lay the blame of this misfortuneon each other, and Charles, by way of reparation, gave the Knights of Saint John the Island of Malta, which from henceforth became the chief home of their order.
The year 1523 was marked by the revolt and conspiracy of the Constable of Bourbon, a powerful and accomplished French nobleman descended from the Montpensier branch of the Bourbon family, who through his marriage with Suzanne, daughter and heiress of the Duke of Bourbon, had acquired the wealth and honours of that powerful house. FrancisI.on his accession had made him Constable of France, and treated him with every mark of favour.
When the king left Italy in 1516, Bourbon remained behind as lieutenant-general of the French forces, and greatly distinguished himself by his military talents and valour; but soon after his return to France he fell into disfavour, and from henceforth became the victim of a vindictive persecution. The cause of this sudden change is generally attributed to a passionate attachment on the part of Louise of Savoy, the king's mother, who, on his wife Suzanne's death in 1521, offered her hand to Bourbon; but the Constable declining the honour, the humiliated queen, in revenge, disputed Suzanne's will, herself claiming the succession to the Bourbon estates as next of kin. In this she was aided and abetted by the Chancellor Du Prat, and soon persuaded the king to withhold Bourbon's appointments, and disallow his just claims for money he had furnished during the war in Italy. The Constable at first bore these indignities with great moderation, but when in presence of the whole army the king passed him over, and gave the command of the van to the Dukeof Alençon, the injured Constable retired from the Court, and began a secret correspondence with Charles's Ministers, offering his services to the emperor.
The campaign arranged between HenryVIII.and his nephew for the simultaneous invasion of France had not proved successful, but led to a more formidable attempt in the following year. Charles therefore welcomed the proposed advent of so powerful a partisan as Bourbon, from whose revolt he expected great advantages, and warmly received his secret overtures. It was proposed that the emperor should enter France by the Pyrenees, whilst HenryVIII., in co-operation with Margaret, should invade Picardy, and Bourbon with twelve hundred Germans penetrate into Germany. A lengthy despatch sent to Charles from London, on June the 1st, 1523, by De Praet, his ambassador, and Marnix, Margaret's treasurer (both accredited at the English Court), gives a full account of a negotiation with Wolsey on the conditions of the above confederacy, and shows what a large part Margaret played in the arrangements. In the latter part of the despatch mention is made of the King and Queen of Denmark's visit to the Netherlands, where they fled to take refuge from the troubles which threatened them in Denmark.
' ... Sire! By our last letters your Majesty has been able to see and understand the offers we have made to the King of England and the Sieur Legate (Wolsey) through the intervention of madame, your Majesty's aunt, in reference to the co-operation and assistance of the army which the said king would send across the sea against the common enemy of your Majesty and himself.
'... Sire! They could nowise be satisfied withthe number we have to offer for the said co-operation, but persisted in pressing for three thousand horse and five thousand foot with the half of the artillery munition and equipage, requiring us to write immediately to the said lady, which we have done, and have, moreover, received her answer. She, having communicated with M. de Beuren, your Majesty's captain-general, and acting on his advice, declares that it is quite impossible to augment the number she had already offered, to wit, two thousand good horse, and four thousand foot, with twelve pieces of field-artillery; but if they would pass the sea, we should be ready to give all the assistance in our power; and were the enemy to offer battle or commence a siege, there would be a force always ready of ten or twelve thousand Flemish foot to come to their assistance....' The despatch goes on to say that after several days spent in discussions, during which time Wolsey pressed for more troops from the Netherlands, and lost his temper, nothing definite was settled. 'Although I, Marnix, have ... pressed for permission to return, the Sieur Legate has nevertheless wished and requested that I should be present and concerned in these proceedings, with me De Praet, in order to make a report of them to madame.
'Sire! The said madame (Margaret) has written to inform us how the King of Denmark,[84]who, with the queen and his children, is, as we have already made known to your Majesty, in your Low Countries, has demanded of her three things. One that she shouldbe willing to render sufficient aid and assistance to enable him to reconquer his kingdom; a second, that she should grant a passport to one of his people whom he intends to despatch to your Majesty, and by him should write to you in his favour; the third, that you should write to monseigneur, your Majesty's brother, and the electoral princes, that right and justice may be rendered to him in his quarrels and contentions against his uncle the Duke of Holstein, who, with the aid of the city of Lubeck, has occasioned his expulsion. To these demands, in as much as regards the two latter, madame has signified her willing acquiescence; but, in respect to the first, she begs to be excused, on account of the impossibility of acceding to it; and refers all to the good pleasure of your Majesty....'[85]
In a postscript of the same despatch De Praet says, referring to Bourbon's intended revolt: 'In truth, Sire, this affair, I know not why, has not long remained a secret, and in a short time cannot fail to be publicly known. Even at this Court there are to my knowledge more than ten people now acquainted with it. The day before yesterday, when the cardinal and I met concerning the present war, he immediately began to talk of the coming over of Bourbon, and related the whole transaction from beginning to end, and this in the presence of the Duke of Suffolk, Messieurs Talbot and Wingfield, three bishops, and the treasurer Marnix. M. de Badajoz and I knew it ever since the past month of January, but we obstinately denied it before the King of England and the cardinal, until your Majesty orders us to be candid on the subject.'[86]
The emperor sent Adrian de Croy, Lord of Beaurain,to treat secretly with the Duke of Bourbon, and on the 22nd of July he writes: 'Sire! I came into communication with M. de Bourbon the 3rd day of July at Monbrison, which is three days' journey within the French territory, and there treated with him.
