InNouembrem eius sæculi annus duodecimus iam processerat, cùm exigua cibaria superiore Februario allata, aut absumta penitus, aut tenuissimis arcta reliquiis Biencourtium valdè anxium habebant: sed eò maximè, quòd ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Nostris, posteriore Februarij mensis commeatu, summissa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quæ in futurum sibi seposuerant; quam annonam, accisis communibus contubernij rebus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio eam permiserunt, vt in quotidianos familiæ totius vsus diuideret, ipsosque in diurno demenso cum cæteris domesticis æquaret. Eo subsidio ad tempus subleuatæ sunt publicæ necessitates, sed in tota hiberna multitudine, tametsi non numerosæ, tenuius id fuit vectigal, quàm pro soli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, piscatusque spem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempestiuitas omnis adesset ad piscatum, locorumque opportunitas: aberat tamen necessarium ad hanc operam piscatorij lembi instrumentum.244Cæteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna solatia ex luculento foco segniter capessentibus, quasi oblitis suam penuriam, nostri appellunt studium, operamque abalintrem fabricandam.|aRectius "ad."|Eis ad eiusmodi opus accinctis, suspicere, demirari vniuersum contubernium, quid moliantur homines à fabrili arte, ab armis fabrilibus, à materia tam imparati: apud focum [586] de tam nouo instituto multa verba facere, subitarios Argonautas dicteriis figere: sed nostri ab opere neutiquam discedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, stupentibus suis irrisoribus, nostri lintrem in aquam deducunt, fluminum ac maris ipsius patientem, nec verentur adolescente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerso flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in siluas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam contendere.Chiquebiradix est illius oræ præcipua, nostris tuberibus haud absimilis, sed vescentibus iucundior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, sub summa terra nascuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam à peritis locorum Barbaris delibata nostri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa indagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix sibi quæreret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque messe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit momẽtum,ad Eplanipiscatum studia conuertentes, altiùs versùm amnis caput nauigium promouent.Eplanus, seuEpelanus, est pisciculus Trichiæ Rothomagensis magnitudine, hoc est eius, quemSardinamvulgus appellat, qui mari egressus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquæ246riuos subit, vbi fundendis ouis feturæ operam det, cuius ingens est copia, quattuor leucis à Porturegiensi statione, frequentibus riuorũ alueis. Eplanici piscatus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cæterorum seu fluuiatilis seu marini generis piscium præda, prout cuiusque captandi se dabat & tempestas, & locus idoneus, ad Maïum vsque mensem; sed contrà quàm maximè omnium vellent, nostri piscatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longè amplissimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nisi paucissimos.
InNouembrem eius sæculi annus duodecimus iam processerat, cùm exigua cibaria superiore Februario allata, aut absumta penitus, aut tenuissimis arcta reliquiis Biencourtium valdè anxium habebant: sed eò maximè, quòd ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Nostris, posteriore Februarij mensis commeatu, summissa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quæ in futurum sibi seposuerant; quam annonam, accisis communibus contubernij rebus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio eam permiserunt, vt in quotidianos familiæ totius vsus diuideret, ipsosque in diurno demenso cum cæteris domesticis æquaret. Eo subsidio ad tempus subleuatæ sunt publicæ necessitates, sed in tota hiberna multitudine, tametsi non numerosæ, tenuius id fuit vectigal, quàm pro soli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, piscatusque spem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempestiuitas omnis adesset ad piscatum, locorumque opportunitas: aberat tamen necessarium ad hanc operam piscatorij lembi instrumentum.244Cæteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna solatia ex luculento foco segniter capessentibus, quasi oblitis suam penuriam, nostri appellunt studium, operamque abalintrem fabricandam.|aRectius "ad."|Eis ad eiusmodi opus accinctis, suspicere, demirari vniuersum contubernium, quid moliantur homines à fabrili arte, ab armis fabrilibus, à materia tam imparati: apud focum [586] de tam nouo instituto multa verba facere, subitarios Argonautas dicteriis figere: sed nostri ab opere neutiquam discedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, stupentibus suis irrisoribus, nostri lintrem in aquam deducunt, fluminum ac maris ipsius patientem, nec verentur adolescente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerso flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in siluas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam contendere.Chiquebiradix est illius oræ præcipua, nostris tuberibus haud absimilis, sed vescentibus iucundior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, sub summa terra nascuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam à peritis locorum Barbaris delibata nostri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa indagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix sibi quæreret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque messe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit momẽtum,ad Eplanipiscatum studia conuertentes, altiùs versùm amnis caput nauigium promouent.Eplanus, seuEpelanus, est pisciculus Trichiæ Rothomagensis magnitudine, hoc est eius, quemSardinamvulgus appellat, qui mari egressus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquæ246riuos subit, vbi fundendis ouis feturæ operam det, cuius ingens est copia, quattuor leucis à Porturegiensi statione, frequentibus riuorũ alueis. Eplanici piscatus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cæterorum seu fluuiatilis seu marini generis piscium præda, prout cuiusque captandi se dabat & tempestas, & locus idoneus, ad Maïum vsque mensem; sed contrà quàm maximè omnium vellent, nostri piscatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longè amplissimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nisi paucissimos.
Thetwelfth year of this century had already advanced to November, when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but especially, because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies, four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to the common stock; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people. By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not numerous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condition of the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way favorable for fishing, there was still lacking for this pursuit the necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the settlers were slothfully enjoying winter cheer before the blazing hearth, as if forgetful of their poverty, our brethren devoted their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and wondered what men so unskilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided with working tools, and unsupplied with material, were tryingto do; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking. In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our friends launched their boat, which endured the violence of the rivers and even of the sea; nor did they fear, in company with their young servant and another of the household, to ascend the river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi root77in the forest. TheChiquebiroot is peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for theEplanus,36and advanced their boat, farther toward the head of the river. TheEplanorEpelanis a little fish of the size of the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly called theSardine; and, in the beginning of April, it leaves the ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary to what they most of all wished, ourfishermen, [587] with the hook or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean of the Canadian tribes.
Thetwelfth year of this century had already advanced to November, when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but especially, because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies, four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to the common stock; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people. By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not numerous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condition of the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way favorable for fishing, there was still lacking for this pursuit the necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the settlers were slothfully enjoying winter cheer before the blazing hearth, as if forgetful of their poverty, our brethren devoted their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and wondered what men so unskilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided with working tools, and unsupplied with material, were tryingto do; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking. In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our friends launched their boat, which endured the violence of the rivers and even of the sea; nor did they fear, in company with their young servant and another of the household, to ascend the river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi root77in the forest. TheChiquebiroot is peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for theEplanus,36and advanced their boat, farther toward the head of the river. TheEplanorEpelanis a little fish of the size of the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly called theSardine; and, in the beginning of April, it leaves the ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary to what they most of all wished, ourfishermen, [587] with the hook or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean of the Canadian tribes.
