Chapter 18

FOOTNOTES:[1]The Keraites, a tribe of large numbers, established on the frontier of China, were Christians in the early times: Resheddin, Quatremère edition, i. 93. The Council of Lyons sent missionaries to Mongols in the reign of Innocent IV, 1245. For account of missions to Mongols in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries see Howorth, i. 68 f., 189-92; ii. 183n.; iii. 72-5, 278-81, 348-55, 576-80: also documents of the Ming period, trans. by Hirth, p. 65.[2]I have witnessed a similar migration, when the Bulgarians broke into Thrace in October 1912. The progress of the fleeing Turks, even on the plains, was painfully slow, and the mortality was frightful.[3]Neshri (Nöldeke’s translation), inZeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xiii. 190.[4]Seadeddin,Casa Ottomana(Bratutti trans.), i. 6.[5]Neshri, xiii. 190.[6]See Appendix B for these emirates.[7]There is a collection of State papers in Persian, Arabic and Turkish, Feridun (Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. turc, 79), which contains some letters and decrees of the earliest sultans, but there is no proof of the authenticity of these documents.[8]Neshri and Idris, end fifteenth century; Seadeddin, end sixteenth century; Hadji Khalfa, seventeenth century. See Bibliography.[9]In the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, I have examined, as far as I know, all the books concerning Turkey printed before 1600. See list in Bibliography.[10]Jorga,Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches(in theGeschichte der europaïschen Staaten), published 1908-13, preface and i. 152-3.[11]Up to the death of Ertogrul (1288), I follow Neshri,ZDMG., xiii. 188-98, unless otherwise specified. Direct quotation is indicated by quotation marks.[12]A.D. 1219. Evliya effendi, i. 27, givesA.H.600; Seadeddin and Hadji Khalfa,A.H.619; Drechsler,Chron. Saracenorum,A.H.610.[13]Or Kharesm? Schéfer, in preface to his translation of Riza Kouly’s embassy to Kharesm,Bibl. de l’École des langues viv. orientales, 1resérie, vol. iii., says that Kharesm in part was identical with Khorassan. But Shehabeddin, trans. by Quatremère inNotices et Extraits, xiii. 289, declares that Kharesm is a country distinct from Khorassan. Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, MS. fr., Bibl. Nat., Paris, nouv. ac., no. 888, p. 815, supports this opinion. The very fact that these writers are so careful to make this assertion shows, however, that there was much confusion as to these terms. According to Vambéry, Kharesm is still in Djagatai Turkish, the diplomatical and political name for the modern Khanate of Khiva. Howorth,History of Mongols, ii. 78, says that the Turkish tribes remained in these countries after the Mongol conquest. Is this the Organa or Urgheuz of Marco Polo?[14]Hussein Hezarfenn, ii. 287, and Chalcocondylas (Patr. Graec., Migne, vol. clix), 21, call the father of Ertogrul Oguzalp. For critical discussion see Appendix A.[15]This title is invariably given by Neshri to every ruler in the direct line of Osman, just as he calls the Christian opponents of the Osmanlis unbelievers.[16]Probably Sultan Inoenu, anticipating the later name of this district.[17]Sagredo, the Italian historian, whose work was greatly esteemed by Gibbon, makes the curious error of calling Alaeddin ‘Lord of Aleppo and Damascus’.[18]‘A great mountain situated between Kutayia and Brusa’: Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1975; ‘The paths up this mountain are so difficult that one on foot has a thousand pains to reach the top’: ibid., fol. 1850.[19]Rasmussen,Annales Islamici, p. 41, confuses this city with Kutayia, and gives its capture by Ertogrul under date of 1285.[20]Thus in Ali and Neshri. Seadeddin attributes this dream to Ertogrul. But the confusion between Ertogrul and Osman is marked in all the Ottoman historians.[21]The Ottoman historians give as reason for the refusal the social difference between his daughter and the ‘young prince’. This is an excellent illustration of how, writing in the zenith of Ottoman prosperity, the historians lost their sense of proportion or were actually compelled to write in flattering terms of the founder of their royal house.[22]Hammer, i. 67, in relating this dream, has transcribed with fidelity and felicity the Persian poetry of Idris.[23]Leunclavius,Pandectes, p. 113, following Ali, attributes the moon dream to Ertogrul, and places it at Konia. Boecler,Commentarius de rebus turcicis, pp. 104-5, following Chalcocondylas, does likewise, but relates the Koran dream of Osman. Seadeddin, p. 11, makes the dream distinctly religious, and while not mentioning the love story or Malkhatun by name, infers that Osman receives intimation of his marriage with Edebali’s daughter only through Edebali’s interpretation of the dream. This failure to mention Malkhatun is all the more significant when we see later how much attention Seadeddin gives to Nilufer. Evliya effendi, ii. 19, says that through the marriage of Osman to Malkhatun, the Ottoman sultans became descendants of the Prophet![24]I should except from this statement Rambaud, who, inHist. générale, iii. 822-4, states that the conversion of the Osmanlis to Islam took place during the chieftainship of Osman. The general character of the work to which he was contributing, and the limits of space, did not allow him to give any reasons in support of this position. Vanell,Histoire de l’Empire ottoman, p. 357, says that Ertogrul was a pagan until he became converted through reading the Koran.[25]From personal acquaintance with them, I can testify that these nomads (Yuruks) have remained up to the twentieth century with only the most vague idea of Mohammed and with no idea at all of the Koran and the ritual observances of Islam.