CHAPITRE XXVII. [i.e., xxv.]

Sur ces contestes, des Sauuages nous firent de la fumée. Ce signal veut dire, qu'on les aille recognoistre, si on a besoin d'eux, ce qu'on fit. Le Pilote par occasion leur dit, que les Peres de PortRoyal estoyent en son nauire. Les Sauuages repliquerent,268qu'ils verroyent bien volõtiers celuy qu'ils [222] auoyent cogneu y auoit deus ans, à Pentegoet. Ce cogneu, estoit le P. Biard qui les alla incontinent trouuer, & s'informãt d'eux touchant la route deKadesquit, leur signifia, qu'il s'y vouloit habituer. Mais (dirent-ils) si tu veux te loger en ces quartiers, que ne demeures tu plustost icy auecques nous, qui auons bien vne autant belle & bonne place que Kadesquit? Et commencerent à luy raconter les loüanges de leur demeure, asseurants qu'elle estoit si saine, & si agreable, que quand les Sauuages sont malades autrepart, ils se font porter en ce lieu, & y guerissent. Ces benedictions n'esmouuoyent pas beaucoup le P. Biard, parce qu'il sçauoit assez que les Sauuages ne manquoyẽt point de ce en quoy quasi tout chacun abonde; c'est de sçauoir priser ses denrées. Mais ils sceurẽt [223] biẽ bander la machine pour l'enleuer. Car (dirent-ils) il faut que tu viennes: d'autant que Asticou nostre Sagamo est malade à la mort, & si tu ne viens il mourra sans baptesme, & n'ira pas au ciel. Tu en seras la cause, car pour luy il voudroit bien estre baptisé. Ceste raison ainsi naifuement deduicte, fit estonner le P. Biard, & luy persuada totalement de s'y en aller, veu mesmes qu'il n'y auoit que trois lieuës à faire: & que pour tout il n'y entreuenoit pas plus grande perte de temps, que d'vne apres disnée; ainsi il se mit dans vn de leurs cauots auec le sieur de la Mote Lieutenant, & Simon l'interprete, & s'en allerent.

During these quarrels, the Savages signaled to us with smoke. This means that we can go and find them if we need them, which we did. The Pilot incidentally remarked to these Savages that the Port Royal Fathers were in his ship. They answeredthat they would like very much to see the one with whom they [222] had become acquainted two years before at Pentegoet. This was Father Biard, who went immediately to see them, and in asking about the route toKadesquit, said he wished to go there to live. "But" (said they) "if thou wishest to stay in these regions, why dost thou not rather remain here with us, who have truly as good and beautiful a place as Kadesquit?" And they began to sing the praises of their home, assuring him that it was so healthy, and so agreeable, that when the Savages are sick in other parts, they have themselves brought to this place and here recover. These blessings did not affect Father Biard much, for he knew that the Savages did not lack that with which almost every one is abundantly provided, namely, the ability to praise their own wares. But they knew [223] well how to use their machinations against him to carry him off. "For," (said they) "it is necessary that thou comest, since Asticou,16our Sagamore, is sick unto death; and if thou dost not come he will die without baptism, and will not go to heaven. Thou wilt be the cause of it, for he himself wishes very much to be baptized." This argument, so naïvely deduced, astonished Father Biard, and fully persuaded him to go there, especially as it was only three leagues away, and in all there would result no greater loss of time than one afternoon; so he got into one of their canoes with sieur de la Mote, Lieutenant, and Simon the interpreter, and went off.

Arriués aux cabanes d'Asticou, nous le trouuames malade voirement; mais non pas à mort, car ce n'estoit qu'vn rheume, qui le tourmentoit: partant l'asseurance de [224] ses forces nous donna beau loisir270d'aller visiter ce lieu tant vanté, & meilleur que Kadesquit pour vn'habitation Françoise. Et de vraye nous ne trouuasmes point, que les Sauuages eussent eu mauuaise raison de le haut louër, car nous mesmes nous en esmerueillions; & en ayants porté les nouuelles aux principaux de nostre equipage: & eux encores l'estants venu recognoistre tous vnanimẽt consentirent, qu'il falloit s'arrester là, & ne point chercher mieux, veu mesmement, qu'il sembloit que Dieu le nous disoit par les heureux rencontres, qui nous estoyent arriués, & par vn euident miracle, qu'il fit en la guerison d'vn enfant, de laquelle nous parlerons autre-part.

When we arrived at Asticou's cabins, we found him truly sick, but not unto death, for it was only a cold that troubled him; so having assured ourselves of [224] his good condition, we had plenty of leisure to goand visit this place, so greatly boasted about and so much better for a French settlement than Kadesquit. And in truth we found that the Savages were not wrong in praising it so highly, for we ourselves were wonderfully astonished; and having carried the news to the chiefs of our company, and they having come to view the place, all unanimously agreed that we ought to stay there and not look for anything better, especially as it seemed as if God told us to do so through the fortunate events which had happened to us, and through an evident miracle which he performed in the restoration of a child, of which we shall speak elsewhere.