Intereatẽporis in Gallia Reginæ auctoritas interponebatur, vt primo quoque tẽpore Porturegiẽsi seruitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouæ Franciæ tractu, aut patrium idioma perdiscere, aut quod iam didicissemus nostro iure, nullius exspectata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In eam rem igitur Regio diplomate instructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui antè in Galliam renauigarat è Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Frãcicum littus, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, medio Maïo incolumes lætique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouũ domiciliũ commodo loco ædificare, ac idoneam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius instructum annua tricenûm capitum cibaria, equi prætereà, capræ, ac cætera id genus largiter summissa erant. Ad vim quoque propulsandam instrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quattuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri assurgerent nouæ domus, Reginæ beneficentia accesserant.248Sausseius militari titulo imperioque domesticæ cohorti, domicilio ædificando, eidemque exstructo, ac munito præfuturus erat, vti nihil deesset ad ingruẽtes casus, quin sedes familiáque omnis sarta tectaque consisteret. His in Regium Portum appellentibus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, absente inter cæteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti Hèberto cùm Reginæ litteræ lectæ fuissent, [588] quibus dimitti iubebamur, nostras nobis licuit colligere sarcinas, quibus collectis post biduũ Porturegiensi statione, ad nouas sedes collocandas in Norembegensi regione soluimus.Kadesquitum, Norembegæ oræ portus, nautis edicebatur ex pacto, vt eò nauigium appellerent, vnde vniuersa familia exscensionem faceret, futuri domicilij locum auspicatò captura in proximis collibus; sed cùm in propiore portu hæsissent, cui à Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex fausto euentu, indidimus, asserebant se pactam fidem abunde exsoluisse, neque longiùs cursum prouecturos. Inter eam contentionem sermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus suam oram mirificè præ Kadesquito collaudantibus, & ad eam sedem deligendam magnoperè hortantibus, eius explorandæ cupido nobis incessit; qua explorata, impenséque probata ab omnibus, totius multitudinis eò incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area excitando ædificio designaretur. Loco itaque inaugurando Crux erigitur, solum exstruendis ædibus describitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra effoditur, eodem nomine, quo subiectus portus, nascens tenuibus exordiis250domus Sanctus Saluator appellatur. Sausseïo cohortis Duci rusticæ rei tam acris cura principio insederat, vt id vnum cogitaret, cætera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agriculturæ studio, magnam familiæ partem ab opere fabrili ad rusticum seuocaret. Mottæus Sausseïo Legatus, Ronseræus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Instructor, cæterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea sententia, omnibus reliquis posthabitis curis, ædificandum [589] esse domicilium, eóque conferendas vniuersæ cohortis operas, quoad aduersùm hostilẽ vim munitionibus cinctum, tutò habitari posset. Quamobrem ægerrimè ferebant, contubernalium plerosque ab ædificando abductos arationibus ab Sauseïo adhiberi, apud quem vehementer instabant, vt omnium manus & studia in ædificationem, vtilius in præsentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; sed surdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum sententiis atque institutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiusmodi solent inter diffentiẽtes nasci, dum quod quisque optimum censet, id aliorum consiliis atque cœptis præuertendum putat: fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & discordantium iudiciorum obstinationem, rei Christianæ cultuique Diuino in ea ora valdè infestam, Deus visus est improuiso infortunio voluisse multare.
Intereatẽporis in Gallia Reginæ auctoritas interponebatur, vt primo quoque tẽpore Porturegiẽsi seruitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouæ Franciæ tractu, aut patrium idioma perdiscere, aut quod iam didicissemus nostro iure, nullius exspectata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In eam rem igitur Regio diplomate instructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui antè in Galliam renauigarat è Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Frãcicum littus, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, medio Maïo incolumes lætique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouũ domiciliũ commodo loco ædificare, ac idoneam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius instructum annua tricenûm capitum cibaria, equi prætereà, capræ, ac cætera id genus largiter summissa erant. Ad vim quoque propulsandam instrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quattuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri assurgerent nouæ domus, Reginæ beneficentia accesserant.248Sausseius militari titulo imperioque domesticæ cohorti, domicilio ædificando, eidemque exstructo, ac munito præfuturus erat, vti nihil deesset ad ingruẽtes casus, quin sedes familiáque omnis sarta tectaque consisteret. His in Regium Portum appellentibus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, absente inter cæteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti Hèberto cùm Reginæ litteræ lectæ fuissent, [588] quibus dimitti iubebamur, nostras nobis licuit colligere sarcinas, quibus collectis post biduũ Porturegiensi statione, ad nouas sedes collocandas in Norembegensi regione soluimus.Kadesquitum, Norembegæ oræ portus, nautis edicebatur ex pacto, vt eò nauigium appellerent, vnde vniuersa familia exscensionem faceret, futuri domicilij locum auspicatò captura in proximis collibus; sed cùm in propiore portu hæsissent, cui à Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex fausto euentu, indidimus, asserebant se pactam fidem abunde exsoluisse, neque longiùs cursum prouecturos. Inter eam contentionem sermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus suam oram mirificè præ Kadesquito collaudantibus, & ad eam sedem deligendam magnoperè hortantibus, eius explorandæ cupido nobis incessit; qua explorata, impenséque probata ab omnibus, totius multitudinis eò incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area excitando ædificio designaretur. Loco itaque inaugurando Crux erigitur, solum exstruendis ædibus describitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra effoditur, eodem nomine, quo subiectus portus, nascens tenuibus exordiis250domus Sanctus Saluator appellatur. Sausseïo cohortis Duci rusticæ rei tam acris cura principio insederat, vt id vnum cogitaret, cætera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agriculturæ studio, magnam familiæ partem ab opere fabrili ad rusticum seuocaret. Mottæus Sausseïo Legatus, Ronseræus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Instructor, cæterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea sententia, omnibus reliquis posthabitis curis, ædificandum [589] esse domicilium, eóque conferendas vniuersæ cohortis operas, quoad aduersùm hostilẽ vim munitionibus cinctum, tutò habitari posset. Quamobrem ægerrimè ferebant, contubernalium plerosque ab ædificando abductos arationibus ab Sauseïo adhiberi, apud quem vehementer instabant, vt omnium manus & studia in ædificationem, vtilius in præsentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; sed surdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum sententiis atque institutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiusmodi solent inter diffentiẽtes nasci, dum quod quisque optimum censet, id aliorum consiliis atque cœptis præuertendum putat: fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & discordantium iudiciorum obstinationem, rei Christianæ cultuique Diuino in ea ora valdè infestam, Deus visus est improuiso infortunio voluisse multare.
Meantimein France the authority of the Queen was interposed, that we might at the first opportunity be relieved from our bondage at Port Royal, and that we might be allowed, in any part of New France, either to study the language of the natives, or practice among the Savages what we had already learned by our own right, and seeking the permission of no man. Therefore two of our members, provided with a Royal commission for this undertaking,—Father Quintin,78and he who previously had sailed from Port Royal for France, Gilbert du Thet,—safely and joyfully reached the coast of New France in the middle of May of the year 1613. It was provided in the commission that we should be allowed to establish a new settlement in a suitable place, and to have a sufficient number of colonists to protect it;79and for its provision there had generously been sent a year's supply of food for thirty persons, and also horses, goats, and other things of the sort. By the kindness of the Queen there were also added weapons for our defense, some supplies, and also four military tents, by which we might be sheltered while our new residence was being built. La Saussaye, with a military title and command, was to have charge of the household of colonists, not only while the buildings were in process of erection, but also when they had been completed and fortified, in order that in case of attack nothing might be neglected, but the entire colony should be in a condition of defense, and the buildings in good repair. When the supplies were landed at Port Royal, only five of us were there, out of the whole population, Biencourtbeing absent with the others. When the letter of the Queen, [588] in which were orders for our dismissal, had been read to Hèbert,80who represented Biencourt, we were allowed to collect our baggage; having done this, two days later we left Port Royal, with the intention of founding a new settlement in the neighborhood of Norembega. The boatmen had been notified, according to their agreement, to land atKadesquit,81a harbor on the shore of Norembega, in order that the whole colony might there disembark, and auspiciously take possession of a site for the future settlement upon the neighboring hills; but when we had stuck in a bay, this side of that,82to which from the favorable outcome, we gave the name of St. Sauveur, they declared that they had abundantly fulfilled their agreement, and that they would not continue the voyage any further. During this dispute, we engaged in conversation with the Savages inhabiting the spot; and since they praised their own country as being far superior to that at Kadesquit, and earnestly solicited us to choose it for our settlement, we conceived a desire to explore it. After we had examined this region, which was heartily approved by all, the whole company turned their attention to selecting a site for the building upon a suitable hill. Therefore, a Cross was erected, by way of consecrating the place; the ground was marked out for the erection of the buildings; the earth was dug up for laying the foundations; and our abode, while still in its infancy, was called by the same name as the harbor, St. Sauveur. La Saussaye, the commander of the colonists, took, from the beginning, so deep an interest in agriculture that he thought of that alone, and neglected everything else; and through his excessive zeal for husbandry, called off a largeportion of the colony from the work of building, and set them to farming. La Motte,83Saussaye's Lieutenant, Ronseraye, the Color-bearer, Joubert, the Drill-master, and other leading men of the Company were of the opinion that, postponing all other enterprises, the building [589] ought to be completed, and the energies of the entire company be devoted to this, until it should be protected by fortifications against hostile violence, and might safely be inhabited. Wherefore, they were greatly displeased because most of the colonists were taken away from building and employed in plowing by La Saussaye, whom they eagerly urged to apply the labors and zeal of all in building, a more profitable undertaking for the present; but it fell upon deaf ears. So, as the views and plans of the leaders were at variance, disputes arose, such as usually take place between those who differ, when each one thinks that what he deems best ought to be preferred to the projects and undertakings of others; the result was, that days were idly spent, away from work, in quarreling. This inactivity, and obstinacy in contrary opinions, so inimical to Christian interests and the Divine worship upon that shore, God seems to have willed to punish by means of an unforeseen calamity.
