BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. II

Argallleft Port Royal and started for Virginia in the early part of November of the year 1613, but, on the day after he set sail, an exceedingly violent storm arose, by which the ships were driven asunder in very diverse directions. Captain Argall's vessel, indeed, was finally borne to Virginia; the smaller of the two captured ships, with its crew, was never seen thereafter; the larger of these, which Turnell commanded, and on board of which we were, after being dreadfully beaten for sixteen days by continuoustempests, had reached almost desperate straits, because of the exhaustion of its provisions, when the storm finally ceased, and we resumed our voyage towards Virginia with a favoring wind. We were distant not more than twenty-five leagues from the coast of Virginia, where the Governor was planning our destruction, and for this reason the voyage was hateful to us; when a contrary wind which suddenly arose turned our bow towards theAsoresislands of Portugal, [598] situated at a distance of almost 700 leagues due East from that point. Since the force of this wind did not at all abate, Turnell foresaw that his life would be endangered should he come into the power of the Portuguese, because he was conveying as prisoners, Priests, who, with the greatest injustice, had been torn from their settlement and despoiled; and he was still more troubled because, persuaded by the false charges of the French at Port Royal, he believed Father Biard to be a Spaniard, so that he dreaded, with good reason, a denunciation of his offense before the Portuguese, if our Fathers should resolve to accuse him. Therefore he frankly acknowledged that the power of the Deity, which avenges injury done to the innocent, was deservedly hostile to him and his upon that voyage; and, overcome by this calamity, although he had, through his own fault in rashly believing slanders, been extremely unfriendly to Father Biard up to that time, he began to soften greatly and become more amiable toward him. Moreover, even if the force of the wind were not driving them to theAsores, still, scarcity of provisions and fresh water compelled them to go thither, though against their will; wherefore, it was necessary for Turnell to take precautions lest the presence of our Fathers should cause him damage; as no danger was to be fearedfrom them, if the ship should remain at a distance at anchor, and the necessary provisions should be secured by sending a small boat into the harbor, as the Captain hoped to do. Matters turned out, however, contrary to his expectations; for when we approached Faëal, one of the Asores islands, we were compelled to enter the inmost harbor, and take a position among the other ships under the eyes of the inhabitants. Having entered thither a little too swiftly, when our vessel collided with a Spanish treasure-ship [599] and carried away its forward jib, the Spanish Captain shouted out that we were pirates, and aroused his crew to arms. A few weeks before, a Frenchman had plundered a ship in the same harbor by a sudden attack; whence the Spaniards, fearing a similar fate, had been the more alarmed on this occasion, and thought an investigation still more necessary in the case of an Englishman. Turnell was therefore obliged to disembark upon the land, where the Spanish held him as a hostage while the interior of the ship was being thoroughly searched, the Fathers, in the meantime, carefully hiding behind a boat, in order that the Englishman might suffer no harm on their account if they should be discovered. Concealment was very difficult in a place not at all convenient, as the affair arose very suddenly, and there were so careful searchers, who rummaged the entire interior of the ship; but our brethren escaped their lynx eyes, greatly to their own delight, because they had thus preserved the Englishman; but with greater pleasure to the Englishman, because he recognized that he had been saved, contrary to his expectations and his deserts, by those whom he had most wickedly deprived of their liberty. This service and remarkable good-faith the English recognized at that time withmarked signs of gratitude, and often thereafter spoke of the Fathers with great praise, especially before their Ministers. Three entire weeks the English ship remained in that harbor, and the same length of time the Fathers were hidden away and deprived of the sunlight; then, abandoning the voyage to Virginia, Turnell proceeded to Britain. But, when a storm had diverted us from the direct prosecution of our voyage, it carried us violently Westward to the coast of Vuallia;93and when here provisions failed the ship, Turnell entered the town of Pembroke [600] for the sake of obtaining supplies. The officials of this town suspected him of piracy upon the high seas, because, although an Englishman, he was sailing in a French vessel, and produced no written testimonials of the authority under which he was making his voyage; and when he made oath that he had been separated by a storm from his Captain, Argall, he was not believed. When, therefore, every sort of evidence had failed him, he cited as witnesses for his statements the two Jesuits whom he had on board the ship, whose incorruptible integrity, he said, no mortal could deservedly call in question. Therefore, when the Fathers had been very respectfully interrogated, and had given their testimony in public before the magistrate, Turnell was placed in honor, and was believed to have done everything honestly, as befitted a gentleman; but our brethren were treated with distinction, and were entertained as guests by theMayor of the City, as he is called, that is, the Magistrate of the common people. When Nicholas Adams, who then represented the Minister of the marine at Pembroke, and in the presence of whom our brethren had given their testimony, heard that they had extremely bad fare upon the ship, he directedthat they should be entertained at the home of the Magistrate whom we have mentioned, and that upon his own responsibility everything should be abundantly supplied to them; and if they should lack the means to repay him, he said that for the sake of God he would willingly do them the favor of meeting the expense, because he thought it very unbecoming that no kindness should be shown among the citizens of Pembroke to men distinguished in every way for merit and learning. A message had been sent to the King of Britain concerning our brethren; and, while an answer thereto was being awaited, many came, for the purpose of seeing and conversing with the fathers, from the ranks of the nobles, of the officials, and even of the ministers, [601] four of whom one of the councilors put into the arena of debate with our brethren, with the desire of testing their doctrine. Moreover, when their case had been reported at Court, the ambassador94of the Most Christian King had already heard that a ship with French Jesuits had been captured, and urged the release of all and especially of our brethren, because he had from his King strict commands to this effect. There was therefore no delay in the conveyance of our brethren from Pembroke to Dover, whence, after a short passage, they safely and joyfully arrived, after almost ten months of captivity, at Itius Portus,95a town on the French coast. Here they were received most honorably, with especial kindness and favor from Sieur d'Arquien, Commander of the Royal garrison, and Dean Boulaye; a suitable viaticum was also given to them, which was abundant for their needs during the trip to their College at Ambians96[Amiens].