Ce lieu, est vne iolie colline esleuée doucement dessus la mer, & baignée à ses costés de deux [225] fontaines; la terre y est essartée à vingt, ou vingt & cinq arpẽs, herbuë en quelques endroits presque à la hauteur d'vn homme. Son aspect est au Midy & Orient, quasi à l'emboucheure de Pentegoet, & où se deschargẽt plusieurs agreables, commodes, & poissonneuses riuieres, le terroir y est noir, gras, & fertile; Le Port & Haure sont des plus beaux, qu'on puisse voir, & en endroit propre pour commander à toute la coste; le Haure specialement est asseuré comm'vn estang. Car outre qu'il est reparé de la grande Isle des Mõts deserts, il l'est encores de certaines petites Islettes, qui rompent les flots & les vents, & fortifient son entrée. Il n'y a flotte, de laquelle il ne soit capable, ny si haut nauire, qui ne puisse s'approcher de terre pour descharger, iusques à la longueur d'vn chable. Sa situation [226] est à quarante quatre degrés, & vn tiers d'eleuation; position moins encores boreale, que celle de Bourdeaux.

This place is a beautiful hill, rising gently from the sea, its sides bathed by two [225] springs; the land is cleared for twenty or twenty-five acres, and in some places is covered with grass almost as high as a man. It faces the South and East, and is near the mouth of the Pentegoet, where several broad and pleasant rivers, which abound in fish, discharge their waters; its soil is dark, rich and fertile; the Port and Harbor are as fine as can be seen, and are in a position favorable to command the entire coast; the Harbor especially is as safe as a pond. For, besides being strengthened by the great Island of Mount desert, it is still more protected by certain small Islands which break the currents and the winds, and fortify the entrance. There is not a fleet which it is not capable of sheltering, nor a ship so deep that could not approach within a cable's length of the shore to unload. It is situated [226] in latitude forty-four and one-third degrees, a position still less northerly than that of Bourdeaux.

272Or estants descendus en ce dit lieu, & y ayans planté la Croix, nous commençames à trauailler, & auec le trauail commencerent aussi nos contestations, second signal, & prodige de nos mal-heurs. La cause de ces contestations estoit d'autãt que la Saussaye, nostre Capitaine, s'amusoit trop à cultiuer la terre, & tous les principaux le pressoyent de ne point distraire en cela les ouuriers, ains de vacquer sans respit aux alogement & fortification, ce qu'il ne vouloit pas faire. De ceste cõtention en sourdirent des autres iusques à ce que l'Anglois nous mit trestous de bon accord, ainsi que vous ouyrez tout maintenant.

Now having landed at this place and planted herethe Cross, we began to work; and with the beginning of work also began the quarrels, a second sign and augury of our ill luck. The cause of these dissensions was principally that la Saussaye, our Captain, amused himself too much in cultivating the land, while all the chiefs of the enterprise were urging him not to employ the laborers for that purpose, but to get to work without delay upon the houses and fortifications, which he did not wish to do. From these disputes sprang others, until the English brought us all to an understanding with each other, as you will hear immediately.

CHAPITRE XXVII. [i.e., xxv.][227] NOSTRE PRINSE PAR LES ANGLOIS.274LA Virginie est le continent de terre, que les anciens appelloyent,Mocosa, entre la Floride, & la nouuelle France sur les 36. 37. & 38. degrez d'eleuation. Ce païs auoit premierement esté descouuert, & saisi par Iean Verazan au nom de François premier (ainsi que nous auons dit cy deuant) mais les Anglois l'ayants recognu despuis, sçauoir est l'an 1593. & 1594. en fin l'a sõt venus habiter, despuis seulement sept, ou huict ans. Leur demeure principale, qu'ils appellent Ieutom, est distante de S. Sauueur où nous nous estions logez d'enuiron 250. lieües par droictes routes. Regardez [228] s'ils ont bien dequoy nous quereller.

274LA Virginie est le continent de terre, que les anciens appelloyent,Mocosa, entre la Floride, & la nouuelle France sur les 36. 37. & 38. degrez d'eleuation. Ce païs auoit premierement esté descouuert, & saisi par Iean Verazan au nom de François premier (ainsi que nous auons dit cy deuant) mais les Anglois l'ayants recognu despuis, sçauoir est l'an 1593. & 1594. en fin l'a sõt venus habiter, despuis seulement sept, ou huict ans. Leur demeure principale, qu'ils appellent Ieutom, est distante de S. Sauueur où nous nous estions logez d'enuiron 250. lieües par droictes routes. Regardez [228] s'ils ont bien dequoy nous quereller.

CHAPTER XXVII. [i.e. xxv.][227] OUR CAPTURE BY THE ENGLISH.VIRGINIA is that continent which our forefathers calledMocosa, between Florida and new France under the 36th, 37th, and 38th parallels of north latitude. This country was first discovered and taken possession of by Jean Verazan in the name of Francis first (as we have said before); but the English, having explored it since then; namely, in the years 1593 and 1594, finally came there to inhabit it only seven or eight years ago. Their principal settlement, which they call Jeutom [Jamestown] is distant from St. Sauveur, where we were located, about 250 leagues in a direct line. Judge [228] if they have any good reason for quarreling with us.

VIRGINIA is that continent which our forefathers calledMocosa, between Florida and new France under the 36th, 37th, and 38th parallels of north latitude. This country was first discovered and taken possession of by Jean Verazan in the name of Francis first (as we have said before); but the English, having explored it since then; namely, in the years 1593 and 1594, finally came there to inhabit it only seven or eight years ago. Their principal settlement, which they call Jeutom [Jamestown] is distant from St. Sauveur, where we were located, about 250 leagues in a direct line. Judge [228] if they have any good reason for quarreling with us.