Meantimein France the authority of the Queen was interposed, that we might at the first opportunity be relieved from our bondage at Port Royal, and that we might be allowed, in any part of New France, either to study the language of the natives, or practice among the Savages what we had already learned by our own right, and seeking the permission of no man. Therefore two of our members, provided with a Royal commission for this undertaking,—Father Quintin,78and he who previously had sailed from Port Royal for France, Gilbert du Thet,—safely and joyfully reached the coast of New France in the middle of May of the year 1613. It was provided in the commission that we should be allowed to establish a new settlement in a suitable place, and to have a sufficient number of colonists to protect it;79and for its provision there had generously been sent a year's supply of food for thirty persons, and also horses, goats, and other things of the sort. By the kindness of the Queen there were also added weapons for our defense, some supplies, and also four military tents, by which we might be sheltered while our new residence was being built. La Saussaye, with a military title and command, was to have charge of the household of colonists, not only while the buildings were in process of erection, but also when they had been completed and fortified, in order that in case of attack nothing might be neglected, but the entire colony should be in a condition of defense, and the buildings in good repair. When the supplies were landed at Port Royal, only five of us were there, out of the whole population, Biencourtbeing absent with the others. When the letter of the Queen, [588] in which were orders for our dismissal, had been read to Hèbert,80who represented Biencourt, we were allowed to collect our baggage; having done this, two days later we left Port Royal, with the intention of founding a new settlement in the neighborhood of Norembega. The boatmen had been notified, according to their agreement, to land atKadesquit,81a harbor on the shore of Norembega, in order that the whole colony might there disembark, and auspiciously take possession of a site for the future settlement upon the neighboring hills; but when we had stuck in a bay, this side of that,82to which from the favorable outcome, we gave the name of St. Sauveur, they declared that they had abundantly fulfilled their agreement, and that they would not continue the voyage any further. During this dispute, we engaged in conversation with the Savages inhabiting the spot; and since they praised their own country as being far superior to that at Kadesquit, and earnestly solicited us to choose it for our settlement, we conceived a desire to explore it. After we had examined this region, which was heartily approved by all, the whole company turned their attention to selecting a site for the building upon a suitable hill. Therefore, a Cross was erected, by way of consecrating the place; the ground was marked out for the erection of the buildings; the earth was dug up for laying the foundations; and our abode, while still in its infancy, was called by the same name as the harbor, St. Sauveur. La Saussaye, the commander of the colonists, took, from the beginning, so deep an interest in agriculture that he thought of that alone, and neglected everything else; and through his excessive zeal for husbandry, called off a largeportion of the colony from the work of building, and set them to farming. La Motte,83Saussaye's Lieutenant, Ronseraye, the Color-bearer, Joubert, the Drill-master, and other leading men of the Company were of the opinion that, postponing all other enterprises, the building [589] ought to be completed, and the energies of the entire company be devoted to this, until it should be protected by fortifications against hostile violence, and might safely be inhabited. Wherefore, they were greatly displeased because most of the colonists were taken away from building and employed in plowing by La Saussaye, whom they eagerly urged to apply the labors and zeal of all in building, a more profitable undertaking for the present; but it fell upon deaf ears. So, as the views and plans of the leaders were at variance, disputes arose, such as usually take place between those who differ, when each one thinks that what he deems best ought to be preferred to the projects and undertakings of others; the result was, that days were idly spent, away from work, in quarreling. This inactivity, and obstinacy in contrary opinions, so inimical to Christian interests and the Divine worship upon that shore, God seems to have willed to punish by means of an unforeseen calamity.
Anglipaucis abhinc annis Virginiam occuparunt, quam Ioannes Vezaranus Francisci I Gallorum Regis auspiciis exploratam, quingentesimo vicesimo tertio anno sub eius iurisdictionem redegerat. Eadem ipsa est continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam,252quam tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octauo gradibus substratã,Mocosænomine? veteres designarunt, ducẽtenis quinquagenis leucis versùs Occasum ab Sancti Saluatoris statione dissitæ. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregiè munitam, & præsidiario milite instructam inibi octauo ab hinc anno habent, quotannis æstiuam nauigationem instituunt ad Peucoïtiarum insularum cetarias, piscariæ [590] annonæ in futuram hiemem comparandæ. Eò cùm deueherentur huius anni æstate, inciderunt in eas cæli caligines, quæ huic mari densissimæ solent per eos menses incubare, in quibus dum incerti locorum diutius hærent, frequentibus eos trahentibus æstuariis, paullatim nostrũ in littus delati sunt, haud procul portu Sancti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapsorum indicio, qui eos pro fœderatis Gallis sumerent, didicerunt Gallicam nauem in proximo portu versari, atque illam quidem neque grandem, neque à numerosis epibatis,neq;ab æneis tormentis validè instructam. Eo nuncio nihil opportuniùs accidere poterat hominibus seminudis, & cibariorum copia exhaustis, quos præter hanc inopiam, insita rapiendi cupiditas, & prædæ maioris opinio, quàm quanta ex direpto nostro nauigio poterat cogi, sua sponte ad vim inferendã, etiam contra ius naturale ac gentium, accendebant. Arma igitur expediunt, passis velis, instructa acie, directo cursu in nostrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis Barbarus ille, cuius maximè indicio fueramus proditi, cùm hostilem in nos Anglorum animum collegisset,254tum suum errorem agnoscere, & quod in nos deliquerat, quibus se crederet gratificari, multo detestari fletu, quem fletum deinde crebrò integrauit, cùm à nobis errati sui veniam peteret, & à Barbaris ipsis popularibus, qui nostrũ casum, suam iniuriam interpretati, sæpe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea ancipiti opinione suspẽsi, amicos an hostes censeremus, quos rectà in nostrã stationem secundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591] opperiebamur, cùm nauigij gubernator scapha vectus ad explorandum obuiam processit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non esset receptui locus, maximè quòd is aduerso, illi obsecundante vento vterentur. Sed explorato nihil fuit opus, classicum canentes inuehebantur, tela eatenus modò inhibentes, dū ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere; atque ipsos nauis defensores sigillatim destinare. Quattuordecim grandioribus tormentis, catapultis verò maioris modi,Mosquetosvocant, sexagenis, impetu facto in nauigium nostrum, non sublatis anchoris ad motū inhabilem, decem modò propugnatoribus instructum, ærearum cannarum absente libratore, non multæ operæ fuit illius, atque omnium nostrum expugnatio, quos in continente Saussæïus distinuerat. Gilbertus du Thet noster propugnatorem in naui agebat, cùm ab hostibus funestarum glandium tempestas maximè ingrueret; qua in procella confossus letali plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licèt diligentia curatus, postridie Sacramentorum opportuno solatio adiutus, religiosa morte occubuit. Nos verò vniuersi in potestatem256Hæretici Angli veneramus, qui vt erat insigniter versutus, clam subducto ex Saussæij capsis Regio diplomate, cuius fide nostræ coloniæ Nouo-Francicæ tota ratio nitebatur, vt ne prædatoris more, sed æquo iure, nobiscum agere videretur, Saussæïum vrgere institit, vti probaret, cuius auctoritate coloniam in Canadiæ oras deduxisset. Saussæïus vbi Gallorũ Regis voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod se in scriniis luculentum habere diceret, allatis capsis, [592] cuius claues adhuc seruauerat, iussus est illud expromere; sed ad capsas vbi ventum est, cætera omnia integra, suisque