276IamNouo-Francicæ Missionis operæ quantum promouerint rem Christianam inter Barbaros, non facile dispiciet, qui rem vulgi trutina metietur: qui verò negotium natura sua perarduum, interuenientibus etiam aliunde casibus valdè impeditum, æquis momentis volet æstimare, maximè idoneis, atque illustribus initiis asperrimum solum Euangelicæ sementi præparatum, fateatur necesse est. In primis enim quantum, quæso, illud est, belluini prorsus ingenij atque moris gentem, nuper ab omni commercio externo alienissimam, ab sua impotentia suspiciosissimam, sic nunc esse nobis cõciliatã, ea de nostris hominibus opinione imbutam, vt eos summo ambitu quilibet Barbarorũ cõuentus [602] expetat, in sua ora domicilium habere cupiat, de suis copiolis annua cibaria deferat, mœrore ac fletu suum eorum desiderium testetur, implacabili odio in Britannos, nostræ infestos quieti, feratur? Magnum quiddam profecto est, & ingentis ad fidem illis animis ingenerandam momenti, erga illius præcones tam propensa ferri voluntate, fiducia, & veneratione. Illud autem alterum longè maius est, tantóque ad Barbaroram efficiendam salutem potentius, quantò alienius est ab humanarum affectionum ratione, diuinisque motionibus proprium magis. Altè iam insedit Canadiorum animis illa sententia, æternis addici cruciatibus, qui Baptismi expertes è viuis decedant, vt tametsi valẽtes Christianæ legis conditiones, suo sensu paullò asperiores, haud facilè subeant, moribundi tamen Baptismum ingentis omnino beneficij278esse ducant, cupidéque appetant. Cuius doctrinæ quoniam Patres Societatis auctores habent, eamque combiberunt intimis sensibus, eius sua sponte illos admonent, & memores esse iubent, quoties popularium quis deteriùs affectus decumbit, hortanturque suos Doctores vti obitum ægroti præuertant, salutaribus aquis lustrantes, antè quàm occumbat. Atque hos quidem animorum motus, in barbarissimis alioqui hominibus, biennij cultura, & ea quidem non assidua, sed frequentibus interpellata difficultatibus, duo Patres effecerunt, non leuibus certè momentis ad Euangelici verbi satus in ea gente magnis incrementis propagandos. Quam ad propagationem, sacrarum precationum, & Baptismi [603] inusitata vis, insignibus aliquot documentis apud eam nationem interdum prodita, incitamento non mediocri videtur olim futura. Patri Biardo ad Eplani piscis amnem die quodam agenti affertur nuncius ab ægrota, & animam agente muliere, quæ ipsum videre atque alloqui valdè cuperet, ad Sanctæ Mariæ Sinum, duabus ab eo amne leucis. Eò ducem habuit vnum de contubernio, feminamque more gentis præter focum stratam deprehendit, tertia iam hebdomada miserè languentem: ægram, quoad per eius morbum licuit, Catechesi necessaria instruit, adhibitisq; pro re nata precibus cruce ad pectus appensa munit, seque vocari iubet, si quid ei posteà deterius accidat. Postridie mulier bene sana è foco exsilit, & graui onusta sacco ad maritum quattuor inde leucas vegeta contendit. Eam sanationem280Caluinianus Dieppensis omnium primus obseruauit, confestimque illius euentum mirabilem nunciaturus ad Patrem Biardum accurrit. Idem Pater in ora Pentegoetia cum Biencourtio versabatur, vbi pro instituto mapalia Barbarorum circumiens, ægros visebat, solabatur, precibus, ac Christianis documentis iuuabat. Ibi tertium iam mensem æger decumbebat, cuius salus erat conclamata, quem Barbari visendum Patri obtulerunt. Frigido sudore totus manabat, certo fere mortis indice, cùm iam eum grauis æstus tenuisset, cui post preces, & breuia fidei documenta, cùm Pater crucem sæpius exosculandam porrexisset, eique de collo pensilem reliquisset, frequentibus Barbaris audientibus, & quæ gererentur mirè [604] probantibus ab eo ad nauẽ & Biencourtium rediit. Postera verò die Biencourtio cum indigenis in naue permutationibus mutuis occupato, in eã nauem sanus ingressus ille æger, heri moribũdus, crucemque gratulabũdus, magnificè ostentãs, adiit ad P. Biardũ, ingentiq; gaudio suam ei sanitatem testatus, virtuti S. Crucis acceptã tulit. Illustrius multò est id quod sequitur, & ad Barbarorũ sensum in Baptismi laudẽ singulare. P. Biardus, & Mottæus Saussæij Legatus, Simonque Interpres vnà iuerant ad considerandam areã Sancti Saluatoris domicilio designatã, vnde redeuntibus procul ad aures accidit lamẽtabilis vlulatus quærentibusq; à Barbaro comite causã lugubris clamoris, responsum est, sollemne illud esse alicuius iam iam vita functi argumentũ.282Sed propiùs ad Barbarica tuguria succedentibus puer interrogatus indicauit, nõ mortui, sed morientis esse cõpliorationẽ; atque ad P. Biardum conuersus; Quin tu, inquit, accurris, si forte in viuentẽ adhuc incidas, & eius morti Baptismum præuertas? Ea pueri vox, tamquã cælo missa, Patrem & comites ad cursum vehementer accendit, quibus ad agrestes casas appulsis, Barbarorũ sub dio stantium lōgissima ala, directo ordine instructa occurrit, atq; in spectãtis alæ, & mœrore defixæ oculis obambulans pater, cuius in vlnis tenellus moriebatur puer. Hic vt animam ægerrimè trahebat, interruptis debilitate singultibus ad mortem properans, miserum parentem miseratione cruciabat & dolore. Ad quoslibet autem infantis singultus, horrendùm eiulabat parens, cuius eiulatum adstantis Barbaricæ concionis mox luctuosus [605] excipiebat vlulatus. Pater Biardus adiit ad afflictum puelli parentem, rogauitque an ipso volente moribundum infantem Baptismo esset lustraturus. Ingenti mœrore percitus Barbarus vocem mittere non potuit, sed deposito in postulantis manibus puero, reipsa, quid cuperet, ostendit. Pater aquam poposcit, puellumque Mottæo ardentissimè suscipienti tenendum tradit, salutaribus aquis aspergit, Nicolaum de Mottæi nomine appellat, concepta precum formula Barbaris lumẽ ad fidei agnoscendas ingentes opes à Deo precatur. Sub eam precationem receptum de Mottæi manibus infantem matri eius præsenti defert, mater filio mammam continuò porrigit, puer oblatam284cupidè arripit, lac ad satietatem haurit, atque deinceps sanus vegetúsque vixit. Vniuersus interim Barbarorum, qui circumsteterat, globus rei haud vsitatæ defixus miraculo, petrarum instar immotus, ac tacitus hærebat in vestigio. Ad eos igitur sic animo comparatos noster, quæ visa sunt in rem præsentem quadrare, verba fecit, quæ auidis mentibus hauserunt, atque vbi perorauerat, iussit singulos in tuguria se recipere. Vti venerabundi ac trementes eius sermonem summa reuerentia exceperant, ita cùm cœtus facta missione receptum in suas casas indixit, alto silentio præferentes inusitatum obsequium, in sua quisque tuguria pacatissimè, citissimeque dilapsi sunt. Hæc & huiusmodi alia in Barbarorum oculis, summa ipsorum admiratione, nec minore fructu gesta, quisquis perpenderit, vtilissimis principiis inchoatam Nouo-Francicam Missionem meritò iudicabit.