Or ces Anglois de la Virginie ont accoustumé tous les ans de venir aux Isles de Peucoit, qui sont à 25. lieües de nostre S. Sauueur, à celle fin de se pourueoir de mouluës pour leur hyuer. S'y acheminants doncques selon ceste coustume en l'Esté de l'année de laquelle nous parlons 1613. aduint qu'en mer ils furent surprins des brumes, & broüillas, que nous auons dit cy deuant, s'espandre souuent l'Esté sur ces terres & mer. Pendant qu'elles durerent quelques iours, la marée les ietta insensiblement beaucoup plus loin au Nordest, qu'ils n'eussent pensé. Car ils estoyent bien quatrevingtslieües plus auãt dans la nouuelle France, qu'ils ne croyoyent, au pres de276nostre port. Mais ne se cognoissants point au lieu, à [229] la mal'heure quelques Sauuages passerent par là, qui les allerent trouuer cuidants que ce fussent François, qui nous cherchassent. Les Anglois n'entendoyent rien en Sauuage: mais aux gestes, & façons de faire ils recogneurent assez qu'on leur faisoit signe, qu'il y auoit vn vaisseau là auprès, & qu'iceluy vaisseau estoit François, car ils entendoyẽt le mot de Normandia, duquel il nous appellent: & aux ceremonies, que les Sauuages faisoyent pour leur complaire, ils recognoissent, que c'estoyent ceremonies de courtoisie, & ciuilité Françoise. Doncques les Anglois, qui estoyẽt en necessité, & de viures, & de tout; deschirez, demy-nuds & ne questans que proye; s'enquirent diligemment combien grand estoit nostre vaisseau, combien nous auions de Canons, combien de gens, &c. [230] Et ayants eu response suffisante, & qui leur plaisoit, firent vn cry ioyeux demonstrants, que c'estoit bien ce qu'ils cherchoyent, & qu'on les menast à nous: car ils ne desiroyent autre. Aussi nefaisoyent-ils, mais ce n'estoit pas en la façon, que les Sauuages l'entendoyent; car les Sauuages estimoyent que ce fussent aucuns de nos bons amis, estants en grande peine de nous: & qui d'amitié desirassent sur tout de nous voir. Par ainsi vn d'entre eux demeura dans leur nauire pour les conduire à nous; ce qu'il fit le bon vent venu. L'Anglois dés qu'il nous descouurit commença à se preparer au combat, & ce fut lors que le bon homme de Sauuage recogneust, qu'il auoit esté trompé, dont il se print à plourer & lamenter sa faute, & maudire ceux qui l'auoyent ainsi deçeu. Souuent [231] despuis il a plouré, & demandé pardon de ceste sienne desaduenture, & à nous & aux278autres Sauuages; parce que les autres Sauuages vouloyent venger nostre mal'heur sur luy, pensants que de malice il en eust esté la cause.

Now these English of Virginia are accustomed every year to come to the Peucoit Islands,50which are 25 leagues from our St. Sauveur, to lay in a supply of codfish for the winter. They were making for this place, as usual, in the Summer of the year of which we are speaking, 1613, when they happened to be caught in the fogs and drizzling rains which, as has been stated, often spread over these lands and seas during the summer. In the few days that they continued, the current imperceptibly cast them much farther to the Northeast than they thought. For they were fully eighty leagues nearer to new France than they supposed, being in the neighborhood of our port. But not recognizing the place, [229] unfortunatelysome Savages passed that way, who went to see them, supposing they were French people looking for us. The English understood nothing of the Savage language, but from their gestures and actions they easily gathered that they were trying to make them understand that a vessel was near by, and it was a French vessel, for they heard the word "Normandia," the name by which we were called: and the acts of courtesy which the Savages performed to please them, they recognized as French ceremonies of civility and politeness. Therefore the English, who were in need of food and all other things, ragged and half-naked, seeking nothing but booty, inquired diligently as to the size of our ship, how many Cannon we had, how many men, etc. [230] Having received full and satisfactory answers, they uttered a joyful shout, indicating that this was just what they had been looking for, and that they might lead them to us, for they desired nothing better. Nor were they pretending, but it was not in this way that the Savages understood the matter; for they thought that these were some good friends of ours, who were in great anxiety about us, and who, through friendship, wished to see us above all other things. Hence one of them remained in their ship to conduct them thither; this he did, a favorable wind having arisen. The English, when they discovered us, began to prepare themselves for the fight, and it was then that the poor simple Savage recognized that he had been imposed upon, when he began to weep and to deplore his mistake, and to curse those who had thus deceived him. Often [231] since then he has lamented and begged forgiveness for his misadventure, both from us and from the other Savages; for they wished totake revenge upon him for our misfortune, thinking he had been the malicious cause of it.

Or nous, considerants ce nauire venir ainsi de loin à pleines voyles, ne sçauions que penser, si c'estoyent amis, ou ennemis, François ou estrangiers. A ceste cause le Pilote s'en alla au deuant dans vne chaloupe pour les recognoistre, tandis que les autres s'armoyent. La Saussaye demeura à terre & y retint la pluspart des hommes: la Mote Lieutenant, Ronseré Enseigne, & Ioubert Sergent, & tous les plus deliberez allerent au nauire. Aussi estoit-ce là où lon deuoit recognoistre les gens de bien.