locis digesta agnoscebat Saussæïus, diploma tamen non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, tum Prætor Anglus vultu ac voce ad seueritatem compositis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, & meros piratas nos omnes asserere, dignos nece prædicare, rem nostram militi suo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hostium loco habere. Quod autem facinus Angli ab summa iniuria exorsi suerant, videbantur maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxæ memoriam posteriore obruerent, nisi maturè obuiã iretur. Quare Prætorẽ nostri adeunt, se, adhuc ignoranti qui essent, ingenuè aperiunt, ne imbelli victoria elatus de contubernio suo statuat seueriùs, obsecrant; humanæ conditionis vti meminerit, studiosè admonent: quàm benignè suis rebus vellet consultum, vbi similis ipsum perculisset casus, tam humaniter alienis consuleret: in primis autem consideraret sibi rem esse cum innocentissimis hominibus,258quibus nihil noxæ obiici posset, quàm ab sua innocentia in pacato solo fuisse nimium securos. Comiter admodum sunt auditi à Prætore, atq; honorificis accepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat nõ probante, quòd Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiæ fama benè vulgò audientes, in fugitiuorum & prædonum turba versarentur. Contubernij verò sui vniuersi cum cæteram probam vitam, tum in eo, quo de agebatur, summam innocentiã cùm nostri validis probassent argumentis, visus est Prætor, [593] assensionem præbuisse, atque id modò habuisse, quod in nobis argueret, negligentiam in conseruãdo nostræ expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tẽpore Patres nostros perhumaniter habuit, atque honorificè in omnibus, mensáque benignè accepit. Vno interea scrupulo angebatur, quòd cum parte remigum gubernator nostræ nauis euaserat, cuius fuga, & rei gestæ nuncius per ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde sibi arcesseret, verebatur, eóque magis, quòd ille de nocte scapha sua ad nauim captiuam appulsa, reliquam remigum manum inde subduxerat. Hic certè gubernator, tametsi Caluinianus, adiit de nocte ad Patrem Biardum, eiusque apprehensa manu, multis obsecrationibus adhibitis, iussit eum cæterosque Patres de se, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Christiani ac popularis hominis officia exspectare, ac persuasum habere, nulli rei defuturũ, quæ salutẽ ipsorum spectaret: vterentur modò liberè ipsius opera, viderẽtque quid animi sumturi essent ad fugã capescendã. Prolixè260gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque se futurum spopõdit tam studiosæ in se ac suos voluntatis: de se autem ait nihil se statuere, quoad totius contubernij res tuto loco positas videret, tum sui arbitrium Deo permissurum: caueret interea ipse sibi gubernator, Prætorem quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille instructus, vt sui discessus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret, quasi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi causa festinaret, per ipsa frementium Anglorum ora intrepidè, ac insultantis [594] ore voceque, triduo pòst, scapham traduxit, longioreque simulato cursu, ponè vicinam insulã flexit iter, ibique delituit nostræ captiuitatis euentum obseruaturus. Nobis verò inter dubiam aut necis aut seruitutis aleam fluctuantibus, cùm apud notos Barbaros increbuisset nostræ calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere miserantes nostrum infortunium, & suarum fortunarum tenuitatem in sequentem annum totum, si apud se restare vellemus, officiosissimè deferentes. De nobis tamen Argallus Prætor Anglus, & ei Legatus Turnellus mitiùs cogitauerant, in speciem certè, quàm rebamur initio: pacti nempe cũ Saussæïo coloniæ nostræ Duce fuerant nostrum in Galliam reditum: sed reditus conditiones erant eiusmodi, quæ parum differrent ab certa nostra pernicie. Triginta capitibus quot censebamur, vnus linter dumtaxat, haudquaquam omnium, etiam densissimè stipatorum, capax, concedebatur, hasque cõditiones acceperat Saussæïus,262quin chirographo suo erat testatus, hanc suam fuisse optionem, quæ reuera erat optio certissimi naufragij. Nostri tamẽ euicerunt, vt ne præsens periculum adiret vniuersa simul turba, impetratumque est; vt quindeni modò cymbæ imponerentur, quorum vnus esset Pater Massæus, duo reliqui Patres delati ad insulas Peucoïtias Anglis piscatoribus traiiciendi in Galliam commendarentur: cætera pars contubernij, quæ libens in Virginiam ibat, eò deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliũ nauigatura in Galliam Saussæïo duce lintrem conscendit, locorum, & maritimæ [595] artis ignara, nauticis præterea tabulis destituta, cui Deus in tempore summisit Caluinianum illum nauis gubernatorem, valdè intentum in popularium suorum obseruandos casus, vt si qua posset via, ipsorum aduersis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exscenderat, & Canadico cultu atque more, quasi vnus è Barbaris, tota ora maritima ferebatur, res nostras exploraturus, cùm opportunissimè incidit in proficiscentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valdè idoneum ducem hæsitantibus se præbuit, suamque cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis socios viæ ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuriam, quoad inuentæ essent Gallicæ naues, opimus piscatus bis subleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in ea ora occursus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta visceratione Orignacij famelicos accepit; Rolandus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam copiam, alij piscium volucrúmque non exiguam annonam beneuolentissimèdiuiserunt. Omnium verò benefactorum id264fuit iucundissimum, quod Rolandus Sagamus admonuit, in propinquo littore ad Sesamabræum, & Passepecum portum versari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes. Eò cùm citissimè cursum direxissent duæ lintres, opportunè adfuerunt, antè quàm solueretur, admissique omnes, velis factis in Francicam Britanniam, salui & incolumes Maclouiense oppidũ tenuerunt, vbi Pater Massæus singulari Maclouiensis Antistitis, Magistratuum, oppidanorumque humanitate ac beneficentia liberalissimè acceptus est. De Patribus autem Biardo & Quintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in insulas Peucoïtias transuecti, opera piscatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam deportarentur: sed mutata pòst sententia, in Virginiã sunt destinati, cùm in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus præerat, essent impositi cum aliis quinque de contubernio, cæteris octo sociis in Argalli Prætoriam ingressis. Virginiensis præsidij præfectus de captiuis Iesuitis nescio quid inaudierat, eisque diras cruces struebat, cuius decreti nuncius ad nostros in naues & ad cæteros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis nocturnam quietem adimeret, nec ille quidẽ inani rumore nixus; cùm enim ad Virginiam naue appulsi essent nostri, eius furori destinabantur. Argallus autem, qui fidem suam nostris obligasset, vt suo nomine ac genere dignum erat, intrepidè acriterque Præfecto suppliciis nostros addicenti obstitit, seque incolumi captiuis suis nihil periculi futurum asseuerauit: Præfecto tamen institutum suũ obstinatiùs tenente, Regium diploma,266quo nostra colonia in Nouam-Frãciam deducebatur, protulit, cuius auctoritate repressus Præfectus vltrà tendere non ausus est. Coacto posteà concilio, cùm de re tota deliberaretur accuratiùs, ab omnibus itum est in eam sententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici instructa naue in Nouam-Frãciam Iesuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis in Galliam transmitteret; Saussæium, & eius cohortem militarem, quæ in Porturegiensi arce præsidere, falsò tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret; Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac solo æquaret. Reditum est igitur in Nouo-Franciæ oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sanctæ [597] Crucis, Regij Portus arces defensoribus vacuas spoliauit, & incẽdit, omnia Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britannici aliquot locis inscripsit, oram omnem in Anglici sceptri potestatem asseruit. His gerendis rebus cùm inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitæ adiit Pater Biardus, quòd multis dissuaserat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius emolumenti operam, cuius tamen nõ vulgaris fuisset deinde præda; quòd se indicem eorum locorum præbere noluerat, qui ad prædam quærebantur; nonnullorum præterea Gallorum calumniæ iis locis in eum exstitissent: quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti suo discrimine apud Argallum Turnellumque offendit.