Nowhe who measures the undertaking by ordinarystandards, will not easily see how greatly the work of the Mission of New France has advanced the Christian religion among the Savages; he who will fairly estimate an enterprise very difficult in its nature, and greatly hindered also by the interruption of calamities from without; must confess that the rugged soil has been prepared for the seed of the Gospel with very advantageous and glorious beginnings. For, in the first place, is it not a great thing, I ask, that a race of utterly brutal disposition and manners, lately keeping itself far aloof from all external intercourse, extremely suspicious by reason of its impotence, should be now so conciliated towards us, and entertain such sentiments for our brethren, that Savages of every tribe seek them out with the greatest pains, [602] desire them to have a residence in their territory, offer them annual supplies from their scanty store, testify by grief and weeping to their longing for them, and regard the English, the enemies of our peace, with implacable hatred? It is indeed something great, and of the utmost importance to the implanting of the faith in those minds, that they meet its heralds with such emphatic good-will, confidence, and veneration. Moreover there is another influence far greater, and so much the more powerful in effecting the salvation of the Savages as it is remote from the sphere of human affections and more characteristic of heavenly emotions. Already there has become deeply seated in the minds of the Canadians the belief that those who die without Baptism are consigned to eternal torments; consequently, as long as they are in health, they do not readily submit to the rules of the Christian faith, which to their ideas are a little too harsh; but when at the point of death, they regard Baptism as certainly a great blessing,and eagerly seek it. Since they have the Fathers of the Society as authorities for this doctrine, and have absorbed it into their inmost souls, of their own accord they warn and remind their Teachers of it, whenever any one of their friends is prostrated by some severe complaint, and urge them to anticipate the death of the patient by sprinkling him with the saving waters, before he shall perish. And, indeed, these emotions of the mind, in men who are in other respects most savage, two Fathers have created by a training of two years, and that indeed not continuous, but interrupted by numerous difficulties, which is certainly no light incentive toward propagating the seed of the Gospel among that race with flourishing increase. To this propagation, the unaccustomed power of holy prayers and of Baptism, [603] sometimes disclosed among this people in several remarkable instances, seems likely to be no small incentive in the future. When Father Biard was occupied one day at the river of the Eplan fish, a message was brought to him from a sick woman at the point of death, who was very anxious to see and converse with him, at Bay Ste. Marie, two leagues from that river. He had one of the colonists as a guide thither, and found the woman lying, according to the manner of her race, near the hearth, and now miserably languishing in the third week of her illness. He instructed the invalid, as far as her disease permitted, in the necessary parts of the Catechism; strengthened her by prayers adapted to the circumstances, and a cross hung upon her breast; and directed that he should be called, if she should thereafter grow worse. The next day the woman arose from the hearth entirely well, and, loaded with a heavy bag, started briskly for her husband, who was at a distanceof four leagues. A Calvinist from Dieppe first of all observed this cure, and immediately ran to Father Biard to announce the wonderful event. The same Father was with Biencourt on the banks of the Pentegoët, where, according to his custom, he was going about among the cabins of the Savages, visiting and comforting the sick and aiding them with prayers and Christian instruction. There a sick man was lying, who had already been ill three months, whose recovery had been despaired of, and whom the Savages brought to the Father's notice. He was completely bathed in cold perspiration, an almost certain sign of death, since a heavy fever had taken possession of him. After prayers had been said and a short lesson in the faith given, when the Father had held out a cross to him to be repeatedly kissed, and had left it hanging about his neck, many Savages listening to him, and heartily [604] approving what was done, he returned to the ship and Biencourt. But the next day, when Biencourt was engaged upon the ship in trading with the natives, that sick man, yesterday at the point of death, came on board in a state of health, and, joyfully and reverently displaying the cross, went to Father Biard, and, testifying with great delight to his recovery, ascribed it to the power of the Holy Cross. That which follows is much more remarkable, and by the Savages was ascribed solely to the merit of Baptism. Father Biard, La Motte, the Lieutenant of La Saussaye, and Simon the Interpreter, had gone together to examine the site selected for the settlement of St. Sauveur. While returning thence, they heard at a distance a lamentable wail, and, when they asked of their Savage companion the cause of this mournful outcry, the answer was made that it was the customary tokenthat some one had already departed this life. But as they approached nearer to the huts of the Savages, a boy, on being questioned, informed them that the lamentation was not for a dead, but for a dying person; and, turning to Father Biard, he said: "Why do you not hurry thither, if perchance you may find him still living, and administer Baptism before his death?" The voice of that boy, just as though sent from heaven, caused the Father and his companions to run swiftly, and as they reached the rude dwellings, there appeared a great crowd of Savages, drawn up in regular order, standing in the open air; and among this mournful-looking company a father walked about, in whose arms a delicate boy was dying. As the child struggled for breath, hastening towards death, and weakly gasping, it tortured the unfortunate parent with grief and sorrow. Moreover, at each gasp of the infant, the father wailed dreadfully, and his lamentation was immediately answered by a howl from the gloomy throng of Savages standing near. [605] Father Biard went to the afflicted parent of the boy, and asked whether he might, with his consent, baptize the dying child. The Savage, overcome by the depth of his grief, could not utter a word; but his action showed, by placing the child in the arms of the petitioner, what he desired. The Father asked for water, and giving the child to La Motte to hold, who eagerly received it, he sprinkled it with the saving waters, christened it Nicholas de la Motte, and formulating a prayer, begged from God light for the Savages, that they might recognize the immense blessings of the faith. After this prayer he took the infant from the hands of La Motte and gave it to its mother, who was present; the mother immediately gave her breast to the child, who greedily acceptedit, partook of the milk to satiety, and finally lived, healthy and vigorous. In the meantime, the whole circle of Savages who had stood about, struck by the marvelousness of the unusual occurrence, remained motionless as stones, and stood silently in their tracks. Therefore, while they were thus prepared in mind, our brother addressed to them such words as seemed appropriate to the subject in hand; and when he had finished, bade them depart to their own huts. As they, trembling and reverential, received his discourse, with the greatest respect, so when, the object of their gathering having been accomplished, he ordered them to depart to their huts, they slipped away, silently exhibiting this unusual obedience, quietly and quickly, each to his own dwelling. Whoever shall carefully examine these and other like acts which have been performed in the sight of the Savages, greatly to their astonishment, and no less to their benefit, will justly conclude that the Mission of New France has been commenced under very advantageous beginnings.