Now we, gazing upon this ship bearing down upon us thus from afar off, with full sails, did not know what to think, whether they were friends or foes, French or strangers. Whereupon the Pilot went out in a boat on a tour of discovery, while the others armed themselves. La Saussaye remained on shore and there kept the greater part of the men: Lieutenant la Mote, Ensign Ronseré, Sergeant Joubert, and all the more resolute men went to the ship. For it was there that the good men ought to be found.

[232] Le nauire Anglois venoit plus viste qu'vn dard, ayant le vent à souhait, tout pauis de rouge, les pauillons d'Angleterre flottans, & trois t[r]ompettes & deux tambours faisants rage de sonner. Nostre pilote, qui estoit allé descouurir ne reuint point à son nauire, parce (dit-il) que les Anglois auoyent le vent sur luy, & partant pour ne tomber en leurs mains, il s'en alla prendre le circuit d'vne Isle. Tant y a qu'à ceste occasion le nauire se trouua destitué de la moitié de ses Matelots, & n'auoit autres gens de defense que dix en tout, encores n'y en auoit-il aucun de tous qui fust entendu aux combats de mer, hors le Capitaine Flory, qui de vray ne manqua ny de conduicte ny de courage. Mais il n'auoit ny assez de temps pour se preparer, ny des gens, à cause dequoy il ne peut leuer l'anchre pour se [233] desengager: ce qu'est toutesfois la premiere chose qu'on doit faire és combats de la mer, combien qu'aussi en vain eust-on leué l'anchre, consideré que les voyles estoyent empestrees. Car à cause que c'estoit l'Esté, & qu'on seiournoit au port280sans crainte, on les auoit tendues en forme de berceau dés la Dunette iusques à la bite pour auoir ombre sur le tillac, d'où lon ne pouuoit les deffaire en si peu de temps. Mais ce malheur eust fort bonne chance: car à ceste occasion nos gents demeurerent fort bien couuerts pendant le combat, de maniere que les Anglois n'en pouuants choisir aucun durant leur escopeterie, moins de gents furent ou tuez, ou blessez.

[232] The English ship came on swifter than an arrow, driven by a propitious wind, all screened in pavesade51of red, the banners of England flying, and three trumpets and two drums making a horrible din. Our pilot, who had gone out reconnoitering, did not return to his ship, because (said he) the English had the wind of him, and therefore, not to fall into their hands, he started to go round an Island. At all events the ship was now deprived of half its Sailors, and had only ten men altogether to defend it; and of these there were none who understood naval warfare except Captain Flory, who certainly lacked neither courage nor the ability to command. But he had not time enough to prepare, nor the men, hence he could not heave the anchor to [233] free the boat; which is, however, the first thing to be done in a battle at sea. But how useless would it have been to heave anchor, when the sails were all disarranged. For as it was Summer, and, as the vessel was lying in port without apprehension of danger, they had stretched their sails in the form of a cradle from Stern to bitts, to shade the deck, hence they couldnot be undone in so short a time. But this proved to be quite a lucky mischance: for in this way our people were well shielded during the fight, so that the English were not able to pick out any particular one for their musket shots, and fewer men were killed or wounded.

A l'approche, comme c'est la coustume de sommer, à dire, qui l'on est: Nos gens crierent à la [234] Marinesque leur O O. Mais l'Anglois ne respondit en ce ton, ains d'vn autre plus furieux, à grands coups de mosquet, & de canon. Il auoit quatorze pieces d'artillerie, & soixante soldats mosquetaires duits au nauigage, &c. venants à la charge sur les costez, sur le beau pré, à la dunette & où il falloit, à la file, & en ordre, aussi bien que gens de pied font sur terre.

At their approach, as it is usual to call upon them to say who they are, our people called out in [234] sailor-fashion their "O O." But the English did not respond in this tone, but in another far more violent—with loud volleys from musket and cannon. They had fourteen pieces of artillery and sixty musketeers, trained to serve on ships, etc., and came to attack us upon the flanks, in front, behind, and wherever there was need, in regular order, as well as foot soldiers do on land.

La première escopeterie fut terrible du costé de l'Anglois; tout le nauire estoit en feu, & en fumée. De nostre part on respõdoit froidement, & l'artillerie estoit du tout muette. Le Capitaine Flory crioit bien lasche le canon, lasche; mais le Canonier n'y estoit pas. Or Gilbert du Thet, qui de sa vie n'auoit esté paoureux, ny coüart, ouyant ce cry, & ne voyant personne, qui obeist, print la mesche & nous fit parler aussi haut que [235] l'ennemy. Le mal fut qu'il ne mira pas, que s'il l'eust faict, peut-estre y eust-il eu quelque chose de pis, que le bruit.

The first volley from the English was terrible, the whole ship being enveloped in fire and smoke. On our side they responded coldly, and the artillery was altogether silent. Captain Flory cried, "Fire the cannon, fire," but the Cannoneer was not there. Now Gilbert du Thet, who in all his life had never felt fear or shown himself a coward, hearing this command and seeing no one obey it, took a match and made us speak as loudly as [235] the enemy. Unfortunately, he did not take aim; if he had, perhaps there might have been something worse than mere noise.