Anglipaucis abhinc annis Virginiam occuparunt, quam Ioannes Vezaranus Francisci I Gallorum Regis auspiciis exploratam, quingentesimo vicesimo tertio anno sub eius iurisdictionem redegerat. Eadem ipsa est continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam,252quam tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octauo gradibus substratã,Mocosænomine? veteres designarunt, ducẽtenis quinquagenis leucis versùs Occasum ab Sancti Saluatoris statione dissitæ. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregiè munitam, & præsidiario milite instructam inibi octauo ab hinc anno habent, quotannis æstiuam nauigationem instituunt ad Peucoïtiarum insularum cetarias, piscariæ [590] annonæ in futuram hiemem comparandæ. Eò cùm deueherentur huius anni æstate, inciderunt in eas cæli caligines, quæ huic mari densissimæ solent per eos menses incubare, in quibus dum incerti locorum diutius hærent, frequentibus eos trahentibus æstuariis, paullatim nostrũ in littus delati sunt, haud procul portu Sancti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapsorum indicio, qui eos pro fœderatis Gallis sumerent, didicerunt Gallicam nauem in proximo portu versari, atque illam quidem neque grandem, neque à numerosis epibatis,neq;ab æneis tormentis validè instructam. Eo nuncio nihil opportuniùs accidere poterat hominibus seminudis, & cibariorum copia exhaustis, quos præter hanc inopiam, insita rapiendi cupiditas, & prædæ maioris opinio, quàm quanta ex direpto nostro nauigio poterat cogi, sua sponte ad vim inferendã, etiam contra ius naturale ac gentium, accendebant. Arma igitur expediunt, passis velis, instructa acie, directo cursu in nostrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis Barbarus ille, cuius maximè indicio fueramus proditi, cùm hostilem in nos Anglorum animum collegisset,254tum suum errorem agnoscere, & quod in nos deliquerat, quibus se crederet gratificari, multo detestari fletu, quem fletum deinde crebrò integrauit, cùm à nobis errati sui veniam peteret, & à Barbaris ipsis popularibus, qui nostrũ casum, suam iniuriam interpretati, sæpe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea ancipiti opinione suspẽsi, amicos an hostes censeremus, quos rectà in nostrã stationem secundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591] opperiebamur, cùm nauigij gubernator scapha vectus ad explorandum obuiam processit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non esset receptui locus, maximè quòd is aduerso, illi obsecundante vento vterentur. Sed explorato nihil fuit opus, classicum canentes inuehebantur, tela eatenus modò inhibentes, dū ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere; atque ipsos nauis defensores sigillatim destinare. Quattuordecim grandioribus tormentis, catapultis verò maioris modi,Mosquetosvocant, sexagenis, impetu facto in nauigium nostrum, non sublatis anchoris ad motū inhabilem, decem modò propugnatoribus instructum, ærearum cannarum absente libratore, non multæ operæ fuit illius, atque omnium nostrum expugnatio, quos in continente Saussæïus distinuerat. Gilbertus du Thet noster propugnatorem in naui agebat, cùm ab hostibus funestarum glandium tempestas maximè ingrueret; qua in procella confossus letali plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licèt diligentia curatus, postridie Sacramentorum opportuno solatio adiutus, religiosa morte occubuit. Nos verò vniuersi in potestatem256Hæretici Angli veneramus, qui vt erat insigniter versutus, clam subducto ex Saussæij capsis Regio diplomate, cuius fide nostræ coloniæ Nouo-Francicæ tota ratio nitebatur, vt ne prædatoris more, sed æquo iure, nobiscum agere videretur, Saussæïum vrgere institit, vti probaret, cuius auctoritate coloniam in Canadiæ oras deduxisset. Saussæïus vbi Gallorũ Regis voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod se in scriniis luculentum habere diceret, allatis capsis, [592] cuius claues adhuc seruauerat, iussus est illud expromere; sed ad capsas vbi ventum est, cætera omnia integra, suisque locis digesta agnoscebat Saussæïus, diploma tamen non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, tum Prætor Anglus vultu ac voce ad seueritatem compositis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, & meros piratas nos omnes asserere, dignos nece prædicare, rem nostram militi suo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hostium loco habere. Quod autem facinus Angli ab summa iniuria exorsi suerant, videbantur maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxæ memoriam posteriore obruerent, nisi maturè obuiã iretur. Quare Prætorẽ nostri adeunt, se, adhuc ignoranti qui essent, ingenuè aperiunt, ne imbelli victoria elatus de contubernio suo statuat seueriùs, obsecrant; humanæ conditionis vti meminerit, studiosè admonent: quàm benignè suis rebus vellet consultum, vbi similis ipsum perculisset casus, tam humaniter alienis consuleret: in primis autem consideraret sibi rem esse cum innocentissimis hominibus,258quibus nihil noxæ obiici posset, quàm ab sua innocentia in pacato solo fuisse nimium securos. Comiter admodum sunt auditi à Prætore, atq; honorificis accepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat nõ probante, quòd Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiæ fama benè vulgò audientes, in fugitiuorum & prædonum turba versarentur. Contubernij verò sui vniuersi cum cæteram probam vitam, tum in eo, quo de agebatur, summam innocentiã cùm nostri validis probassent argumentis, visus est Prætor, [593] assensionem præbuisse, atque id modò habuisse, quod in nobis argueret, negligentiam in conseruãdo nostræ expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tẽpore Patres nostros perhumaniter habuit, atque honorificè in omnibus, mensáque benignè accepit. Vno interea scrupulo angebatur, quòd cum parte remigum gubernator nostræ nauis euaserat, cuius fuga, & rei gestæ nuncius per ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde sibi arcesseret, verebatur, eóque magis, quòd ille de nocte scapha sua ad nauim captiuam appulsa, reliquam remigum manum inde subduxerat. Hic certè gubernator, tametsi Caluinianus, adiit de nocte ad Patrem Biardum, eiusque apprehensa manu, multis obsecrationibus adhibitis, iussit eum cæterosque Patres de se, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Christiani ac popularis hominis officia exspectare, ac persuasum habere, nulli rei defuturũ, quæ salutẽ ipsorum spectaret: vterentur modò liberè ipsius opera, viderẽtque quid animi sumturi essent ad fugã capescendã. Prolixè260gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque se futurum spopõdit tam studiosæ in se ac suos voluntatis: de se autem ait nihil se statuere, quoad totius contubernij res tuto loco positas videret, tum sui arbitrium Deo permissurum: caueret interea ipse sibi gubernator, Prætorem quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille instructus, vt sui discessus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret, quasi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi causa festinaret, per ipsa frementium Anglorum ora intrepidè, ac insultantis [594] ore voceque, triduo pòst, scapham traduxit, longioreque simulato cursu, ponè vicinam insulã flexit iter, ibique delituit nostræ captiuitatis euentum obseruaturus. Nobis verò inter dubiam aut necis aut seruitutis aleam fluctuantibus, cùm apud notos Barbaros increbuisset nostræ calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere miserantes nostrum infortunium, & suarum fortunarum tenuitatem in sequentem annum totum, si apud se restare vellemus, officiosissimè deferentes. De nobis tamen Argallus Prætor Anglus, & ei Legatus Turnellus mitiùs cogitauerant, in speciem certè, quàm rebamur initio: pacti nempe cũ Saussæïo coloniæ nostræ Duce fuerant nostrum in Galliam reditum: sed reditus conditiones erant eiusmodi, quæ parum differrent ab certa nostra pernicie. Triginta capitibus quot censebamur, vnus linter dumtaxat, haudquaquam omnium, etiam densissimè stipatorum, capax, concedebatur, hasque cõditiones acceperat Saussæïus,262quin chirographo suo erat testatus, hanc suam fuisse optionem, quæ reuera erat optio certissimi naufragij. Nostri tamẽ euicerunt, vt ne præsens periculum adiret vniuersa simul turba, impetratumque est; vt quindeni modò cymbæ imponerentur, quorum vnus esset Pater Massæus, duo reliqui Patres delati ad insulas Peucoïtias Anglis piscatoribus traiiciendi in Galliam commendarentur: cætera pars contubernij, quæ libens in Virginiam ibat, eò deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliũ nauigatura in Galliam Saussæïo duce lintrem conscendit, locorum, & maritimæ [595] artis ignara, nauticis præterea tabulis destituta, cui Deus in tempore summisit Caluinianum illum nauis gubernatorem, valdè intentum in popularium suorum obseruandos casus, vt si qua posset via, ipsorum aduersis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exscenderat, & Canadico cultu atque more, quasi vnus è Barbaris, tota ora maritima ferebatur, res nostras exploraturus, cùm opportunissimè incidit in proficiscentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valdè idoneum ducem hæsitantibus se præbuit, suamque cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis socios viæ ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuriam, quoad inuentæ essent Gallicæ naues, opimus piscatus bis subleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in ea ora occursus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta visceratione Orignacij famelicos accepit; Rolandus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam copiam, alij piscium volucrúmque non exiguam annonam beneuolentissimèdiuiserunt. Omnium verò benefactorum id264fuit iucundissimum, quod Rolandus Sagamus admonuit, in propinquo littore ad Sesamabræum, & Passepecum portum versari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes. Eò cùm citissimè cursum direxissent duæ lintres, opportunè adfuerunt, antè quàm solueretur, admissique omnes, velis factis in Francicam Britanniam, salui & incolumes Maclouiense oppidũ tenuerunt, vbi Pater Massæus singulari Maclouiensis Antistitis, Magistratuum, oppidanorumque humanitate ac beneficentia liberalissimè acceptus est. De Patribus autem Biardo & Quintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in insulas Peucoïtias transuecti, opera piscatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam deportarentur: sed mutata pòst sententia, in Virginiã sunt destinati, cùm in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus præerat, essent impositi cum aliis quinque de contubernio, cæteris octo sociis in Argalli Prætoriam ingressis. Virginiensis