[26]See Shehabeddin, MS. Paris, Bibl. Nat., fonds arabe 2325, fol. 69 vº-70 rº, citing Mesoudi and earlier writers for the propagation of Islam among the Bulgarians.[27]Cf. Cahun’s masterly contribution toHist. générale, ii. 887.[28]Abul Faradj,Chronicon Syr., pp. 606-8.[29]The Ottoman historians mention none, either of friendship or enmity, during the entire life of Osman.[30]The improbable connexion between Ertogrul and Osman and the Seljuk sovereigns of Konia has been accepted without question by European historians, on the strength of the assertions of the Ottoman historians. This is curious, because the evidence against this connexion is overwhelming. The Seljuk Empire of Rum lost its independence at the battle of Erzindjian, 1244 (cf. Heyd,Histoire du commerce dans le Levant, i. 534). Neshri himself confesses that after this date ‘now remained only the bare name of the Seljuk Kings’:ZDMG., xiii. 195. In view of the established facts of history, it is astonishing that European historians should have up to this time perpetuated, and given their sanction to, a fiction which was invented for the purpose of helping Mohammed II to incorporate Karamania in his empire! The limits of a footnote forbidding the adequate discussion of this question and the citation of the authorities, I must refer my readers to Appendix A.[31]Neshri,ZDMG., xiii. 196, says seventy years. But in his reckoning he constantly contradicts himself.Sheïrmeans city,eskiold, andyeninew.[32]All the Ottoman historians agree upon this number.[33]‘The unbelievers and believers of that land honoured Ertogrul and his son’: Neshri, p. 197. That Christians lived everywhere without molestation in the midst of non-converted Turkish tribes is asserted by Heyd, ii. 65.[34]It is altogether likely that Osman received his name at the time of his conversion. Is it not significant that his father, his brothers, his son even, as well as most of his warriors, had purely pagan Turkish names?[35]Tableau de l’Empire ottoman, iv. 373.[36]See Appendix B.[37]During the late war with the Balkan allies, the newspapers of the world spoke of ‘driving the Turks back to Asia, where they belong’, and of the re-establishment of the Ottoman capital at Brusa or Konia![38]See Armain’s translation of theDjihannuma(Mirror of the World), a universal geography by Hadji Khalfa, in the Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS., fonds français, nouv. ac., nos. 888-9. The section on Asia Minor, although written in some detail, does not contain many of the names which we find in the Ottoman historians. I wish to register a protest against inflicting on students and readers of history lists of names that can have no possible meaning to them. I have omitted from this work the names of places and persons upon which I can get no light.[39]Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1917, makes an error in giving the distance from Brusa to Yeni Sheïr as two days. I have driven from Brusa to Nicaea in one day of not fast going. Yeni Sheïr is on the main road between these cities, six hours from Brusa and four hours from Nicaea.[40]The early European historians make the wildest statements about Osman’s field of action. Many of them call Ottomanjik, a place four days or five north-east of Eski Sheïr, his first conquest: Cuspianus (Antwerp ed., 1541), p. 6; Spandugino, in Sansovino, p. 143; Egnatius, p. 28. Cf. Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1789. But this place was not captured by the Osmanlis until the reign of Bayezid: Evliya, op. cit., ii. 95. Paulo Giovio, an Italian historian greatly esteemed in his day, puts among the notable conquests of Osman the city and district of Sivas, as does also Rabbi Joseph, in his famousChronicles, Eng. trans. of Biallobotzky, ii. 505. Donado da Lezze,Historia Turchesca, Rumanian edition of Ursu, pp. 4 and 5, makes him conqueror of Rum, province of Sivas, Phoenicia, ‘et altri luoghi’! Cuspianus,De Turcarum Origine, quotes Donado da Lezze almost literally. Richer,De Rebus Turcarum, written for the information of Francis I of France, says, p. 11: ‘Circiter 1300, Ottomannus impune invitis omnibussummam imperii, quod ante partitum tenebant factiosi magistratus,occupavit, seseque Asiae minoris sive Anatoliaeimperatoremnominare sit aggressus.Syvam, quae eadem cum Sebaste est,expugnavit, et oppida ad Euxinum positanon paucacepit.’ (The italics are mine.) Hussein Hezarfenn, one of the Ottoman historians whose work has been most widely read and quoted in Europe, says of Ertogrul,who never saw the sea, ‘He equipped several ships, with which he made a raid into the Aegaean Sea, pillaged the islands, descended upon Greece, penetrated up to the Peloponnesus, and returned to his home (the little village of Sugut!) laden down with wealth and followed by a great army composed of experienced warriors of all sorts of nations whom the renown of his bravery and his good fortune attracted to his service: which increased so greatly his reputation in Asia that Sultan Alaeddin even found it to his advantage to cultivate him’: trans. ofPetits de la Croix, ii. 288-9.[41]I am not sure that I am justified in using the expression ‘undisputed sway’ even for this small territory. Pachymeres, IV. 30, pp. 345-7, speaks of a certain Soleiman pasha, who was threatening Nicomedia in 1303; and V. 23, p. 427, of Alisur retiring to the Sangarius after Roger had relieved Philadelphia in 1307.[42]Probably the first conquest of Osman. This city, on the Kara Su, is still a thriving place. Its situation is most picturesque. The author of theArabic History of the Kurds(Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. of Ducaurroy, fol. 151 rº, 152 rº) makes Biledjik the city granted to Ertogrul by Alaeddin, and declares that he captured Sugut (Sukidjeh) from the ‘infidels of Tekkur’.[43]Angelcoma of the Byzantines.[44]The only conquest of Osman not in the direction of Byzantium. Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1851.[45]‘Situated between Yeni Sheïr, Brusa, and Aïnegoel. They count one day from Yeni Sheïr to Yar Hissar by the road which goes to Kutayia’: Hadji Khalfa, fol. 1917.[46]The Ottomans name this place Kuyun Hissar. See Schéfer edition of Spandugino, p. 16n.[47]Pachymeres, IV. 25, p. 327, says the battle was fought July 27. Jorga,Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, i. 157, is in error in placing date June 27; Hammer, i. 190, and Jorga both give year 1301. Muralt,Chronographie Byzantine, ii. 480, has this battle under 1302.[48]Pach., IV. 25, p. 335.[49]Cantemir, Rumanian ed., i. 20, seems to infer that Osman attacked Nicomedia after this battle. He is certainly wrong in stating that Osman captured Kutayia. See pp. 274, 292-3.[50]Pach., V. 9; Gregoras, VII, i, p. 214.[51]Pach., in Stritter,Memoriae Populorum, iii. 1086-7; D’Ohsson,Histoire des Mongols, iv. 315. Andronicus made a second appeal in 1308, and gave his own sister, Marie, who is known to later Mongol historians as ‘Despina Khatun’, to Mohammed Khodabendah Khan, after Khodabendah’s conversion to Islam: ibid., iv. 536; Hertzberg,Geschichte der Byzantiner und des Osmanischen Reiches, p. 461.[52]I can find no justification for Howorth’s statement, ‘This alliance seems to have had a restraining influence upon the Turks’, in hisHistory of the Mongols, iii. 464.[53]SeeBibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, vi. 318, where the date of this momentous event is given as ‘vers 1305’.[54]Pach., V. 14, pp. 399-400; 21, pp. 410, 417.[55]Pach., V. 23, pp. 426-8; Greg., VII. 3, p. 221.[56]Pach., V. 21, p. 423; Greg., loc. cit.[57]Greg., loc. cit. Cf. Muralt, after Latin authorities, ii. 487.[58]Pachymeres, Books V, VI, and VII; Gregoras, Book VII,passim, and Phrantzes, Book I; Moncada,Expedicion de los Catalanes; Muntaner, inBibliothek des lit. Vereins zu Stuttgart, vol. viii. For their later adventures there is an excellent account in Finlay,History of Greece, iv. 146-56.[59]Andronicus wrote to his empress, urging her not to try to return to Constantinople from Salonika by land: Pach., VII. 12, p. 586; Chalcocondylas (ed. Bonn), I, p. 19.[60]Greg. VII. 8, pp. 254-8; Chalc., I, p. 19; Jorga, op. cit., i. 160, speaks of ‘die schöne mit Perlen und Edelsteinen geschmückteKrone’ of Michael. Was it not rather a turban? See Hammer, i. 364, note x.[61]‘The emperor of Constantinople fears the anger of the Khan of Kapdjak and is eager to disarm him by protestations of submission and efforts to obtain a continuance of the truce. Things have always been on this footing since the children of Djenghiz Khan began to reign in this country’: Shebabeddin, Paris MS., fol. 70 rº.[62]Ducange,Hist. de Constantinople sous les Emp. Français, map section, p. 46.[63]Ducange,Hist. de Constantinople sous les Emp. Français, map section, p. 54.[64]The Venetians were jealous of the growing power of Genoa and the hostility shown to Venetian merchants at Constantinople. See Appendix B. Also Heyd,Handelsgeschichte des Mittelalters, i. 366.[65]Ducange, ibid., p. 57; Buchon,Collection des chroniques nat. fr., p. lv.[66]Muralt,Chronographie Byzantine, ii. 493, no. 21,n.[67]A rabble without arms actually arrived at Marseilles. The ships were prevented from leaving Brindisi by a storm. Cf. Iacomo Bosio,Della Historia della Religione, ii. 1. At the very moment this effort to start a crusade was ending in dismal failure, the two kings on whose behalf it was planned were engaged in a bitter quarrel! Clement V,Epistola Comm.vii. 773-4, 787.[68]Les Giustiniani,Dynastes de Chios, Vlasto’s French translation of Hopf’s great monograph, p. 8.[69]Mas-Latrie,Histoire de Chypre, ii. 602.[70]Mas-Latrie, op. et loc. cit.; Heyd, French edition, i. 537.[71]A splendid field for historical research, which, as far as I know, has never yet been touched, is the compilation, from the Vatican records, of the dates for the extinction of the dioceses of the early Christian world in Africa and Asia. When did the bishops of these dioceses begin to be appointed and consecratedin partibus?[72]Bosio, op. cit., ii. 37; Abbé Vertot,Histoire des Chevaliers de Malte, i. 106.[73]See Bosio, ii. 37 f., and Vertot, i. 101 f. With a view to glorifying the Order, and also the Duke of Savoy, this fiction has been fabricated and perpetuated. Even such a serious work as that of Muralt gives, upon the strength of Raynaldus, who merely quotes Bosio, Osman as leader of this attack upon Rhodes: seeChronographie Byzantine, ii. 507. During the recent war between Italy and Turkey, when it was a question of Rhodes, more than one leading Italian newspaper revived this story of the founder of the Italian royal house defeating the founder of the Ottoman royal house. There is, of course, no foundation whatever for the statement.[74]So Clement V evidently believed. See his letter to the Genoese inEpistola Comm.vii. 10.[75]That the Sangarius used to run into the Gulf of Nicomedia instead of into the Black Sea is the opinion of many geographers, ancient as well as modern. There have been a number of projects to connect the Sangarius, Lake Sabandja, and the Gulf of Nicomedia by canals that would give a deep waterway across the plain and prevent the frequent overflooding which has always been a source of loss to cultivators in that region.[76]Idris, quoted by Hammer, i. 192.[77]Brusa is three hours by carriage from its port on the southern side of the Gulf of Mudania, or one hour by narrow-gauge railway. One can reach Nicaea either from the Gulf of Mudania or that of Nicomedia.[78]Pach., VII. 18, pp. 597-9.[79]Pach., VII. 25, p. 620. The Turks call this castle Hodjahissar.[80]Ibid., loc. cit. But Pachymeres puts the number of these Tartars as 30,000, which must be at least a tenfold exaggeration.