L'Anglois apres ceste premiere, & furieuse escopeterie mit son nauire de costé, & tenoit vn Anchre preparé pour accrocher nostre bite. Le Capitaine Flory fila du chable fort à propos, ce qui arresta l'ennemy, & luy fit tourner à costé: car il eust peur282qu'en poursuiuant on ne le voulust attirer sur des basses; despuis voyant nostre nauire à requoy, & s'estant rasseuré, il recommença les approches auec escopeterie comme deuant. Ce fut en ceste seconde charge, que Gilbert du Thet reçeut vn coup de mosquet dans le corps & tomba estendu à l'enuers sur le tillac. Le Capitaine Flory fut aussi blessé au pied, & autres trois autre part, ce qui fit faire signe, & [236] crier qu'on se rendoit. Aussi certes la partie n'estoit pas egale. A ce cry, l'Anglois se ietta dans son bateau pour venir à nostre nauire. Nos gents aussi par mauuais conseil, se ietterent dans le leur, pour faire à terre: car ils craignoyent l'arriuée du victorieux. Le vainqueur fut plustost dans nostre nauire, qu'eux ne furent loin, & partant il se print à leur crier, qu'ils retournassent, & pour les y contraindre tiroit sur eux. Dequoy espouuãtez deux de nos gẽs se ietterent dans l'eau pour à mõ aduis gaigner terre à la nage, mais ils furent noyez, soit que ja ils eussent esté blessez, soit (ce qui est plus vray semblable) qu'ils fussent attaints, & percez dans l'eau. C'estoyent deux ieunes compagnons de bonne expectation, l'vn de Dieppe, appellé le Moyne, l'autre dit Nepueu, de la ville de [237] Beauuais: leurs corps ne comparurent que neuf iours apres. On eust moyen de les prendre & religieusement les enterrer: telle fut la prinse de nostre nauire.

The English, after this first and furious volley, came alongside of us, and held an Anchor ready to grapple our bitts. Captain Flory very opportunely paid out more cable, which stopped the enemy and made them turn away, for they were afraid if they pursued us we would draw them into shallow water;then seeing our vessel fall back, and thus being reassured, they again began to approach us, firing off the muskets as before. It was during this second charge that Gilbert du Thet received a musket shot in his body and fell stretched out across the deck. Captain Flory was also wounded in the foot, and three others in other places, which made them signal and [236] cry out that we surrendered, for it was evidently a very unequal match. At this cry the English jumped into their boat to come to our ship. Our men also, misled by bad advice, jumped into theirs with the hope of gaining the shore, for they feared the arrival of the victors. These, however, reached the ship before our men could get away from it, and so they began to yell to them to come back, and, to enforce the order, fired upon them. Frightened at this, two of our men threw themselves into the sea, in order, I believe, to swim to the shore; but they were drowned, either because they were already wounded, or (what seems more probable) because they were struck and wounded in the water. These were two very promising young fellows, one from Dieppe, called le Moyne, the other named Nepveu, of the town of [237] Beauvais; their bodies did not appear until nine days later, when means were found to recover them and they were given a religious burial. Such was the capture of our ship.

The original Latin MS. of Biard's letter to his general, dated at Amiens, May 26, 1614, is in the archives of the Gesù, at Rome. In 1858, Father Martin there copied this document, with others of like character; and in the present publication we follow his apograph, which is now preserved in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal. Martin's translation of the letter into French appears in Carayon'sPremière Mission, pp. 106-116.

See Bibliographical Data in VolumeI.of the present series, for particulars of Carayon's collection. The originals of the letters in Carayon, were written in three different languages: nos. 2, 5, 9, 12, 18, 25, 27-31, were in French; nos. 13, 14, 15, 16, in Italian; and the others in Latin. Letters to the general in Rome were for the most part in Italian or Latin, but those to the provincial in Paris were in French. The Italian and Latin letters were translated for Carayon, into French, in most cases by Martin, who had copied them for that publication. In our series, we have followed the printed pages of Carayon, for the French letters; but for the Italians and Latins (except Documents III., V., and VI., in Volume I.), have reverted for our copy to Martin's own apographs, at Montreal, and our translations into English are made directly from these.

We reprint Biard'sRelationof 1616 directly fromthe printed original in Lenox Library. The Lenox copy has no original title-page, its place being supplied by a clever facsimile in pen-and-ink, said to be by Pilinski. For the present edition, we supply a photographic facsimile of the original title-page of the copy at the Bibliothèque Nationale (formerly Bibliothèque Royale), Paris; the plate shows the old library stamp, "Biblioteque Royale." The Paris copy is the only one known to us, at this writing, which has an original title-page.

O'Callaghan issued a special reprint, "presque en facsimile," of thisRelation(Albany, 1871), the edition being limited to 25 copies, at $25 a copy.

The Lenox Catalogue (p. 4), says that O'Callaghan followed the copy owned by Rufus King, of Jamaica, L. I. The whereabouts of this copy is unknown to us. The late Charles H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, at one time had a copy; but a letter to us from his son, Charles C., dated May 11, 1896, states that he does not know its present location. In the announcement of his facsimile, O'Callaghan said (see Murphy's Sale Catalogue, 1884, p. 33):

"The owner of, we believe, the only copy in this country of the original edition of thisRelation, has obligingly loaned it to me. In order to enable collectors who possess some of the Jesuit Relations to place at least beside these an exact reprint of this extremely rare volume, I have undertaken a small edition, reproducing the original, page for page, line for line."The edition in the Collected Relations, published at Quebec, was printed from a transcript made from the only other known copy in the National Library at Paris. This transcript was to all appearances hastily and carelessly executed. The consequence is, that the Quebec edition abounds, as a minute collation proves, with grave errors of omission and alteration."The present reprint will be limited to twenty-five copies, and will be supplied, in sheets, to subscribers at $25 a copy."