præsidij præfectus de captiuis Iesuitis nescio quid inaudierat, eisque diras cruces struebat, cuius decreti nuncius ad nostros in naues & ad cæteros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis nocturnam quietem adimeret, nec ille quidẽ inani rumore nixus; cùm enim ad Virginiam naue appulsi essent nostri, eius furori destinabantur. Argallus autem, qui fidem suam nostris obligasset, vt suo nomine ac genere dignum erat, intrepidè acriterque Præfecto suppliciis nostros addicenti obstitit, seque incolumi captiuis suis nihil periculi futurum asseuerauit: Præfecto tamen institutum suũ obstinatiùs tenente, Regium diploma,266quo nostra colonia in Nouam-Frãciam deducebatur, protulit, cuius auctoritate repressus Præfectus vltrà tendere non ausus est. Coacto posteà concilio, cùm de re tota deliberaretur accuratiùs, ab omnibus itum est in eam sententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici instructa naue in Nouam-Frãciam Iesuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis in Galliam transmitteret; Saussæium, & eius cohortem militarem, quæ in Porturegiensi arce præsidere, falsò tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret; Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac solo æquaret. Reditum est igitur in Nouo-Franciæ oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sanctæ [597] Crucis, Regij Portus arces defensoribus vacuas spoliauit, & incẽdit, omnia Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britannici aliquot locis inscripsit, oram omnem in Anglici sceptri potestatem asseruit. His gerendis rebus cùm inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitæ adiit Pater Biardus, quòd multis dissuaserat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius emolumenti operam, cuius tamen nõ vulgaris fuisset deinde præda; quòd se indicem eorum locorum præbere noluerat, qui ad prædam quærebantur; nonnullorum præterea Gallorum calumniæ iis locis in eum exstitissent: quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti suo discrimine apud Argallum Turnellumque offendit.
TheEnglish, a few years before, had occupied Virginia, which John Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which, covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth parallels, was formerly called by the name ofMocosa,84situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have heldfor eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of soldiers, they make a voyage every summer to the fishing grounds of the Peucoit85islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during the coming winter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail upon this sea during these months; and while they were thus long delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not a large vessel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more welcome news than this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was exhausted,—men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty than could have been obtained from the plunder of our ship, to willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into our harbor.86When the Savage by whose information we had been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile intentions of the English towards us, he at once recognized his mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error, and even from his Savage countrymen, who considered our misfortune their own injury, and often threatened him with violence. Meanwhile,we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards our position; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however, in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they advanced, sounding the signal for battle, only reserving their fire until they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and sixty guns of the larger size, which they callMosquets, they made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass cannon was absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and, although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after receiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come into the power of the English Heretic,87who, being extremely crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye's trunk, the Royal commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment of our colony in New France, in order that he might appear to treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and then he began to urge La Saussaye to prove by what right he had planted a settlementupon the shores of Canada. When La Saussaye had cited the authority and commission of the King of France, which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought, and he was ordered to produce it; but when he opened the chest, La Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming, the English Commander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates, and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now it seemed probable that the English, unless they should quickly be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence. Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain; frankly revealed themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity; and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt severe measures against their colony; they earnestly warned him to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of others; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond the fact that, because of their blamelessness, they had been too careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by the Captain, and received with respectful address; the only thing of which he disapproved being that Fathers ofthe Society, who had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration, and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at his table. In the meantime he was troubled because the pilot88of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place; and the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard, and, taking him by the hand, with many protestations bade him and the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect nothing which might contribute to their safety; to employ his aid freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making their escape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised that he would remember such earnest good-will towards himself and his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning himself until he should see the entire colony placed in safety, and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case; that in the meantime the pilot oughtto look out for himself, as the English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards, fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he knew; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about behind a neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers, deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we were willing to remain among them. However, Argall the English Captain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,89had decided upon milder measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of our colony, to send us back to France; but the conditions of return were of such a character that they differed little from our certain destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we were crowded together as closely as possible; and these conditions, La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together incur imminent danger; and it was allowed that only fifteen should be placed on board the boat, of whomone should be Father Massé, while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to France. The rest of the colonists were, in accordance with their own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set out for France, although ignorant of the region and of seamanship, [595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the fortunes of his countrymen, in order that if any opportunity should offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed upon the continent, and, in the Canadian manner of life and custom, like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger; they were also aided by various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of elk meat,90Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a supply of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring coast, at Sesambre and Passepec91harbor, were two ships preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left; and, all havingbeen received on board, they made sail and arrived safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Massé was received with the greatest kindness and generosity by the Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town. Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be conveyed to France; but these plans having afterward been changed, it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with five others of the colonists, being placed on board the captured vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor, for when the ship bearing our brethren had reached Virginia, they were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fitting his name92and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted in his purpose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in dependence upon which our colony had been introduced into New France; and by its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no farther. In a meeting of the council, therefore, the whole affair was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the decision that Argall, with three ships, should take theJesuits back to New France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners to France; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession of the fort at Port Royal; and that he should plunder and level with the ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Royal, which were bare of defenders, destroyed all evidences of the French occupation, and erected English monuments in various places, declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King. While Father Biard was present during these proceedings, his life was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, nevertheless, afterwards obtained an uncommon booty; because he was unwilling to become a guide to those places where plunder was sought; moreover, because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen in that region; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.