'Monsieur de Bourbon is ready to declare himself the enemy of France.... I have despatched ... my secretary to the King of England to apprise him of all I have thought necessary, urging him to hasten his army according to the advice of M. de Bourbon; and I have advertised madame (Margaret) that if she should hear of what has passed, respecting the said duke from any other quarter, to be cautious, lest any difficulty should be thrown in the way.
'M. de Bourbon has made friends with many rich people who are ready to come forward with several thousand crowns for the payment of his debts, at which I rejoice, for he is a fine fellow....
'I have treated with him according to the secret articles with which you were pleased to charge me. He will take in marriage either Madame Eleanor or Madame Katharine,[87]but would greatly prefer the former.
'M. de Bourbon will stir up a fine commotion in France.
Adrian de Croy'
On the 9th of August 1523 Louis de Praet also wrote to Charles that 'the Duke of Bourbon declares himself ready to serve him (the emperor) against all and every person, whoever he may be, and to enter into his offensive and defensive league ...' but in return 'the duke expects that he (the emperor) willgive him his sister (Eleanor, Queen of Portugal) in marriage, or if the queen refuses to be his wife, Madame Katharine. The dower of Madame Eleanor or Madame Katharine to consist of 200,000 écus, while the duke promises to give his future wife a jointure of 15,000 écus a year....'
'The Duke of Bourbon also expects that the emperor will give him the command of ten thousand German troops, and 100,000 écus wherewith to pay the German as well as the other troops ... and that the King of England will contribute 100,000 écus for the maintenance of the German and other troops of the duke....'[88]
Soon after Bourbon made good his escape and reached Italy in safety, although Francis, whose suspicions were aroused too late, tried to arrest him.
On hearing of his safe arrival the emperor, writing from Logrono, hastened to send him a warm welcome. 'My brother, on the 16th of September Gracian arrived and gave me news of you, which afforded me the greatest satisfaction.... Anxious as I am for your safety, you may rest assured there is nothing which the King of England, my good father, and I, as well as all our friends and allies, will not be ready to do for your succour and assistance; and that, faithful to my promise, you will ever find me a true prince, your good brother, cousin, and friend, who, come what may of good or evil fortune, will never abandon your interest, as I am sure you will never cease to feel and do the like for me....
'I pray you, my brother, if it be possible, that you will speedily unite yourself and yours with my army, at least with that part of it which is in Italy, as I havecommunicated my desire to them that this junction be accomplished, when and where the occasion may offer....'
At the same time the emperor wrote to Margaret, and, after referring to the difficulties of communication with Bourbon, and lamenting that Francis had seized several of the duke's friends and adherents, he asks her to write to HenryVIII.and request him to order the Duke of Suffolk (then commanding the English troops in Picardy) to detain every prisoner of rank and not allow them to be ransomed. This was no doubt by way of reprisals, but when the English army under Suffolk was within eleven leagues of Paris, it was driven back by Vendome and his troops, and a severe sickness breaking out amongst the soldiers, this unsuccessful campaign was brought to a close. Thus the intended great invasion of France by the allies dwindled from various causes into three separate and unavailing attacks from Spain, Germany, and England.
On the 14th of September 1523 AdrianVI.died in Rome after a short illness, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria dell'Anima. His death again raised Wolsey's hopes of the Papacy. Although Margaret sincerely mourned the loss of her old friend, still she lost no time in doing her utmost to procure the English cardinal's election. De Praet, writing from London to the emperor on the 6th of October, says: 'Moreover, Sire, I have to inform your Majesty that I have received letters from madame (Margaret), dated the 25th of last month, containing the afflicting news of the decease of the Holy Father, which took place on the 14th of the said month, commanding me on this account to repair without delay to the said cardinal (Wolsey) to give him as it may so happen the first intelligence of thisevent, and to offer him on her part all the favour and assistance in her power towards his promotion to this dignity. This I lost no time in doing according to her order, as well on the part of your Majesty as on hers; to which he made the most grateful and suitable reply, expressing his profound thanks to madame for such demonstrations of her goodwill in offering her services for his advancement to a dignity of which he felt himself utterly unworthy.
'Nevertheless, in acknowledging her gracious intentions, he could not but bear in mind in what manner your Majesty, when with the king at Windsor, had touched upon this subject, exhorting him to think of it, and promising every possible aid on your part in bringing about its accomplishment.