"The edition in the Collected Relations, published at Quebec, was printed from a transcript made from the only other known copy in the National Library at Paris. This transcript was to all appearances hastily and carelessly executed. The consequence is, that the Quebec edition abounds, as a minute collation proves, with grave errors of omission and alteration.

"The present reprint will be limited to twenty-five copies, and will be supplied, in sheets, to subscribers at $25 a copy."

The Lenox copy is marked on front fly leaf, "Avery rare book," and it is understood that it cost 1,000 francs, notwithstanding its pen-and-ink title-page. In the "Privilege," on the last page, the syllable "pro" has been accidentally omitted. O'Callaghan's facsimile reprint supplies this omission. In both, the "privilege" is in ten lines, but the contents of the lines differ.

Harrisse says (no. 30), concerning Biard'sRelationof 1616: "Some bibliographers cite, but without having seen, a relation published at Lyons in 1612, and which was the first edition of the one we have just described; but that is hardly possible, since the events described in that relation extend up to the year 1614. As for the relations, the titles of which are given in Latin, we think that they are the letters addressed by Father Biard [given in Volumes I. and II. of this series]. That of January 31, 1611 [1612], was published in theAnnuæ Litteræ Societatis Jesu, printed at Lyons by Claude Cayne, but not till 1618. It is probably the same of which Jouvency gives the text in hisHistoire de la Société de Jésus. Sotwell also cites [Bibliotheca Script. Soc. Jesu], aRelatio Expeditionis Anglorum in Canadam, of Father Biard, which is probably the letter which Father Biard wrote to Father Claude Aquaviva regarding the act of piracy committed upon him by Argall. It is possible that there were, at that period, publications of these letters both in Latin and French; but we have been able to find only one instance of this." Brunet'sSupplémentsays the alleged 1612 edition of theNouvelle Franceis spurious. All of the foregoing letters by Biard, cited by Harrisse, are given in Volumes I. and II. of the present series.

See other references in Brown'sGenesis of the UnitedStates(Boston, 1890), vol. ii., p. 707; Leclerc, no. 2482; Sabin, vol. ii., no. 5136; Ternaux, no. 380; Lenox, p. 4; Winsor, p. 300; Brown, vol. ii., no. 178; and the Barlow (no. 251) and Murphy (no. 244) sale catalogues. Leclerc describes the Lenox copy; most of the others, the O'Callaghan facsimile reprint.

Title-page.Photographic facsimile, from original in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.

Collation of Lenox copy.Title, 1 p.; blank, reverse of title, 1 p.; dedication "Av Roy," 3 unnumbered pp.; Avant-Propos, 7 unnumbered pp.; text, pp. 1-338. Table, 34 unnumbered pp.; privilege, 1 p.

Peculiarities.Only the pages of the text are numbered; p. 191 is, from typographical error, wrongly numbered 181. The numbering of the chapters is erratic. From i. to x. they are correctly numbered, but thereafter the variations are as follows:

The editor of the Quebec reprint overcame the difficulty without explanation, by correcting the enumeration throughout. O'Callaghan, without comment, corrects numbering of p. 191, in his facsimile, but follows original in numbering the chapters.

Owing to the length of this document, we give only the first twenty-five chapters thereof, in the present volume; the others will appear in Volume IV.

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages of English text.)

1(p.39).—See vol. ii.,note72.

2(p.39).—Ocean of Guienne: one of many names applied to the Atlantic Ocean. The Catalan Mappemonde (1375) names it Mare Ochceanum; Fra Mauro's "World" (1439), Oceanus Athlanticus; Ptolemy's map (ed. 1482), Oceanus Occidentalis; Hondius's (1595), Mar del Nort. Cf. H. H. Bancroft'sCentral America, vol. i., p. 373.

3(p.39).—Ferland says (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., pp. 11-13) of Aubert that in 1508 "he visited the Gulf of St. Lawrence; if we may believe the Dieppe chronicles, he ascended the river eighty leagues above its mouth, and brought to France a Canadian savage."—Cf. vol. i.,note7. He also cites these Dieppe historians as declaring that Verrazano was commander of one of the two ships with which Aubert made the above voyage. The ship commanded by Aubert himself was named "La Pensée," and belonged, according to the "Gran Capitano" (Ramusio, iii., 359), to "Jean Ango, father of Captain Ango, and viscount of Dieppe."

4(p.39).—Denys is said by many writers to have made a chart of the St. Lawrence; but this is now seriously questioned. Dexter (in Winsor'sN. and C. Hist., vol. iv., p. 4) says: "What now passes for such a chart is clearly of later origin." Harrisse says (Jean et Sébastien Cabot, pp. 250, 251) that it could not be found at Paris; and that the chart in the Library of Parliament at Ottawa, purporting to be a copy of Denys's, is "utterly apocryphal;" he also states (Discov. N. Amer., p. 181), that researches in the archives of Honfleur have proved fruitless for any information as to the expedition of Denys. Some information concerning his family is given by Bréard, cited by Dionne (Nouv. France, p. 107,note3).