TheEnglish, a few years before, had occupied Virginia, which John Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which, covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth parallels, was formerly called by the name ofMocosa,84situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have heldfor eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of soldiers, they make a voyage every summer to the fishing grounds of the Peucoit85islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during the coming winter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail upon this sea during these months; and while they were thus long delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not a large vessel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more welcome news than this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was exhausted,—men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty than could have been obtained from the plunder of our ship, to willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into our harbor.86When the Savage by whose information we had been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile intentions of the English towards us, he at once recognized his mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error, and even from his Savage countrymen, who considered our misfortune their own injury, and often threatened him with violence. Meanwhile,we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards our position; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however, in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they advanced, sounding the signal for battle, only reserving their fire until they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and sixty guns of the larger size, which they callMosquets, they made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass cannon was absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and, although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after receiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come into the power of the English Heretic,87who, being extremely crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye's trunk, the Royal commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment of our colony in New France, in order that he might appear to treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and then he began to urge La Saussaye to prove by what right he had planted a settlementupon the shores of Canada. When La Saussaye had cited the authority and commission of the King of France, which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought, and he was ordered to produce it; but when he opened the chest, La Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming, the English Commander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates, and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now it seemed probable that the English, unless they should quickly be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence. Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain; frankly revealed themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity; and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt severe measures against their colony; they earnestly warned him to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of others; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond the fact that, because of their blamelessness, they had been too careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by the Captain, and received with respectful address; the only thing of which he disapproved being that Fathers ofthe Society, who had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration, and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at his table. In the meantime he was troubled because the pilot88of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place; and the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard, and, taking him by the hand, with many protestations bade him and the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect nothing which might contribute to their safety; to employ his aid freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making their escape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised that he would remember such earnest good-will towards himself and his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning himself until he should see the entire colony placed in safety, and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case; that in the meantime the pilot oughtto look out for himself, as the English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards, fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he knew; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about behind a neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers, deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we were willing to remain among them. However, Argall the English Captain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,89had decided upon milder measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of our colony, to send us back to France; but the conditions of return were of such a character that they differed little from our certain destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we were crowded together as closely as possible; and these conditions, La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together incur imminent danger; and it was allowed that only fifteen should be placed on board the boat, of whomone should be Father Massé, while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to France. The rest of the colonists were, in accordance with their own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set out for France, although ignorant of the region and of seamanship, [595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the fortunes of his countrymen, in order that if any opportunity should offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed upon the continent, and, in the Canadian manner of life and custom, like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger; they were also aided by various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of elk meat,90Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a supply of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring coast, at Sesambre and Passepec91harbor, were two ships preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left; and, all havingbeen received on board, they made sail and arrived safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Massé was received with the greatest kindness and generosity by the Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town. Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be conveyed to France; but these plans having afterward been changed, it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with five others of the colonists, being placed on board the captured vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor, for when the ship bearing our brethren had reached Virginia, they were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fitting his name92and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted in his purpose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in dependence upon which our colony had been introduced into New France; and by its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no farther. In a meeting of the council, therefore, the whole affair was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the decision that Argall, with three ships, should take theJesuits back to New France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners to France; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession of the fort at Port Royal; and that he should plunder and level with the ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Royal, which were bare of defenders, destroyed all evidences of the French occupation, and erected English monuments in various places, declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King. While Father Biard was present during these proceedings, his life was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, nevertheless, afterwards obtained an uncommon booty; because he was unwilling to become a guide to those places where plunder was sought; moreover, because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen in that region; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.
RegioPortu digressus Argallus in Virginiam contendebat, ineunte Nouembri, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, sed postridiè quàm soluerat, atrocissima tempestate diuulsæ naues in lõgè diuersas oras abierunt:268Argalli quidem Prætoria in Virginiam tandem est delata: minor è duabus nostris captiuis cum suis vectoribus nũquam deinde comparuit: alia captiua maior, cui Turnellus præsidebat, quaque vehebamur, sedecim dierum continentibus procellis fœdè vexata, pæne absumtis cibariis desperationem iam adierat, cùm cadente denique tempestate, in Virginiam secundo vento iter intendere cœpimus. Vicenis quinis leucis, haud ampliùs, aberamus Virginiæ littore, vbi de nostra nece à Præfecto decernebatur eóque nobis ea nauigatio erat odiosa, cùm derepente coortus aduersus ventus proram inAsorasLusitanorum insulas [598] obuertit, septingentis pæne leucis inde recto itinere in Ortum sitas. Eius certè venti vis quòd nihil intermitteret, Turnellus præuidebat non nisi capitis sui periculo in Lusitanorum potestatem se vẽturum, qui captiuos Sacerdotes, per summam iniuriam domicilio suo auulsos, spoliatosque secum traheret; & eo quidem angebatur magis, quòd Patrem Biardum Hispaniensis generis esse crederet, falsis Porturegiensium Gallorum accusationibus persuasus, vt eius noxæ criminationem apud Lusitanos non immeritò reformidaret, si nostri Patres ad se accusandum animos adiicerent. Ea re ingenuè fatebatur vim Numinis, innocentium iniuriã vlciscentis, sibi ac suis in ea nauigatione infestam meritò esse, qua calamitate fractus, qui calumniis sua culpa temerè persuasus, Patri Biardo valdè infensus in eum diem fuerat, magnopere deinde mitigari, eique placatior cœpit fieri.270Vt autem ventorum violentia non adigeret adAsoras: cibariorum tamen eò etiam nolentes amandabat, & aquæ dulcis penuria; quamobrem Turnello videndum erat, ne quid ipsi damni arcesseret Patrum nostrorum præsentia, ex quibus periculi nihil imminebat, si naue procul in anchoris inhærente, per scapham in portum missam necessaria annona pararetur, quod futurum Turnellus sperauerat. Contrà verò quàm crederet, accidit: appulsis enim ad Faëalem insulã Asorarum vnam, subeundum fuit in portum intimum, atque in ciuium oculis inter cæteras naues consistendum: quò vehementiùs paullò inuectis, cùm nostra nauis in Hispaniensem saccari nauẽ impacta, [599] proræ anterius velum detersisset, Nauarchus Hispanus piratam conclamauit, turbamque nauticam ad arma exciuit. Paucis antè hebdomadis Gallus subita irruptione nauem in eodem portu spoliauerat, vnde Hispani similem casum veriti, hoc vehementiùs trepidauerant, tantóque sagaciùs in Anglum inquirendum arbitrabantur. Quare Turnello exscendendum in continentem fuit, quem obsidis loco haberent Hispani, dum accuratè lustrarentur interiora nauis, Patribus interim ponè lintrem studiosissimè delitescentibus, ne quid detrimenti ex eis Anglo crearetur, si comparerent. Perdifficilis erat latebra loco minimè idoneo, re adeò repentina, tamque accuratis scrutatoribus, nauis omnia intima rimantibus: sed lynceos eorum oculos fugerunt nostri, magna sua voluptate, quòd Anglum ita seruassent: maiore Angli gaudio, quòd præter spem,272ac suum meritum, ab iis seruatum se agnosceret, quibus libertatem per summũ scelus ademerat. Id beneficij genus, singularemque fidem, Angli & in præsentia ingentibus grati animi argumentis agnoscebant, & deinceps sæpenumerò, maximè apud suos Ministros, cum summa Patrum laudatione, prædicarunt. Tres solidas hebdomadas substitit in eo portu nauis Anglicana, tantumdemque abditi Patres sole caruerunt; inde omisso in Virginiam itinere, Turnellus in Britanniam contendit, sed recta nauigationis semita cum nos tempestas deiecisset, in oram Vualliæ ad Occasum violenter nos impegit: vbi cùm nauem annona deficeret, Turnellus Pembrochum [600] oppidum adiit commeatus parandi gratia. Eius oppidi magistratibus Turnellus mouit suspicionem maritimi latronis, quòd & homo Anglus Francica verehetur naui, & nullam litteram scriptæ auctoritatis proferret, qua suam nauigationem tueretur: neque vel iurato asseueranti, se tempestate diuulsum à Prætore suo Argallo, fides habebatur. Cum eum igitur omne probationum genus destituisset, citauit dictorum suorum testes duos Iesuitas, quos haberet in naui, quorumque incorruptæ fidei neminem mortalium diceret posse meritò refragari. Patribus ergo perhonorificè interrogatis, cùm pro testimonio apud magistratum publicè dixissent, Turnellus fuit in honore, atque vt virum nobilem decuerat, probè omnia gessisse creditus est: nostris verò est honor habitus, & apudMaiorem Vrbis, vt vocant, Magistratum plebeium scilicet, hospitium est274assignatum. Qui pro Præfecto rei maritimæ ius Pembrochij tum dicebat Nicolaus Adams, apud quem nostri testimonium dixerant, vbi audiit pessimè iis esse in nauigio, iussit eos diuersari apud eũ Magistratum, quem indicauimus, suaque fide omnia eis suppeditari copiosè, quibus si deesset vnde sibi rependerent, Dei causa se iis sumtuum gratiam libenter facere dicebat, quòd putaret minimè decere, ab omni dignitate ac doctrina instructis viris nihil apud Pembrochios ciues humanitatis relinqui. Missum erat ad Britanniæ Regem de nostris, cuius dum rescriptum exspectatur, frequentes visendi conferendique gratia vndique ad nostros adeunt de nobilitate, de magistratibus, ac ministris [601] etiam, quorum quaternos in disputationis palæstra cum illis commisit quidam de proceribus, doctrinæ periclitandæ studio. De illorum autem negotio cùm in Regiam allatum esset, iam inaudierat Regis Christianissimi legatus captiuum esse nauigium, & Francos Iesuitas, vrgebatque omnium, ac maximè nostrorum libertatem, quòd eius rei habuerat ab suo Rege studiosiùs iniuncta mandata. Nihil itaque moræ fuit, quin nostri Pembrochio Douerum arcesserentur, vnde breui traiectu Itium Portum, Francicæ oræ oppidum, incolumes lætique deportati sunt, decimo suæ captiuitatis pæne affecto mense, quo loco Darquieni Dynastæ, Regio præsidio Præfecti, & Baulæi Decani eximia humanitate, beneficentiaque lautissimè accepti sunt, idoneo præterea donati viatico, quod Ambianos iter intendentibus in suum Collegium abunde esset.