[81]Seadeddin, translation Brattuti, p. 27. Bratutti, whose transcription of Turkish names is often unintelligible to me, calls Karadja Hissar ‘Codgia’.[82]Ibn Batutah,Voyages, ii. 320, speaks of buildings which must have been erected at these baths by Orkhan within the decade following the capture of Brusa. Earlier buildings, according to him, were constructed ‘by a Turcoman king’: ibid., p. 318. Tchekirdje is still a favourite resort for foreigners as well as for natives.[83]Cantacuzenos and Gregoras.[84]Greg., IX. 2, p. 401.[85]Cant., I. 42, pp. 204-6, 208; Greg., VIII. 15, p. 384; Greg., IX, c. 1, pp. 390-2, says it was the young Andronicus who first planned to break again with his grandfather. However that may be, the impression among the Greeks in Asia Minor who were endeavouring to hold back the enemies of the empire must have been the same![86]Greg., IX. 1, p. 392.[87]In the volume on ‘L’Ancien Régime’ in Taine’sOrigines de la France contemporaine, pp. 3-6, there is a wonderful analysis of the effect of early Latin Christianity upon the pagan mind. The Greek Church of the fourteenth century could produce no such impression.[88]From the earliest Ottoman times to the present day religion and nationality have not been divorced. Osmanli and Moslem were synonymous terms, just as to-day in the Balkan peninsula, where the Ottoman Empire was really founded, Turk and Moslem are synonymous terms. When once this is understood, the student and traveller is freed from his preconceived notion that the ‘Turks’, as that expression is to-day understood in Turkey, are an Asiatic race, who have held the country as conquering invaders.[89]Jorga, i. 162, is mistaken in saying, ‘überall wurden die Goldmünzen Osmans gern angenommen.’ Hadji Khalfa says that Osman struck no money. Also Colonel Djevad bey,Histoire militaire de l’Empire ottoman, i. 95. Save several silver pieces, which are not proven genuine, of the collection of Abbé Sestini (Salaberry,Hist. de l’Emp. ott., iv. 193), I can find record in numismatic collections of no money of Osman. For discussion of this question see Hammer, i. 117, who cites several Ottoman historians against coinage before Orkhan, and Toderini,Historia della letteratura ottomana, French trans., iii. 183.[90]Appendix B, on the Emirates of Asia Minor during the Fourteenth Century, contains the identification and description of these neighbours.[91]See Shehabeddin, Paris MS., 139 vº, which is cited in part on p. 70.[92]The chieftainship among the Turks was elective rather than hereditary. The Armenian Haython, who had excellent opportunities for observing their customs at this period, wrote: ‘Puisque les Turcs pristrent la seigneurie de Turquie, ilz ordonnerent un seigneur entre eulx, lequel ilz appelerent le Soudan’: MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds français, 2810, fol. 230 vº. Hussein Hezarfenn says (ii. 287-9) that Ertogrul succeeded his father by election and, in turn, manœuvred to secure the election of Osman. Evliya effendi, i. 27, declares that Osman was elected chief. This is also stated by Barletius, in Lonicerus, vol. ii, fol. 231-2; Spandugino; Cantemir (Rumanian ed.), i. 19; and Vanell, p. 359. Cf. Chalcocondylas (ed. Migne), col. 24.[93]For dates see Bibliography.[94]Nöldeke’s translation, inZeitschrift der deutschen morgenlândischen Gesellschaft, xiii. 214-17.[95]Gregoras, IX. 1, pp. 390-2. But Cantacuzenos, I. 42, pp. 208-15, maintains that young Andronicus heard that his grandfather was preparing acoupbefore he thought of taking any action himself.[96]Cant., I. 44, pp. 215-16; Greg., IX. 1, p. 392; Phrantzes, I. 6, p. 35.[97]Cant., I. 4-5, pp. 216-23; Greg., IX. 1, p. 396.[98]Cant., I. 50, pp. 248, 252; Greg., IX. 3, pp. 405-7.[99]Cant., ibid.; Greg., IX. 3, pp. 407-9.[100]Cant., I. 52, pp. 260-2; Greg., IX. 4, pp. 409-10; Cant., I. 53, pp. 267-70.[101]Cant., I. 55, pp. 277, 281-2; Greg., IX. 4, p. 414.[102]Cant., I. 55-II. 1, pp. 277-312; Greg., IX. 4-8, pp. 411-32; Phr. I. 6, p. 35.[103]IX. 8, p. 431.[104]Cant., II. 28, p. 473; Greg., IX. 14, p. 461, and X. 1, p. 474.[105]II. 3, p. 324.[106]Cantacuzenos uses this same expression concerning the collecting of the army with which Andronicus III repelled an invasion of seventy Turkish vessels in the autumn of the same year. Cf. II. 13, p. 390.[107]I have gathered the account of this battle from Cant., II. 6-8, pp. 341-60; Greg., IX. 9, pp. 433-5; Phr., I. 7, pp. 36-7; Chalcocondylas (ed. Migne), I. 11, col. 32. It is interesting to note how much space Cantacuzenos gives in contrast to the brevity of the other writers.[108]II, c. 8, 363. Seadeddin, Neshri, and Idris agree with Gregoras, IX. 13, p. 458, in putting the fall of Nicaea in 1330 or 1331. Gregoras euphemistically says the city was ‘pillaged by the Turks’. But Leunclavius, on the authority of Ali, gives A.H. 734, which would be 1333 or 1334.[109]Phr., I. 7.[110]InDjihannuma, Paris MS., fol. 1934.[111]When I was in Nicaea in 1913, the imam of the Yeshil Djami told me that there were seventy thousand houses at the time of the Ottoman conquest. This is the local tradition.[112]Hammer, i. 146, makes this claim.[113]Ibn Batutah, ii. 322-3. For discussion of the value of Ibn Batutah’s testimony see Appendix B and Bibliography.[114]Miklositch-Müller, Act. LXXXII, anno 1339, and Act. XCII, anno 1340.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]The Keraites, a tribe of large numbers, established on the frontier of China, were Christians in the early times: Resheddin, Quatremère edition, i. 93. The Council of Lyons sent missionaries to Mongols in the reign of Innocent IV, 1245. For account of missions to Mongols in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries see Howorth, i. 68 f., 189-92; ii. 183n.; iii. 72-5, 278-81, 348-55, 576-80: also documents of the Ming period, trans. by Hirth, p. 65.