5(p.41).—Giovanni da Verrazano: probably born at Florence, Italy, soon after 1480. He was apparently a corsair in French employ, by the year 1521, harassing the commerce of Spain with the New World; while thus engaged, he assumed the name of Juan Florin, or Florentin. Under commission from Francis I. of France, he made a voyage during the first half of the year 1524 (not 1523),"to discover a western passage to Cathay." In the "Dauphine," with a crew of fifty men, he explored the Atlantic coast from about 27° to 43° north latitude (that is, from Florida to Maine); then sailed to "the country already discovered by the Bretons," thence returning to France. His letter to the court, announcing his safe arrival at Dieppe, was published by Ramusio, in vol. iii. of hisRaccolta(1556). A translation of this letter (with a note by Edwin D. Mead, the editor), is given inOld South Leaflets, general series, no. 17. Little is known of Verrazano's subsequent history; but it is generally supposed that he was hanged as a pirate, at Cadiz, Spain, in November, 1527.—See Dexter, in Winsor'sN. and C. Hist., vol. iv., pp. 5-9; and Margry'sNavig. Fr.pp. 194-196, 205-218. H. C. Murphy (Voyages of Verrazano, N. Y., 1875), and others, have doubted whether Verrazano ever made this voyage; Harrisse gives an exhaustive discussion of the whole matter in hisDiscov. N. Amer., pp. 214-228, as does Winsor, inN. and C. Hist., vol. iv., pp. 16-27. The discoveries of Verrazano are shown on a mappa-mundi, made in 1529 by his brother Hieronimo; this is fully described by Winsor, in above citation.

6(p.41).—See vol. ii.,note48.

7(p.41).—This chart is probably the one mentioned by Biard in doc. x.; see vol. ii.,note12.

8(p.41).—On Norembega, see vol. i.,note11.—Cf. Dionne'sNouv. France, pp. 257-263. Biard himself uses this term (post) to designate the region wherein lay St. Sauveur.

The name Acadia (see vol. i.,note2) was in general use up to the downfall of the French régime (1763).

9(p.41).—The first of these attempts at colonization was inspired by the explorations of Jacques Cartier (who, according to Harrisse, was born at St. Malo, December 31, 1494; died September 1, 1557). Having obtained letters patent from Francis I., he sailed to Canada in April, 1534, with two ships, and explored the coasts of Newfoundland, Labrador, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but did not enter the great river. On his second voyage, however (1535), he explored the St. Lawrence, Saguenay, and St. Charles, and ascended as far as Hochelaga, on the island of Montreal. Building a fort near Quebec, he spent the winter there, losing many of his men through sickness, and returned to France in July, 1536. A list of the ship's company on this voyage, taken from an old register of St. Malo, is given by Ramé in hisDocuments Inédits sur Jacques Cartier(Paris, 1865), pp. 10-12. Cartier's third voyage was made in 1541, as master-pilot of an expedition undertaken by Jean François de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval (a town near Boulogne), whom the king had appointed lieutenant and governor of Canada. (Forthe latter's commission, with other documents concerning him, see Harrisse'sNotes, pp. 243-247.) Cartier sailed several months earlier than his patron, whose preparations were not completed; again ascended the St. Lawrence, and again spent the winter in that region,—this time about four leagues above Quebec. Meanwhile, Roberval carried from France some 200 persons, including a few adventurous gentlemen, but largely recruited from the condemned criminals of Paris, Toulouse, and other cities, both men and women. According to Gosselin (cited by Dionne,Nouv. France, p. 25,note3), there were among them, also, fifty from St. Malo, convicted of heresy and lèse-majesté. With this motley throng, he established a residence at Cartier's abandoned fort, below Quebec, and spent the ensuing winter there, many of the people dying from famine and scurvy. It is uncertain whether Cartier was with him during any part of this sojourn; but the former seems to have returned to France in 1542; some writers claim that this action resulted from a quarrel between him and Roberval. In 1543, however, Cartier went, by command of the king, to rescue Roberval and what remained of his unfortunate colony.—See Harrisse'sNotes, pp. 1-5, 11, 12; Faillon'sCol. Fr., vol. i., pp. 38-55, 496-523; Winsor'sN. and C. Hist., vol. iv., pp. 56-59; and Dionne'sNouv. France, pp. 9-54.

The next enterprise of this sort was attempted in 1598, by a nobleman, Troïlus de Mesgouez, marquis de la Roche, etc.; governor of Morlaix from 1568 to 1586, afterwards of St. Lô. Lescarbot gives, in hisNouv. France(1612), pp. 422-429, La Roche's commission from Henry IV. Gathering from the prisons a shipload of convicts, as material for a colony, and landing them temporarily on Sable Island (see vol. ii.,note20), he was driven thence by a storm, and forced to return to France. Broken by misfortunes, he died in 1606.—See Faillon'sCol. Fr., vol. i., pp. 66-71; Dionne'sNouv. France, pp. 151-189, 299-310; and Harrisse'sNotes, pp. 12-14. Ferland (Cours d'Histoire, vol. i., pp. 60, 61) argues that La Roche's voyage was made in 1578, or soon afterward.

No other colonial enterprises seem to have been actually undertaken until those of Champlain.

10(p.47).—Now Cornouaille; a district, then a part of Lower Brittany; also the name of a port near Quimper.

11(p.47).—Now Fuenterrabia, in the province of Guipuzcoa, Spain, close to the French boundary-line; noted for its strong fortress (until 1494), and for Wellington's passage here of the Bidassoa (1813).