RegioPortu digressus Argallus in Virginiam contendebat, ineunte Nouembri, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, sed postridiè quàm soluerat, atrocissima tempestate diuulsæ naues in lõgè diuersas oras abierunt:268Argalli quidem Prætoria in Virginiam tandem est delata: minor è duabus nostris captiuis cum suis vectoribus nũquam deinde comparuit: alia captiua maior, cui Turnellus præsidebat, quaque vehebamur, sedecim dierum continentibus procellis fœdè vexata, pæne absumtis cibariis desperationem iam adierat, cùm cadente denique tempestate, in Virginiam secundo vento iter intendere cœpimus. Vicenis quinis leucis, haud ampliùs, aberamus Virginiæ littore, vbi de nostra nece à Præfecto decernebatur eóque nobis ea nauigatio erat odiosa, cùm derepente coortus aduersus ventus proram inAsorasLusitanorum insulas [598] obuertit, septingentis pæne leucis inde recto itinere in Ortum sitas. Eius certè venti vis quòd nihil intermitteret, Turnellus præuidebat non nisi capitis sui periculo in Lusitanorum potestatem se vẽturum, qui captiuos Sacerdotes, per summam iniuriam domicilio suo auulsos, spoliatosque secum traheret; & eo quidem angebatur magis, quòd Patrem Biardum Hispaniensis generis esse crederet, falsis Porturegiensium Gallorum accusationibus persuasus, vt eius noxæ criminationem apud Lusitanos non immeritò reformidaret, si nostri Patres ad se accusandum animos adiicerent. Ea re ingenuè fatebatur vim Numinis, innocentium iniuriã vlciscentis, sibi ac suis in ea nauigatione infestam meritò esse, qua calamitate fractus, qui calumniis sua culpa temerè persuasus, Patri Biardo valdè infensus in eum diem fuerat, magnopere deinde mitigari, eique placatior cœpit fieri.270Vt autem ventorum violentia non adigeret adAsoras: cibariorum tamen eò etiam nolentes amandabat, & aquæ dulcis penuria; quamobrem Turnello videndum erat, ne quid ipsi damni arcesseret Patrum nostrorum præsentia, ex quibus periculi nihil imminebat, si naue procul in anchoris inhærente, per scapham in portum missam necessaria annona pararetur, quod futurum Turnellus sperauerat. Contrà verò quàm crederet, accidit: appulsis enim ad Faëalem insulã Asorarum vnam, subeundum fuit in portum intimum, atque in ciuium oculis inter cæteras naues consistendum: quò vehementiùs paullò inuectis, cùm nostra nauis in Hispaniensem saccari nauẽ impacta, [599] proræ anterius velum detersisset, Nauarchus Hispanus piratam conclamauit, turbamque nauticam ad arma exciuit. Paucis antè hebdomadis Gallus subita irruptione nauem in eodem portu spoliauerat, vnde Hispani similem casum veriti, hoc vehementiùs trepidauerant, tantóque sagaciùs in Anglum inquirendum arbitrabantur. Quare Turnello exscendendum in continentem fuit, quem obsidis loco haberent Hispani, dum accuratè lustrarentur interiora nauis, Patribus interim ponè lintrem studiosissimè delitescentibus, ne quid detrimenti ex eis Anglo crearetur, si comparerent. Perdifficilis erat latebra loco minimè idoneo, re adeò repentina, tamque accuratis scrutatoribus, nauis omnia intima rimantibus: sed lynceos eorum oculos fugerunt nostri, magna sua voluptate, quòd Anglum ita seruassent: maiore Angli gaudio, quòd præter spem,272ac suum meritum, ab iis seruatum se agnosceret, quibus libertatem per summũ scelus ademerat. Id beneficij genus, singularemque fidem, Angli & in præsentia ingentibus grati animi argumentis agnoscebant, & deinceps sæpenumerò, maximè apud suos Ministros, cum summa Patrum laudatione, prædicarunt. Tres solidas hebdomadas substitit in eo portu nauis Anglicana, tantumdemque abditi Patres sole caruerunt; inde omisso in Virginiam itinere, Turnellus in Britanniam contendit, sed recta nauigationis semita cum nos tempestas deiecisset, in oram Vualliæ ad Occasum violenter nos impegit: vbi cùm nauem annona deficeret, Turnellus Pembrochum [600] oppidum adiit commeatus parandi gratia. Eius oppidi magistratibus Turnellus mouit suspicionem maritimi latronis, quòd & homo Anglus Francica verehetur naui, & nullam litteram scriptæ auctoritatis proferret, qua suam nauigationem tueretur: neque vel iurato asseueranti, se tempestate diuulsum à Prætore suo Argallo, fides habebatur. Cum eum igitur omne probationum genus destituisset, citauit dictorum suorum testes duos Iesuitas, quos haberet in naui, quorumque incorruptæ fidei neminem mortalium diceret posse meritò refragari. Patribus ergo perhonorificè interrogatis, cùm pro testimonio apud magistratum publicè dixissent, Turnellus fuit in honore, atque vt virum nobilem decuerat, probè omnia gessisse creditus est: nostris verò est honor habitus, & apudMaiorem Vrbis, vt vocant, Magistratum plebeium scilicet, hospitium est274assignatum. Qui pro Præfecto rei maritimæ ius Pembrochij tum dicebat Nicolaus Adams, apud quem nostri testimonium dixerant, vbi audiit pessimè iis esse in nauigio, iussit eos diuersari apud eũ Magistratum, quem indicauimus, suaque fide omnia eis suppeditari copiosè, quibus si deesset vnde sibi rependerent, Dei causa se iis sumtuum gratiam libenter facere dicebat, quòd putaret minimè decere, ab omni dignitate ac doctrina instructis viris nihil apud Pembrochios ciues humanitatis relinqui. Missum erat ad Britanniæ Regem de nostris, cuius dum rescriptum exspectatur, frequentes visendi conferendique gratia vndique ad nostros adeunt de nobilitate, de magistratibus, ac ministris [601] etiam, quorum quaternos in disputationis palæstra cum illis commisit quidam de proceribus, doctrinæ periclitandæ studio. De illorum autem negotio cùm in Regiam allatum esset, iam inaudierat Regis Christianissimi legatus captiuum esse nauigium, & Francos Iesuitas, vrgebatque omnium, ac maximè nostrorum libertatem, quòd eius rei habuerat ab suo Rege studiosiùs iniuncta mandata. Nihil itaque moræ fuit, quin nostri Pembrochio Douerum arcesserentur, vnde breui traiectu Itium Portum, Francicæ oræ oppidum, incolumes lætique deportati sunt, decimo suæ captiuitatis pæne affecto mense, quo loco Darquieni Dynastæ, Regio præsidio Præfecti, & Baulæi Decani eximia humanitate, beneficentiaque lautissimè accepti sunt, idoneo præterea donati viatico, quod Ambianos iter intendentibus in suum Collegium abunde esset.