[2]I have witnessed a similar migration, when the Bulgarians broke into Thrace in October 1912. The progress of the fleeing Turks, even on the plains, was painfully slow, and the mortality was frightful.

[3]Neshri (Nöldeke’s translation), inZeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xiii. 190.

[4]Seadeddin,Casa Ottomana(Bratutti trans.), i. 6.

[5]Neshri, xiii. 190.

[6]See Appendix B for these emirates.

[7]There is a collection of State papers in Persian, Arabic and Turkish, Feridun (Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. turc, 79), which contains some letters and decrees of the earliest sultans, but there is no proof of the authenticity of these documents.

[8]Neshri and Idris, end fifteenth century; Seadeddin, end sixteenth century; Hadji Khalfa, seventeenth century. See Bibliography.

[9]In the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, I have examined, as far as I know, all the books concerning Turkey printed before 1600. See list in Bibliography.

[10]Jorga,Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches(in theGeschichte der europaïschen Staaten), published 1908-13, preface and i. 152-3.

[11]Up to the death of Ertogrul (1288), I follow Neshri,ZDMG., xiii. 188-98, unless otherwise specified. Direct quotation is indicated by quotation marks.

[12]A.D. 1219. Evliya effendi, i. 27, givesA.H.600; Seadeddin and Hadji Khalfa,A.H.619; Drechsler,Chron. Saracenorum,A.H.610.

[13]Or Kharesm? Schéfer, in preface to his translation of Riza Kouly’s embassy to Kharesm,Bibl. de l’École des langues viv. orientales, 1resérie, vol. iii., says that Kharesm in part was identical with Khorassan. But Shehabeddin, trans. by Quatremère inNotices et Extraits, xiii. 289, declares that Kharesm is a country distinct from Khorassan. Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, MS. fr., Bibl. Nat., Paris, nouv. ac., no. 888, p. 815, supports this opinion. The very fact that these writers are so careful to make this assertion shows, however, that there was much confusion as to these terms. According to Vambéry, Kharesm is still in Djagatai Turkish, the diplomatical and political name for the modern Khanate of Khiva. Howorth,History of Mongols, ii. 78, says that the Turkish tribes remained in these countries after the Mongol conquest. Is this the Organa or Urgheuz of Marco Polo?

[14]Hussein Hezarfenn, ii. 287, and Chalcocondylas (Patr. Graec., Migne, vol. clix), 21, call the father of Ertogrul Oguzalp. For critical discussion see Appendix A.

[15]This title is invariably given by Neshri to every ruler in the direct line of Osman, just as he calls the Christian opponents of the Osmanlis unbelievers.

[16]Probably Sultan Inoenu, anticipating the later name of this district.

[17]Sagredo, the Italian historian, whose work was greatly esteemed by Gibbon, makes the curious error of calling Alaeddin ‘Lord of Aleppo and Damascus’.

[18]‘A great mountain situated between Kutayia and Brusa’: Hadji Khalfa,Djihannuma, fol. 1975; ‘The paths up this mountain are so difficult that one on foot has a thousand pains to reach the top’: ibid., fol. 1850.

[19]Rasmussen,Annales Islamici, p. 41, confuses this city with Kutayia, and gives its capture by Ertogrul under date of 1285.

[20]Thus in Ali and Neshri. Seadeddin attributes this dream to Ertogrul. But the confusion between Ertogrul and Osman is marked in all the Ottoman historians.

[21]The Ottoman historians give as reason for the refusal the social difference between his daughter and the ‘young prince’. This is an excellent illustration of how, writing in the zenith of Ottoman prosperity, the historians lost their sense of proportion or were actually compelled to write in flattering terms of the founder of their royal house.

[22]Hammer, i. 67, in relating this dream, has transcribed with fidelity and felicity the Persian poetry of Idris.

[23]Leunclavius,Pandectes, p. 113, following Ali, attributes the moon dream to Ertogrul, and places it at Konia. Boecler,Commentarius de rebus turcicis, pp. 104-5, following Chalcocondylas, does likewise, but relates the Koran dream of Osman. Seadeddin, p. 11, makes the dream distinctly religious, and while not mentioning the love story or Malkhatun by name, infers that Osman receives intimation of his marriage with Edebali’s daughter only through Edebali’s interpretation of the dream. This failure to mention Malkhatun is all the more significant when we see later how much attention Seadeddin gives to Nilufer. Evliya effendi, ii. 19, says that through the marriage of Osman to Malkhatun, the Ottoman sultans became descendants of the Prophet!

[24]I should except from this statement Rambaud, who, inHist. générale, iii. 822-4, states that the conversion of the Osmanlis to Islam took place during the chieftainship of Osman. The general character of the work to which he was contributing, and the limits of space, did not allow him to give any reasons in support of this position. Vanell,Histoire de l’Empire ottoman, p. 357, says that Ertogrul was a pagan until he became converted through reading the Koran.

[25]From personal acquaintance with them, I can testify that these nomads (Yuruks) have remained up to the twentieth century with only the most vague idea of Mohammed and with no idea at all of the Koran and the ritual observances of Islam.

[26]See Shehabeddin, MS. Paris, Bibl. Nat., fonds arabe 2325, fol. 69 vº-70 rº, citing Mesoudi and earlier writers for the propagation of Islam among the Bulgarians.

[27]Cf. Cahun’s masterly contribution toHist. générale, ii. 887.

[28]Abul Faradj,Chronicon Syr., pp. 606-8.

[29]The Ottoman historians mention none, either of friendship or enmity, during the entire life of Osman.