'He expressed the willingness of one who was always ready to conform with the wishes and advice of both your Majesties, begging that madame, in case such a promotion and election should appear to her as tending to the benefit of Christendom, and to the common interests of your Majesties, would write without a moment's delay to your ambassador in Rome, and to other of your good friends there....'[89]
The emperor replied from Pampeluna on November 27th: 'The principal point is the advancement of the cardinal (Wolsey) to the papal dignity. We have always desired, and with most sincere good feeling and intention have wished to promote this to the utmost of our power, having full recollection how we and the king, our good father and brother, being at Windsor, opened to him our minds on this subject, exhorting him to think of it, and promising our best services in his assistance, because it appeared to us that his promotion and election would be attendedwith great good to Christendom, and advantage to our common interest.... We firmly believe that the Cardinal de Medicis will give his assistance to the Sieur Legate, from the little chance, we are informed, of his own success; and we well know and acknowledge how cordially and sincerely madame, our good aunt, is occupied in this affair, not only in her own name, but in ours. We entertain a good hope, therefore, that all these efforts will prosper, and are anxiously expecting favourable news which has been hitherto retarded on account of the tempestuous weather at sea.'
On the 15th of December the emperor writes to De Praet: 'We have here received the news by a letter from the Marquis de Finale that, on the 19th of November, Cardinal de Medicis was elected Pope. ... You will do well to communicate the above to the seigneurs, the king, and the cardinal, advertising them that our ambassador, the Duke of Sessa, had written to inform us that he was doing everything in his power, and with the utmost diligence, to influence the votes of the Conclave in favour of the Sieur Legate.'[90]
It certainly appears from the above correspondence that Charles used all his influence in Wolsey's favour in both this and the former election, but the cardinal himself chose to consider otherwise, and from this date he visibly cooled in his friendship, and though outwardly affecting to rejoice in the Cardinal de Medicis' elevation, he never forgave the emperor his supposed duplicity.
On September the 24th, 1524, Margaret's youngest niece, Katharine, who had lived most of her life shut up with her mad mother in the gloomy palace of Tordesillas, was married to JohnIII., King of Portugal. The marriage took place at Anyaguia, in the presence of Charles, who had but lately recovered from a bad attack of fever. In a letter to the Duke of Bourbon on September 5th, he says: 'Regarding my own person, I would most willingly have gone to Barcelona according to your wish, if my affairs had permitted me to do so. But I must first conclude the marriage of my sister, Madame Katharine, and despatch some affairs of this kingdom. Besides, I have for several days been suffering from an intermittent fever, which has hindered me from attending much to business. The said fever is, however, much diminished, and I hope, with God's help, to be soon restored to health!...'[91]
During the spring of the same year Bourbon (who together with Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, and the Marquis of Pescara was in command of the imperialist army) had gained his first success over the French, and driven them out of the Milanese with the loss of the Chevalier Bayard (April 30th); but during thefollowing summer the rebel duke found great difficulties to encounter. He had marched on Marseilles, hoping to reduce that town, but lack of means and provisions obliged him to retrace his steps to Italy, where he was met by a powerful army under Bonnivet. The French general soon retook Milan, and then laid siege to Pavia, held for the emperor by Antonio de Leyva. FrancisI., disregarding all advice, hastened to join his army in Italy determined, as he said, to take Pavia or fall in the attempt. For four weary months the siege dragged on, and then came the news which startled all Europe. On February the 24th (the emperor's birthday), 1525, was fought the battle of Pavia, and before night fell the French army was utterly defeated, the king a prisoner, and the flower of the chivalry of France either dead or taken captive.
Whilst the battle was still raging the Abbot of Najera sent the following despatch to the emperor:—'At midnight the army began to move. The soldiers penetrated into the enclosure by three openings they had made in the wall. At daybreak the enemy attacked the rearguard, and the Imperial German and Spanish troops engaged the Swiss, German, and Italian troops of the King of France, who soon fled as they heard the "good" Antonio de Leyva was in their rear.
'The victory is complete. The King of France is made prisoner. He has two very slight wounds in the face. His horse has been killed. When he fell to the ground the viceroy placed himself immediately over him. The king has also an insignificant wound in one of his legs. The whole of the French army is annihilated.
'The Admiral of France died in my arms, not fiftyyards from the place where the king had fallen. La Pallice is dead. The King of Navarre, Lescun, Montmorency, and other captains are prisoners.
'A great number of French infantry have been drowned in the Ticino. The imperial army is still pursuing the enemy. It is expected that at the end of the day 10,000 of the enemy will have been killed.
'The Marquis of Pescara has done wonders. He has three wounds. The imperialists had sixteen pieces of artillery, but not a single shot has been fired.... (From the palace of Pavia, the 24th day of February 1525.)
'Postscriptum.—To-day is the feast of the Apostle Saint Matthew, on which, five-and-twenty years ago, your Majesty is said to have been born. Five-and-twenty thousand times thanks and praise to God for his mercy! Your Majesty is from this day in a position to prescribe laws to Christians and Turks according to your pleasure.'[92]
Charles de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, wrote the same day announcing the victory to the emperor:—