Our copy of Biard's letter (written in French) to his provincial, dated January 31, 1612, is from Carayon'sPremière Mission, pp. 44-76, noted under Bibliographical Data of Documents III.-VI., in our VolumeI.

We follow the style and make-up of O'Callaghan's Reprint of Biard'sMissio Canadensis, designated as "No. 1" in the Lenox Catalogue. According to Sommervogel'sBibliothèque de la Campagnie de Jésus(Paris, 1890), vol. i., p. 1439, this document was originally published in theAnnuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, an. 1611 (Dillingen, n. d.), pp. 121-143. The British Museum has a copy of this volume ofAnnuæ Litteræ, described in its catalogue as published at "Dilingæ [1615?]." Sommervogel adds, regardingMissio Canadensis: "Was it not published separately? I find it thus indicated in the catalogue of Mr. Parison, no. 1786." According to a letter written by Father Carrère (June 17, 1890) to Father Jones, of Montreal, the original MS. of this letter was then in the archives of Roder, France.

In Carayon'sPremière Mission(pp. 77-105) there is given a French version of this letter.

It is internally evident that the letter was commenced January 22nd, and finished "vltimo die Januarÿ." In Father Martin's MS. (translated) copy,preserved in the Library of Parliament, at Ottawa, he wrote upon it the former date, and it is so calendared in the catalogue of that library. Carayon first applied to it the latter date. This of itself has led to some bibliographical confusion.

In Carayon'sBibliographie Historique de la Compagnie de Jésus(Paris, 1864), p. 178, a notice of the original publication is thus given: "P. Biard.—Epistola ad R. P. Præpositum generalem, e Portu Regali in Nova Francia, data ultimo die Januarii anni 1611, qua regionem illam describit, et Patrum Societatis Jesu in eam profectionem.—'Ea inserta est annuis litteris Soc. Jesus ejusdem anni Provinc. Franc. ad finem.' (Sotwell.)."

O'Callaghan obtained the originals of some of his reprints from theAnnuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, of which there are incomplete files in the libraries of John Carter Brown; Harvard College; St. John's, College, Fordham, N. Y.; St. Francis Xavier, New York City; the Jesuit colleges at Woodstock, Md., and Georgetown, D. C.; and St. Mary's College, Montreal. The Brown Library has the richest collection.

See references to the O'Callaghan Reprint ofMissio Canadensis, in Harrisse'sNotes, no. 405; Lenox Catalogue, p. 18; Sabin, vol. xvi., p. 542; Brown Catalogue, vol. ii., no. 119; Winsor, p. 300; Henry C. Murphy Sale Catalogue (N. Y., 1884), no. 2960; O'Callaghan Sale Catalogue (N. Y., 1882), nos. 178, 1205, 1250.

Title-page.O'Callaghan's Reprint is closely imitated.

Collation of O'Callaghan Reprint.Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio adXXVexemplariarestricta. O'C.", 1 p.; Lectori, pp. iii-iv.; text, pp. 5-37; blank, 1 p.; Index, pp. 39-45; colophon (p. 46): "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Septembri Anno | CIↃ.IↃCCC.LXX.," 1 p.

The copy of Lescarbot'sRelation Dernièreherein followed is in Harvard College Library, where it is bound in with the same author'sLes Muses de la Nouvelle France(Paris, 1612). The Harvard copy is the only original of which the present editor has knowledge; it is not listed in Gagnon'sEssai de Bibliographie Canadienne(Quebec, 1895), but reference to it will be found in Harrisse, no. 26; Sabin, no. 40178; and Winsor, p. 300. There is a reprint of it in Cimber (Lafaist) and Danjou'sArchives Curieuses de l'Histoire de France, depuis Louis XI. jusqu'à Louis XVIII., first series, tomeXV. (Paris, 1837), pp. 377-406, which, however, omits the list of names on pp. 21-24 of the original. The first series of this collection (15 vols.) was edited by L. Lafaist ("L. Cimber,"pseud.) and F. Danjou, assistants in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; the second series (12 vols.), by Danjou alone, who, on the title of tome viii. of this series, is styled "Bibliothécaire de l'Arsenal." The 27 volumes were published at Paris between 1834 and 1840.

The orthography of the printed original of theRelation Dernièreis an interesting mixture of old and new styles. It has many instances of modern spellings not found even in the CramoisyRelationof 1632, which was printed twenty years later.

It will be noticed that the "Privilege" is that granted for the publication of Lescarbot'sHistoire de la Nouvelle France(1608).

Title-page.The one given in the present volume is a photographic facsimile of the Harvard original.

Collation.Title, 1 p.; blank, reverse of title, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-39; privilege, reverse of p. 39, 1 p.—making a total of 40 pp.

In our reissue of theRelatio Rerum Gestarum(1613-14), we follow the original text and its pagination, as given on pp. 562-605 of theAnnuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, for 1612, printed at Lyons in 1618, which we found at the Riggs Memorial Library, Georgetown University, Washington, D. C. This forms the text of O'Callaghan's Reprint, which is arbitrarily designated in the Lenox Catalogue as "no. 6." See references in Sabin, no. 69245; Winsor, p. 300; Lenox, p. 19; and Brown Catalogue, no, 170, and p. 166. Sales are noted in Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 2960), and O'Callaghan (no. 1250), sale catalogues.

Title-page.We closely imitate that of the O'Callaghan Reprint.

Collation of Reprint.Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Editio viginti quinque exemplaria. O'C," 1 p.; Tabula Rerum, pp. iii., iv.; text, pp. 1-66; colophon (p. 67): "Albaniae Excvdebat Joel Munsellius | Mense Martis Anno | CIↃ IↃCCC LXXI," 1 p.

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)

1(p.7).—Carayon printsneuf, but this is either a slip of the pen upon the part of Father Biard, or a misprint. The Fathers arrived at Port Royal, May 22, 1611, so that this portion of the letter was written just eight (huit) months after.

2(p.27).—Kennebec River. Sometimes written, also, Rimbegui, Kinibequi, Kinibeki, and Quinebequy. Maurault says that the Abenakis called this river Kanibesek, meaning "river that leads to the lake."—Histoire des Abenakis(Quebec, 1866), pp. iv., 5, and 89,note2.

3(p.27).—Penobscot River. It was sometimes written, also, Pemptegoet and Potugoët.