[30]The improbable connexion between Ertogrul and Osman and the Seljuk sovereigns of Konia has been accepted without question by European historians, on the strength of the assertions of the Ottoman historians. This is curious, because the evidence against this connexion is overwhelming. The Seljuk Empire of Rum lost its independence at the battle of Erzindjian, 1244 (cf. Heyd,Histoire du commerce dans le Levant, i. 534). Neshri himself confesses that after this date ‘now remained only the bare name of the Seljuk Kings’:ZDMG., xiii. 195. In view of the established facts of history, it is astonishing that European historians should have up to this time perpetuated, and given their sanction to, a fiction which was invented for the purpose of helping Mohammed II to incorporate Karamania in his empire! The limits of a footnote forbidding the adequate discussion of this question and the citation of the authorities, I must refer my readers to Appendix A.

[31]Neshri,ZDMG., xiii. 196, says seventy years. But in his reckoning he constantly contradicts himself.Sheïrmeans city,eskiold, andyeninew.

[32]All the Ottoman historians agree upon this number.

[33]‘The unbelievers and believers of that land honoured Ertogrul and his son’: Neshri, p. 197. That Christians lived everywhere without molestation in the midst of non-converted Turkish tribes is asserted by Heyd, ii. 65.

[34]It is altogether likely that Osman received his name at the time of his conversion. Is it not significant that his father, his brothers, his son even, as well as most of his warriors, had purely pagan Turkish names?

[35]Tableau de l’Empire ottoman, iv. 373.

[36]See Appendix B.

[37]During the late war with the Balkan allies, the newspapers of the world spoke of ‘driving the Turks back to Asia, where they belong’, and of the re-establishment of the Ottoman capital at Brusa or Konia!

[38]See Armain’s translation of theDjihannuma(Mirror of the World), a universal geography by Hadji Khalfa, in the Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS., fonds français, nouv. ac., nos. 888-9. The section on Asia Minor, although written in some detail, does not contain many of the names which we find in the Ottoman historians. I wish to register a protest against inflicting on students and readers of history lists of names that can have no possible meaning to them. I have omitted from this work the names of places and persons upon which I can get no light.

[39]Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1917, makes an error in giving the distance from Brusa to Yeni Sheïr as two days. I have driven from Brusa to Nicaea in one day of not fast going. Yeni Sheïr is on the main road between these cities, six hours from Brusa and four hours from Nicaea.

[40]The early European historians make the wildest statements about Osman’s field of action. Many of them call Ottomanjik, a place four days or five north-east of Eski Sheïr, his first conquest: Cuspianus (Antwerp ed., 1541), p. 6; Spandugino, in Sansovino, p. 143; Egnatius, p. 28. Cf. Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1789. But this place was not captured by the Osmanlis until the reign of Bayezid: Evliya, op. cit., ii. 95. Paulo Giovio, an Italian historian greatly esteemed in his day, puts among the notable conquests of Osman the city and district of Sivas, as does also Rabbi Joseph, in his famousChronicles, Eng. trans. of Biallobotzky, ii. 505. Donado da Lezze,Historia Turchesca, Rumanian edition of Ursu, pp. 4 and 5, makes him conqueror of Rum, province of Sivas, Phoenicia, ‘et altri luoghi’! Cuspianus,De Turcarum Origine, quotes Donado da Lezze almost literally. Richer,De Rebus Turcarum, written for the information of Francis I of France, says, p. 11: ‘Circiter 1300, Ottomannus impune invitis omnibussummam imperii, quod ante partitum tenebant factiosi magistratus,occupavit, seseque Asiae minoris sive Anatoliaeimperatoremnominare sit aggressus.Syvam, quae eadem cum Sebaste est,expugnavit, et oppida ad Euxinum positanon paucacepit.’ (The italics are mine.) Hussein Hezarfenn, one of the Ottoman historians whose work has been most widely read and quoted in Europe, says of Ertogrul,who never saw the sea, ‘He equipped several ships, with which he made a raid into the Aegaean Sea, pillaged the islands, descended upon Greece, penetrated up to the Peloponnesus, and returned to his home (the little village of Sugut!) laden down with wealth and followed by a great army composed of experienced warriors of all sorts of nations whom the renown of his bravery and his good fortune attracted to his service: which increased so greatly his reputation in Asia that Sultan Alaeddin even found it to his advantage to cultivate him’: trans. ofPetits de la Croix, ii. 288-9.

[41]I am not sure that I am justified in using the expression ‘undisputed sway’ even for this small territory. Pachymeres, IV. 30, pp. 345-7, speaks of a certain Soleiman pasha, who was threatening Nicomedia in 1303; and V. 23, p. 427, of Alisur retiring to the Sangarius after Roger had relieved Philadelphia in 1307.

[42]Probably the first conquest of Osman. This city, on the Kara Su, is still a thriving place. Its situation is most picturesque. The author of theArabic History of the Kurds(Bibl. Nat., Paris, MS. of Ducaurroy, fol. 151 rº, 152 rº) makes Biledjik the city granted to Ertogrul by Alaeddin, and declares that he captured Sugut (Sukidjeh) from the ‘infidels of Tekkur’.

[43]Angelcoma of the Byzantines.

[44]The only conquest of Osman not in the direction of Byzantium. Hadji Khalfa, op. cit., fol. 1851.

[45]‘Situated between Yeni Sheïr, Brusa, and Aïnegoel. They count one day from Yeni Sheïr to Yar Hissar by the road which goes to Kutayia’: Hadji Khalfa, fol. 1917.

[46]The Ottomans name this place Kuyun Hissar. See Schéfer edition of Spandugino, p. 16n.

[47]Pachymeres, IV. 25, p. 327, says the battle was fought July 27. Jorga,Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, i. 157, is in error in placing date June 27; Hammer, i. 190, and Jorga both give year 1301. Muralt,Chronographie Byzantine, ii. 480, has this battle under 1302.

[48]Pach., IV. 25, p. 335.