4(p.27).—In their first voyage (1604), De Monts and Poutrincourt visited and named the river St. John; and at the mouth of the Rivière des Etechemins (so named by Champlain; by the Indians called Scoodick or Schoodic), they found an island which they called St. Croix, a name in later days given to the river itself. It lies in the middle of the river, opposite to the dividing line between Calais and Robbinston, Me. Here De Monts, Champlain, and their 77 fellows spent a miserable winter, while Poutrincourt returned to France for colonists and supplies to plant his proposed settlement at Port Royal. Thirty-five of the St. Croix party had died of scurvy before relieved in June, 1605, by Pontgravé, De Monts' lieutenant. In August, after a fruitless voyage along the New England coast, De Monts took his party to Port Royal, and there began a settlement before Pontgravé's arrival. Biard's letter, indicates that winter fur-trading posts were maintained both at St. Croix and on the St. John, for several years thereafter.—See Parkman'sPioneers, pp. 291-293.

Champlain's chart of the island may be found in hisVoyages(Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 32. Lescarbot, inNouv. France(Paris, 1612), p. 469, says of the soil: "It is very good, and delightfully prolific."

The identity of St. Croix Island was determined in 1798, by the commissioners appointed, under the treaty of 1783, to determine theboundary-line between New Brunswick and the territory of the United States. Holmes says, inAnnals of America(Cambridge, Mass., 1829), vol. i., p. 122,note1: "Professor (afterwards President) Webber, who accompanied the commissioners in 1798, informed me that they found an island in this river, corresponding to the French descriptions of the Island St. Croix, and, near the upper end of it, the remains of a very ancient fortification, overgrown with large trees; that the foundation stones were traced to a considerable extent; and that bricks (a specimen of which he showed me) were found there. These remains were, undoubtedly, the reliques of De Monts's fortification." Several cannon balls were also discovered while making excavations on this island, about 1853. The island has been known as Dochet's Island and Neutral Island; but in recent years it has been formally and appropriately named De Monts' Island. See Godfrey'sCentennial Discourse(Bangor, 1870), cited inChamplain's Voyages(Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 33; also Williamson'sMaine, vol. i., p. 88, and vol. ii., p. 578.

5(p.47).—George Weymouth, a Bristol navigator, entered Kennebec River in June, 1605. The stream was called by the natives Sagadahoc (sometimes spelled Sagadahock). Weymouth's enthusiastic reports led the Plymouth Company—of which Lord John Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges were leading members—to plant a colony in August, 1607, at first probably on Stage Island, but later on the shores of Atkins' Bay, ten miles up the Kennebec. Owing to the death of Popham, their chief patron, and other misfortunes, the colonists returned to England in 1608. For several years thereafter, Gorges and Sir Francis Popham—son of Lord John—fitted out trading and fishing expeditions to the region, but no permanent colony was again attempted on the Kennebec until 1630. Weymouth had serious difficulties with the natives (1605), and kidnapped several of them; the colonists themselves were, towards the close of their stay, cruel to their neighbors; the outrages in 1609 were doubtless the operations of visiting English traders. The boats and other English property seen by the French in 1611, at the Penobscot and Kennebec, of course belonged to traders, who were at this time numerous along the main shore. Cf. Williamson'sMaine, vol. i., pp. 53, 191-239; andMemorial Volume of Popham Celebration, Aug. 29, 1862. (Portland, 1863).

6(p.49).—These Indians were the Tarratines (called Penobscots by the English), one of the three tribes of the Etchemins,—the other two being the Openangos (the Quoddy Indians of English chronicles) of New Brunswick, and the Marachites of Nova Scotia. For origin of their name, seeMaine Hist. Colls., vol. vii., p. 100.The principal Tarratine village was, a half century later, near where Bangor now stands. The town visited by Biard was apparently at or near the present Castine, on Major-bigyduce Point (for derivation of this name seeMaine Hist. Colls., vol. vi., pp. 107-109). See topographical description in Williamson'sMaine, i., pp. 70, 71. The "Chiboctous" River, of Biard, was, apparently, but the "wide-spread" of the Penobscot, stretching eastward of Castine. French traders were at Castine at a very early date. The English built a trading fort there in 1625-26, which fell into the hands of the French in 1632. It was styled Pentagoët in those days; but in 1667, was rechristened Castine, after Baron de St. Castine, who for several years maintained a station there. The Dutch were in possession for a time,—indeed, Castine was continuously fortified by English, French, and Dutch, in turn, from about 1610 to 1783.

7(p.61).—This introductory note, "To the Reader," is furnished by Dr. O'Callaghan, in his Albany reprint of 1870, which we are here following.

The Jesuits had been banished from France by Henry IV., in 1595. He recalled them in 1603, making Father Coton, of their number, his confessor.

8(p.61).—It is internally evident that the document, like many others of our series, was written at intervals; this one was undoubtedly commenced in 1611 and closed in 1612. In a hurry to catch the home-returning vessel, the writer appears to have forgotten the change in the year.

9(p.67). It is possible that the Biscayans originally named what is still known as Placentia Bay, Newfoundland, after the city of that name in Spain. It was known to the English by that name in Biard's time;—see John Guy's letter, May 16, 1611, in Prowse'sHistory of Newfoundland(London, 1895), p. 127. Biard merely gallicizes the word. Placentia is the chief seat of French settlement in Southern Newfoundland.—See Howley'sEcclesiastical History of Newfoundland(Boston, 1888), pp. 128, 129.

10(p.67).—Reference is here made to the Eskimos of Labrador. Says Prowse, (Hist. N. F., pp. 590, 591); "The name Esquimaux is a French corruption of the Abenaki word 'Eskimatsie,' an eater of raw flesh. The native word is 'Innuit,' meaning 'the people.' Eskimo is the Danish form of the name, and has now quite supplanted the old French name." They were probably dubbed "Excommunicated" in Biard's time, because of the marked hostility to them of all the other savage tribes in Canada; and the French early joined the latter in opposing them.—See Prowse,ut supra, p. 591. The missionaries found the Eskimos difficult material on which to work; although an occasional captive slave, brought tothe St. Lawrence by the Indians, would yield to priestly ministrations.—See Shea'sCharlevoix, vol. iii., p. 30.

11(p.69).—Reference is here made to the mouth of what is now Saco River. Choüacoët was the French rendering of a native word from which the modern Saco is derived.—Champlain's Voyages(Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 64.

12(p.81).—No map could be found in the archives of the Society at Rome, where the original of this letter is preserved.

13(p.127).—See vol. i.,note2.

14(p.131).—Casquet ("les Casquetes," on maps of that period): a dangerous group of rocks in the English Channel, seven miles west of Alderney.

15(p.133).—Seenotes3,6,ante; and vol. i.,note11.

16(p.133).—Seenote4,ante.

17(p.135).—Matachias, ormatachiats; described by Champlain, inVoyages(Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 241, as "beads and braided strings, made of porcupine quills, which they dye in various colors." Lescarbot says that the Armouchiquois, like the Brazilians and Floridians, make ornaments from bits of shell, polished and strung together in bracelets, etc.; these are calledbou-rein Brazil, andmatachiazamong the Northern tribes:—See hisNouv. France, p. 732.

18(p.137).—Nuncio of Pope Paul V. to Henry IV. of France; was created a cardinal, December 2, 1615.—See Laverdière'sChamplain, p. 492; also Faillon'sCol. Fr., vol. i., p. 99. A fortification erected by Poutrincourt, at the entrance of Port Royal harbor, was named by him Fort d'Ubaldini.—See Lescarbot's chart of Port Royal, in vol.i. of this series.

19(p.141).—Named by Champlain, from its forked shape, now known as Cape Split; a promontory at entrance of Mines Bay, where it opens into the Bay of Fundy. Jean Blaeu's mapExtrema Americæ(1620), shows it as C. de Poitrincourt; for explanation of this name, see Laverdière'sChamplain, pp. 271, 272.

20(p.141).—Sable Island is thus described by Champlain,Voyages, (Prince Soc.), ii., p. 8: "This island is thirty leagues distant north and south from Cape Breton, and in length is about fifteen leagues. It contains a small lake. The island is very sandy, and there are no trees at all of considerable size, only copse and herbage, which serve as pasturage for the bullocks and cows which the Portuguese carried there more than sixty years ago."

The origin of the cattle here mentioned is thus explained by Edward Haies, in his report on Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage of 1583, in Goldsmid'sHakluyt, vol. xii., p. 345: "Sablon lieth to the seaward of Cape Briton about 25 leagues, whither we were determinedto goe vpon intelligence we had of a Portugal—who was himselfe present when the Portugals (abotte thirty yeeres past) did put in the same Island both Neat and Swine to breede, which were since exceedingly multiplied." Lescarbot, however, says the cattle were landed there about 1528, by Baron de Léry; see hisNouv. France, p. 22. Sable Island is noted as the scene of La Roche's unfortunate attempt at colonization in 1598, for a graphic description of which see Parkman'sPioneers, pp. 231-235. See Dionne's note on "Les Sablons," in hisNouvelle France(Quebec, 1891), pp. 311-316.

21(p.141).—The name Bacallaos (see vol. i.,note7) was long given to the region afterwards known as Canada. Peter Martyr says: "Sebastian Cabot him selfe, named those landsBaccallaosbycause that in the seas thereabout he founde so great multitudes of certeyne bigge fysshes much like vnto tunies (which th[e] inhabitantes caule Baccallaos) that they sumtymes stayed his shippes."—See Eden'sThree English Books on America(Arber ed., Birmingham, 1885), pp. 161, 345. Fournier'sHydrographie(Paris, 1667), cited in Browne'sHistory of Cape Breton(London, 1869), p. 13, says: "It cannot be doubted this name was given by the Basques, who alone in Europe call that fish Bacalaos, or Bacaleos; the aborigines term them Apagé." See also Lescarbot'sNouv. France, p. 237; and Dionne'sNouv. France, pp. 327-331. Cf. Prowse (Hist. N. F., p. 589); he says, in claiming the discovery of Newfoundland for the English, thatBaccalaowas but "an ordinary trade word, in use at that period." For an interesting sketch of the Basque fisheries in Newfoundland, up to the end of the 17th century, see Prowse,ut supra, pp. 47-49.

That part of the mainland appears on Ribero's map (1529) as "Tiera de los Bacallaos," shown also by Agnese (1554), Zaltieri (1566), Martines (1578), and in map of "Nova Francia et Canada, 1597," in Wytfleit'sDescriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum. The name was restricted to the southern part of the island of Newfoundland, by Ramusio (1556); to the island of Cape Breton, by Lescarbot (1612); to an island east of Newfoundland by De Laet (1640). The name Baccalos "still clings to an islet about forty miles north of the capital [St. John's], in which multitudes of sea-birds now build their nests."—Bourinot, inCanad. Mo., vol. vii., p. 290. See also, Anspach'sHist. N. F., pp. 296, 297.

22(p.147).—A long, narrow inlet, nearly parallel to the sea on western coast of Digby County, N. S., and still known as St. Mary's Bay.

23(p.151).—A Basque word, meaning sorcerer, corresponding to the nativeaoutmoin. See Biard'sRelationof 1616,post. Champlain (Laverdière's ed., p. 82) calls themPilotoua; and Sagard (Canada, pp. 98, 656),Pirotois.

24(p.157).—Henry II. of Bourbon; prince of Condé, born in 1588; nephew of and next in succession to Henry IV.; a leader in the Catholic League, and father of the great Condé. He married, in 1609, Charlotte de Montmorency, then fifteen years old, one of the most beautiful women of her day. The king fell in love with her, and his attempted intrigue led to complications that almost caused a war between France and Spain. Condé rebelled against Louis XIII., and in September, 1616, was captured and imprisoned; but he soon afterwards regained his power, which he retained until the ascendancy of Richelieu displaced it, in 1623; he died in 1646.

The house of Conti was a younger branch of the house of Condé; that of Soissons was also nearly related to the reigning family of Bourbon. Charles de Bourbon, count of Soissons, was born in 1556. He acted for a time with the League, but left it, in the hope of securing as his wife Catherine of Navarre, and became a military officer under both Henry III. and Henry IV.; Sully, however, compelled him to give up his proposed marriage with Catherine. He was Grand Master of France, under Henry IV.; later, was governor of Dauphiny, and, at his death, of Normandy. At Champlain's solicitation, he consented to become the head of De Monts's scheme for the colonization of Canada; and he was appointed (October 8, 1612) by the king lieutenant general and governor of New France, Champlain becoming commandant under him. But Soissons died, on November 1 following; and he was succeeded by Henry, prince of Condé, with the title of viceroy of New France. Mareschal de Thémins was appointed by Marie de Médicis, acting viceroy during Condé's imprisonment. Upon his liberation (1619), Condé sold his position as viceroy of Canada to Henry, duke of Montmorency, who in turn sold it (January, 1625) to his nephew, Henry de Lévis, duke of Ventadour.—See Rochemonteix'sJésuites, vol. i., pp. 126, 127, 134, 144, 149.

Champlain (see his map of 1632) named the lake at the mouth of the Ottawa River, Lac de Soissons, in honor of his viceroy; it is now called Lake of Two Mountains.

25(p.157).—Charles de Gonzague, duke of Nevers, was born about 1566; his father was a prominent chief in the Catholic League, and, in 1592, introduced the order of Récollets into France. His sister, Catherine de Gonzague, married Henry I., duke of Longueville, in 1588.