[49]Cantemir, Rumanian ed., i. 20, seems to infer that Osman attacked Nicomedia after this battle. He is certainly wrong in stating that Osman captured Kutayia. See pp. 274, 292-3.

[50]Pach., V. 9; Gregoras, VII, i, p. 214.

[51]Pach., in Stritter,Memoriae Populorum, iii. 1086-7; D’Ohsson,Histoire des Mongols, iv. 315. Andronicus made a second appeal in 1308, and gave his own sister, Marie, who is known to later Mongol historians as ‘Despina Khatun’, to Mohammed Khodabendah Khan, after Khodabendah’s conversion to Islam: ibid., iv. 536; Hertzberg,Geschichte der Byzantiner und des Osmanischen Reiches, p. 461.

[52]I can find no justification for Howorth’s statement, ‘This alliance seems to have had a restraining influence upon the Turks’, in hisHistory of the Mongols, iii. 464.

[53]SeeBibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, vi. 318, where the date of this momentous event is given as ‘vers 1305’.

[54]Pach., V. 14, pp. 399-400; 21, pp. 410, 417.

[55]Pach., V. 23, pp. 426-8; Greg., VII. 3, p. 221.

[56]Pach., V. 21, p. 423; Greg., loc. cit.

[57]Greg., loc. cit. Cf. Muralt, after Latin authorities, ii. 487.

[58]Pachymeres, Books V, VI, and VII; Gregoras, Book VII,passim, and Phrantzes, Book I; Moncada,Expedicion de los Catalanes; Muntaner, inBibliothek des lit. Vereins zu Stuttgart, vol. viii. For their later adventures there is an excellent account in Finlay,History of Greece, iv. 146-56.

[59]Andronicus wrote to his empress, urging her not to try to return to Constantinople from Salonika by land: Pach., VII. 12, p. 586; Chalcocondylas (ed. Bonn), I, p. 19.

[60]Greg. VII. 8, pp. 254-8; Chalc., I, p. 19; Jorga, op. cit., i. 160, speaks of ‘die schöne mit Perlen und Edelsteinen geschmückteKrone’ of Michael. Was it not rather a turban? See Hammer, i. 364, note x.

[61]‘The emperor of Constantinople fears the anger of the Khan of Kapdjak and is eager to disarm him by protestations of submission and efforts to obtain a continuance of the truce. Things have always been on this footing since the children of Djenghiz Khan began to reign in this country’: Shebabeddin, Paris MS., fol. 70 rº.

[62]Ducange,Hist. de Constantinople sous les Emp. Français, map section, p. 46.

[63]Ducange,Hist. de Constantinople sous les Emp. Français, map section, p. 54.

[64]The Venetians were jealous of the growing power of Genoa and the hostility shown to Venetian merchants at Constantinople. See Appendix B. Also Heyd,Handelsgeschichte des Mittelalters, i. 366.

[65]Ducange, ibid., p. 57; Buchon,Collection des chroniques nat. fr., p. lv.

[66]Muralt,Chronographie Byzantine, ii. 493, no. 21,n.

[67]A rabble without arms actually arrived at Marseilles. The ships were prevented from leaving Brindisi by a storm. Cf. Iacomo Bosio,Della Historia della Religione, ii. 1. At the very moment this effort to start a crusade was ending in dismal failure, the two kings on whose behalf it was planned were engaged in a bitter quarrel! Clement V,Epistola Comm.vii. 773-4, 787.

[68]Les Giustiniani,Dynastes de Chios, Vlasto’s French translation of Hopf’s great monograph, p. 8.

[69]Mas-Latrie,Histoire de Chypre, ii. 602.

[70]Mas-Latrie, op. et loc. cit.; Heyd, French edition, i. 537.

[71]A splendid field for historical research, which, as far as I know, has never yet been touched, is the compilation, from the Vatican records, of the dates for the extinction of the dioceses of the early Christian world in Africa and Asia. When did the bishops of these dioceses begin to be appointed and consecratedin partibus?

[72]Bosio, op. cit., ii. 37; Abbé Vertot,Histoire des Chevaliers de Malte, i. 106.

[73]See Bosio, ii. 37 f., and Vertot, i. 101 f. With a view to glorifying the Order, and also the Duke of Savoy, this fiction has been fabricated and perpetuated. Even such a serious work as that of Muralt gives, upon the strength of Raynaldus, who merely quotes Bosio, Osman as leader of this attack upon Rhodes: seeChronographie Byzantine, ii. 507. During the recent war between Italy and Turkey, when it was a question of Rhodes, more than one leading Italian newspaper revived this story of the founder of the Italian royal house defeating the founder of the Ottoman royal house. There is, of course, no foundation whatever for the statement.

[74]So Clement V evidently believed. See his letter to the Genoese inEpistola Comm.vii. 10.

[75]That the Sangarius used to run into the Gulf of Nicomedia instead of into the Black Sea is the opinion of many geographers, ancient as well as modern. There have been a number of projects to connect the Sangarius, Lake Sabandja, and the Gulf of Nicomedia by canals that would give a deep waterway across the plain and prevent the frequent overflooding which has always been a source of loss to cultivators in that region.

[76]Idris, quoted by Hammer, i. 192.

[77]Brusa is three hours by carriage from its port on the southern side of the Gulf of Mudania, or one hour by narrow-gauge railway. One can reach Nicaea either from the Gulf of Mudania or that of Nicomedia.

[78]Pach., VII. 18, pp. 597-9.

[79]Pach., VII. 25, p. 620. The Turks call this castle Hodjahissar.

[80]Ibid., loc. cit. But Pachymeres puts the number of these Tartars as 30,000, which must be at least a tenfold exaggeration.

[81]Seadeddin, translation Brattuti, p. 27. Bratutti, whose transcription of Turkish names is often unintelligible to me, calls Karadja Hissar ‘Codgia’.