26(p.157).—Charles de Lorraine, duke of Guise, Grand Master of France, and governor of Champagne and Provence, was born in August, 1571, and died 1640. In 1615, he was the proxy of Louis XIII., in the marriage of the latter to the Spanish infanta, Anne of Austria.

27(p.157).—Sieur de Praslin was captain of the royal bodyguards, and lieutenant of Champagne.

28(p.157).—The Parliament of Paris originated in a division of the king's court, made necessary by the increase of its functions, consequent upon the progress of the royal power in France. Judicial affairs were allotted to the decision of Parliament; its organization was defined in 1302, by Philip the Fair, who ordained that it should assemble at Paris twice a year, for two months, exercising jurisdiction over the whole kingdom. Charles V. (1364-80) made the Parliament permanent. Its jurisdiction was much restricted, successively by Charles VII., Louis XI., and Francis I.; eight other provincial Parliaments had been formed, by the early part of the 16th century, which reduced that of Paris to little more than a municipal jurisdiction, and all had been thoroughly subjected to royal authority. The Parliament of Paris refused, from 1554 to 1662, to admit the Jesuits into the kingdom, and, later, opposed Henry IV.; but it was compelled to submit by Mazarin, and, later, by Louis XIV. and Louis XV. In 1762, however, it decreed the abolition of the order of Jesuits, and Louis XV. was obliged to confirm this action; though he exiled the Parliament, eight years later. Within four years, it was recalled by Louis XVI.; but supporting, in 1789, the privileged orders against the people, it lost all popularity, and in the following year was suppressed by the Constituent Assembly. It had been mainly composed of lawyers ever since Louis XII. forbade any to enter the Parliament, or to sit as judges, who were not "literate and graduate."

29(p.157).—The author of theLettre Missive(vol.i. of this series). He is again mentioned by Lescarbot, in thisRelation.

30(p.157).—The original church of Ste. Genevieve (dedicated to the patron saint of Paris) was built by Clovis, about 510. Near the beginning of the 13th century, it was replaced by another building, erected by King Philippe Augustus; this having, in time, become almost a ruin, gave way to the present handsome edifice, which was begun in 1758, and built under the auspices of Louis XV. See Hunnewell'sHistoric Monuments of France(Boston, 1884), pp. 195, 196.

31(p.159).—Short robe.A term used, at that time, to designate the military profession.

32(p.165).—Wheat (blé) is here used generically, but meaning maize; or, more probably, as a shortened form ofblé d'Inde, the term applied by Champlain and other French explorers to the corn cultivated by the aborigines.

33(p.165).—The subject of agriculture among the Indians is exhaustivelytreated in Carr's "Mounds of the Mississippi Valley," inSmithsonian Report(Washington, 1891), pp. 507-533. His general conclusion is that corn was "cultivated in greater or less quantities by all the tribes living east of the Mississippi and south of the great lakes and the St. Lawrence,"—indeed, far more extensively than is generally supposed; and that "the Indian looked upon it as a staple article of food, both winter and summer; that he cultivated it in large fields, and understood and appreciated the benefits arising from the use of fertilizers." Beans, squashes, and pumpkins were also staple crops. In regard to the labor of women, Carr says: "The Iroquois or Six Nations are the only people among whom, so far as I know, it cannot be shown that the warriors did take some part either in clearing the ground or in cultivating the crop; and we find that even among them the work was not left exclusively to the women, but that it was shared by the children and the old men, as well as the slaves, of whom they seem to have had a goodly number. *** This statement ['that the field-work wasnotleft entirely to the women'], as to the actual condition of a large majority of the tribes living east of the Mississippi and south of the St. Lawrence, is believed to be true; yet it is not denied that there were many instances in which this labor was, practically, left to the women, owing to the fact that the men were away from home, hunting or fighting. This fact was, unfortunately, of frequent recurrence; but, as it was the result of an accidental and not of a permanent condition of affairs, it would hardly be fair to ascribe it to the existence of any custom, or to any belief in the derogatory character of the work."—Cf. Rochemonteix (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 97,note).

34(p.167).—A word derived, according to Littré, from the Basqueorenac, meaning "deer;" elsewhere writtenorignac,orignas, andorignat; by modern writers,orignal. The "Canadian elk" (orignacbeing used interchangeably withélan, the elk of Northern Europe), or moose (the latter an Indian name), isAlces Americanus, the largest of theCervusfamily. The males are said to attain a weight of 1,100 or 1,200 pounds, and a height of five feet at the shoulder. See alsoChamplain's Voyages(Prince Soc.), vol. i., p. 265.

35(p.169).—Slafter thinks that these roots were probably those of Jerusalem artichoke,Helianthus tuberosus. This plant, indigenous in the Northern regions of America, had been carried to Europe by the Italians, who named itgirasole(their word for the sunflower, another species ofHelianthus), afterwards corrupted toJerusalem. Champlain saw these plants cultivated by the Indians—in 1605, near Cape Cod; and again at Gloucester, in 1606.—SeeChamplain's Voyages(Prince Soc.), vol. ii., pp. 82, 112. The savages also cultivated ground-nuts, of several varieties; among them,Arachis hypogæaandApios tuberosa.—See Carr's "Food of Certain American Indians," inProceedings of American Antiquarian Society, vol. x., part i., pp. 168, 169.

Lescarbot says the roots mentioned in the text were calledcanadas; Ferland thinks they were those ofApios tuberosa(Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 84).

36(p.171).—The smelt,Salmo eperlanus, is found in both salt and fresh water; it is four to eight inches in length.

37(p.171).—A small, narrow inlet (Ance, on Bellin's map, 1764), at the head of which is a portage to St. Mary's Bay.

38(p.171).—Haliburton, in hisNova Scotia(Halifax, 1829), p. 15,note, says it is the stream now known as the Allen River; but Lescarbot, in our text, and in his chart of Port Royal, identifies it with the larger river now called Annapolis. He says it was "named l'Equille, because the first fish taken therein was an équille." Its length is about 70 miles, 30 of which are navigable. Littré defineséquilleas "the name, on the coasts between Caen and Havre, of the fish calledlançonat Granville and St. Malo, a kind of malacopterygian fish, living on sandy shores, and hiding in the sand at low tide."

39(p.173).—The legitimate children of the king himself, as distinguished from those of other branches of the royal family, the latter being only "princes and princesses of the blood."

40(p.175).—Du Chesne (or Duquesne), and Du Jardin; seeRelationof 1616,post. Ferland says (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 80,note): "In theHistory of Dieppe, vol. ii., mention is made of Abraham Du Quesne, a Calvinist, who commanded a Dieppe vessel engaged in the American and Senegal trade. He was father of the celebrated admiral of the same name, born at Dieppe in 1610." Shea adds (Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 262,note), that he "was an ancestor of the Governor of Canada, whose name was once borne by Pittsburgh."