[82]Ibn Batutah,Voyages, ii. 320, speaks of buildings which must have been erected at these baths by Orkhan within the decade following the capture of Brusa. Earlier buildings, according to him, were constructed ‘by a Turcoman king’: ibid., p. 318. Tchekirdje is still a favourite resort for foreigners as well as for natives.

[83]Cantacuzenos and Gregoras.

[84]Greg., IX. 2, p. 401.

[85]Cant., I. 42, pp. 204-6, 208; Greg., VIII. 15, p. 384; Greg., IX, c. 1, pp. 390-2, says it was the young Andronicus who first planned to break again with his grandfather. However that may be, the impression among the Greeks in Asia Minor who were endeavouring to hold back the enemies of the empire must have been the same!

[86]Greg., IX. 1, p. 392.

[87]In the volume on ‘L’Ancien Régime’ in Taine’sOrigines de la France contemporaine, pp. 3-6, there is a wonderful analysis of the effect of early Latin Christianity upon the pagan mind. The Greek Church of the fourteenth century could produce no such impression.

[88]From the earliest Ottoman times to the present day religion and nationality have not been divorced. Osmanli and Moslem were synonymous terms, just as to-day in the Balkan peninsula, where the Ottoman Empire was really founded, Turk and Moslem are synonymous terms. When once this is understood, the student and traveller is freed from his preconceived notion that the ‘Turks’, as that expression is to-day understood in Turkey, are an Asiatic race, who have held the country as conquering invaders.

[89]Jorga, i. 162, is mistaken in saying, ‘überall wurden die Goldmünzen Osmans gern angenommen.’ Hadji Khalfa says that Osman struck no money. Also Colonel Djevad bey,Histoire militaire de l’Empire ottoman, i. 95. Save several silver pieces, which are not proven genuine, of the collection of Abbé Sestini (Salaberry,Hist. de l’Emp. ott., iv. 193), I can find record in numismatic collections of no money of Osman. For discussion of this question see Hammer, i. 117, who cites several Ottoman historians against coinage before Orkhan, and Toderini,Historia della letteratura ottomana, French trans., iii. 183.

[90]Appendix B, on the Emirates of Asia Minor during the Fourteenth Century, contains the identification and description of these neighbours.

[91]See Shehabeddin, Paris MS., 139 vº, which is cited in part on p. 70.

[92]The chieftainship among the Turks was elective rather than hereditary. The Armenian Haython, who had excellent opportunities for observing their customs at this period, wrote: ‘Puisque les Turcs pristrent la seigneurie de Turquie, ilz ordonnerent un seigneur entre eulx, lequel ilz appelerent le Soudan’: MS. Bibl. Nat., Paris, fonds français, 2810, fol. 230 vº. Hussein Hezarfenn says (ii. 287-9) that Ertogrul succeeded his father by election and, in turn, manœuvred to secure the election of Osman. Evliya effendi, i. 27, declares that Osman was elected chief. This is also stated by Barletius, in Lonicerus, vol. ii, fol. 231-2; Spandugino; Cantemir (Rumanian ed.), i. 19; and Vanell, p. 359. Cf. Chalcocondylas (ed. Migne), col. 24.

[93]For dates see Bibliography.

[94]Nöldeke’s translation, inZeitschrift der deutschen morgenlândischen Gesellschaft, xiii. 214-17.

[95]Gregoras, IX. 1, pp. 390-2. But Cantacuzenos, I. 42, pp. 208-15, maintains that young Andronicus heard that his grandfather was preparing acoupbefore he thought of taking any action himself.

[96]Cant., I. 44, pp. 215-16; Greg., IX. 1, p. 392; Phrantzes, I. 6, p. 35.

[97]Cant., I. 4-5, pp. 216-23; Greg., IX. 1, p. 396.

[98]Cant., I. 50, pp. 248, 252; Greg., IX. 3, pp. 405-7.

[99]Cant., ibid.; Greg., IX. 3, pp. 407-9.

[100]Cant., I. 52, pp. 260-2; Greg., IX. 4, pp. 409-10; Cant., I. 53, pp. 267-70.

[101]Cant., I. 55, pp. 277, 281-2; Greg., IX. 4, p. 414.

[102]Cant., I. 55-II. 1, pp. 277-312; Greg., IX. 4-8, pp. 411-32; Phr. I. 6, p. 35.

[103]IX. 8, p. 431.

[104]Cant., II. 28, p. 473; Greg., IX. 14, p. 461, and X. 1, p. 474.

[105]II. 3, p. 324.

[106]Cantacuzenos uses this same expression concerning the collecting of the army with which Andronicus III repelled an invasion of seventy Turkish vessels in the autumn of the same year. Cf. II. 13, p. 390.

[107]I have gathered the account of this battle from Cant., II. 6-8, pp. 341-60; Greg., IX. 9, pp. 433-5; Phr., I. 7, pp. 36-7; Chalcocondylas (ed. Migne), I. 11, col. 32. It is interesting to note how much space Cantacuzenos gives in contrast to the brevity of the other writers.

[108]II, c. 8, 363. Seadeddin, Neshri, and Idris agree with Gregoras, IX. 13, p. 458, in putting the fall of Nicaea in 1330 or 1331. Gregoras euphemistically says the city was ‘pillaged by the Turks’. But Leunclavius, on the authority of Ali, gives A.H. 734, which would be 1333 or 1334.

[109]Phr., I. 7.

[110]InDjihannuma, Paris MS., fol. 1934.

[111]When I was in Nicaea in 1913, the imam of the Yeshil Djami told me that there were seventy thousand houses at the time of the Ottoman conquest. This is the local tradition.

[112]Hammer, i. 146, makes this claim.

[113]Ibn Batutah, ii. 322-3. For discussion of the value of Ibn Batutah’s testimony see Appendix B and Bibliography.

[114]Miklositch-Müller, Act. LXXXII, anno 1339, and Act. XCII, anno 1340.

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