41(p.175).—These orders, except the Minimes, were Franciscan. The Capuchins (so named from the sharply-pointedcapuce, or hood, of their robe) were organized in 1528, as a new division of theFratres Minoresof St. Francis of Assisi; and were received into France in 1573, at the request of Charles IX., and at the recommendation of Cardinal Lorraine. In 1632, they, were asked by Richelieu to take charge of the religious affairs of Canada; but, they declined this proposal, ostensibly through unwillingness to displace the Jesuits, and later went to Acadia. For an account of their work in Maine, seeHistorical Magazine, vol. viii., p. 301.

The Cordeliers, named from the knotted cord worn at the waist, have two branches,—the conventuals, who are allowed to possess real estate; and the observants, who may not own any property.

The Récollets, strictest of all the Franciscan orders, were thus termed because, devoting themselves to religious meditation (Fr.récollection), they asked from Pope Clement VII., in 1531, permission to retire into special convents, that they might more literally observe their founder's rule. For an account of their missionary work in Canada, see Editor's Introduction, vol.i. of this series. They carried on extensive missionary labors in Spanish America, where, in 1621, they had 500 convents, distributed in 22 provinces.—Ferland'sCours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 169.

The Minimes were founded in 1453, by St. Francis de Paula, of Calabria. Their rule is especially austere, involving total abstinence from wine, flesh, and fish, and even from eggs, milk, or butter. Their founder named themMinimos Fratres, as a special indication of humility. He also instituted an order of Minimes for women, in 1493.

42(p.177).—Samuel de Champlain was born probably between 1567 and 1570 (the exact date is unknown); his parents lived at Brouage, a fortified town in Saintonge, where was a large manufacture of salt and the finest harbor on the French coast. Champlain became a navigator early in life, and was also a quartermaster in the royal army in Brittany, from 1592 to 1598.

His first voyage to America was in the service of the King of Spain; he spent the time from January, 1599, to March, 1601, in the West Indies and Mexico, and on the northern coast of South America. His valuable MS. report of this voyage, illustrated by his own sketches, was first printed in 1859 (but in an English translation), by the Hakluyt Society, at London; in it he suggests a ship canal across the isthmus of Panama. In 1603, he sailed, with Pontgravé to Canada, exploring the St. Lawrence as far as the Falls of St. Louis; and again, with De Monts, early in 1604, when they founded the St. Croix colony. Champlain remained in Canada three years, carefully exploring the Atlantic coast from Canso to Wood's Holl, and returned to France in October, 1607. The next summer, he explored the valley of the St. Lawrence, with the Saguenay and other tributaries, and founded the settlement of Quebec. October 15, 1612, he was formally appointed commandant in New France. Quebec was captured by the English, July 20, 1629; but was restored to the French by the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, March 29, 1632. Champlain, being again appointed governor of New France, returned to Quebec in May, 1633, where he died December 25, 1635.

43(p.177).—This chart was drawn by Lescarbot, and engraved by Jan Swelinck; it appears in hisNouv. France(Tross ed., Paris, 1866), facing page 208. It has been reproduced for the present series.

44(p.179).—Gougou, a frightful monster, in the superstitious belief of the savages, who supposed it to dwell on an island near the Bay of Chaleurs; to have the form of a woman, though of horrible aspect, and so tall that the masts of a ship would not reach to the monster's girdle; and to carry off and devour men. Champlain gives a full account of this belief, and regardsGougouas a demon who tormented the natives; see Laverdière'sChamplain, pp. 125-126. Lescarbot, in hisNouv. France, pp. 397-403, gives the same description, and tries to prove, in a long discussion, thatGougouis a sort of personification of a tormenting conscience.

45(p.179).—Charter party.A document which states the terms of rent for the whole or part of a ship. The term is derived from an old usage; instead of making a duplicate of the contract, it was cut in two, each of the parties retaining one of the halves.—Littré'sDictionnaire de la langue française(Paris, 1878).

46(p.185).—This young priest had sailed with De Monts, desiring to see the New World. On the shores of St. Mary's Bay, he became lost in the woods; De Monts searched for him, but in vain, and left the bay. A fortnight later, an expedition sent to St. Mary's Bay, to search for silver and iron ore, accidentally encountered poor Aubry, almost dead with fatigue and hunger, and brought him back to Port Royal. This rescue was especially gratifying to De Monts, as the priest's disappearance had caused a Protestant, who had quarreled with him about religious questions, to be accused of murdering Aubry.—Champlain's Voyages(Prince Soc.), vol. ii., pp. 20, 21.

47(p.189). See vol. i.,note4.

48(p.199).—One of the numerous names given to the St. Lawrence by early explorers and writers; it thus appears on the map of Jean Allefonsce, given in hisCosmographie(Paris, ed., 1575), fol. 183A; and is so named by Champlain, in hisVoyages. The origin of the name Canada is variously explained; but there are two leading theories: (1) That the word signifies, in Iroquois, "town," or "village." See Laverdière'sChamplain, p. 89,note4; Faillon'sCol. Fr.vol. i., p. 14;Hist. Mag.vol. i., pp. 153, 217, 349; andMag. Amer. Hist., vol. x., pp. 161, 162. (2) That it comes from another and similar Iroquois word, meaning "lake," being applied to the country as a region abounding in lakes. SeeHist. Mag., vol. i., pp. 188, 315; cf. Winsor'sN. and C. Hist.vol. iv., p. 67,note1.—Cf. Ferland'sCours d'Histoire, vol. i., p. 25. The name was applied in the earlier maps (e.g., Zaltieri, 1566; Ortelius, 1570; Judæis, 1593) to a district lying along the St Lawrence, between the Saguenay and Isle aux Coudres, or thereabouts. Later, it was given to all, or nearly all, of the valley of the St. Lawrence. See also vol. i.,note6.

49(p.201).—This date is evidently obtained from the "Discorso d'un gran Capitano di Mare Francese," found in Ramusio'sRaccolta(Venice, 1556), vol. iii., p. 423. The "Discorso" is supposed to have been written in 1539; the name of the author was unknown to Ramusio himself, but is said by Estancelin, inRecherches * * * des navigateurs Normands(Paris, 1832), to be Jean Parmentier, of Dieppe. See Winsor'sN. and C. Hist., vol. iv., pp. 16, 63: cf. also Harrisse'sDiscovery of North America(London, 1892), p. 180.note2, and D'Avezac's Introduction to Cartier'sBrief Recit(Tross reprint, 1865), fol. vii.; both say that the "Discorso" was written by Pierre Crignon, an astronomer and pilot, and a companion of Parmentier in his voyages.

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