12(p.57).—Sir Francis Drake, one of England's most renowned navigators and explorers; named "the Dragon" (by a play uponhis name), in Spanish annals of the time, on account of his fiery and merciless attacks upon the commerce and colonies of Spain. He was a native of Devonshire, England, probably born about 1540; and became a sailor in his boyhood. After several voyages to foreign lands, he commanded one of Sir John Hawkins's ships (the "Judith"), on a voyage to the West Indies, in 1567-68; and from this time until his death was actively engaged in navigation, in war, or in the public service. His most famous voyage is that around the world (December, 1577-September, 1580), in which he discovered (March-July, 1579), the coasts of California and Oregon, of which he took possession in the name of England—a claim never advanced, however, by the English crown. To this country he gave the name of New Albion, which for some time was applied by cartographers to the present Oregon; it is shown on Lady Virginia Ferrer's map (London, 1651). Another notable voyage was that to America (September, 1585-July, 1586), in which Drake, under royal commission, ravaged the Spanish main, taking many towns and much treasure. While on a voyage with Hawkins, he died (January 28, 1596), and was buried at sea.

The reference in the text is to a passage in the narration of Francis Fletcher, Drake's chaplain,The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake(London, 1628): "June3, we came into 42 deg. of North latitude, where in the night following we found such alteration of heate, into extreame and nipping cold, that our men in generall did grieuously complaine thereof, some of them feeling their healths much impaired thereby; ... the next day ... the very roapes of our ship were stiffe, and the raine which fell was an vnnatural congealed and frozen substance.... In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a conuenient and fit harborough, andJune17 came to anchor therein, where we continued till the 23 day of July following. During all which time, notwithstanding it was in the height of summer, and so neere the sunne, yet were wee continually visited with like nipping colds as we had felt before." This was the experience of the English (according to Fletcher, though his veracity is questioned by some writers), while sailing along the western coast of North America, from the region of Cape Blanco to Cape Mendocino.—See Hakluyt Society reprint ofThe World Encompassed(London, 1854), pp. 113-118. Cf. H. H. Bancroft'sHistory of the Northwest Coast(San Francisco, 1886), vol. i., pp. 139-145.

Drake's aim in this voyage was to find a northern passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic. Such a passage was supposed to exist, and was termed "the Straits of Anian;" Cortereal having found, as he imagined, its eastern end in Hudson's Straits. This supposed passage across the continent is shown on Zaltieri's map (1566),Mercator's (1569), Porcacchi's (1572), Furlano's (1574), and others. For various theories as to the origin of the name Anian, see Bancroft,ut supra, vol. i., pp. 53-56.

13(p.57).—On some early charts was shown an imaginary lake, Conibas,—its waters flowing through a river or strait into the great Northern sea, as in the Wytfleit-Ptolemy map (1597); or into the mythical "Straits of Anian," as in Judæis's map (1593), and Löw's (1598). On Wytfleit's map is shown, within the lake, an island and town of the same name. See Bancroft'sN. W. Coast, vol. i., pp. 84-85: and Winsor'sN. and C. Hist.vol. ii., p. 457. Bancroft thinks that the notion of the lake was "probably owing to Canadian aboriginal rumors," doubtless of Hudson Bay.

14(p.67).—The white cedar (a name commonly given to the arbor-vitæ,Thuya occidentalis) is found in abundance along the Atlantic slope. The red cedar (Juniperus Virginiana) is abundant from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico; its odor is offensive to most insects. It is probably the tree thus referred to by Sagard (Canada, p. 783): "In the forests [of the Huron country] are seen abundance of cedars; the odor of this tree is disliked by serpents, and on this account its branches are used by the savages for their beds, when on their journeys."

15(p.69).—Champlain's statement, here referred to, is in hisVoyages(Prince Soc.), vol. ii., p. 16: "From Long Island passage we sailed north-east two leagues, when we found a cove where vessels can anchor with safety [Little River, on Digby Neck, St. Mary's Bay].... In this place there is a very good silver mine, according to the report of the miner, Master Simon, who accompanied me." He adds: "Quarter of a league from here [the place now known as Sandy Cove] there is a good harbor for vessels, where we found an iron mine, which our miner estimated would yield fifty per cent. Advancing three leagues farther on, to the north-east [probably near Rossway], we saw another very good iron mine, near which is a river surrounded by beautiful meadows. The neighboring soil is red as blood."

Nova Scotia is rich in minerals of many kinds, and is one of the chief mining districts of the Dominion. Murdoch says (Nova Scotia, p. 3): "The discovery of gold, along the whole Atlantic shore of the peninsula of Nova Scotia, has taken place chiefly since I began this work in 1860; and it now gives steady remunerative employment to about 800 or 1,000 laborers, with every expectation of its expansion." In 1895, there were in this province 37 mines, yielding 22,112 ounces of gold. It is estimated that gold may be found in an area of from 5,000 to 7,000 square miles; but less than forty square miles have as yet been worked. The industry supports 3,000 to 4,000persons. From 1862 to 1895, the total yield was 602,268 ounces, the average value of the ores during that time being $14.50 a ton.

Copper is mined to some extent. Gesner says, inIndustrial Resources of Nova Scotia(Halifax, 1849), p. 289: "Thin seams of copper ore are seen in the red sandstones of Minudie. At Tatmagouche, Carriboo, and the rivers of Pictou, small deposits of the sulphuret and green carbonate of copper have been found among the strata of the coal series." An interesting statement on this subject is made in a "Memoir upon Acadia," written in 1735, by one Duvivier, a descendant of Charles de la Tour, and cited by Murdoch (Nova Scotia, vol. i., pp. 508-511): "In the seigneurie of Mines, which is six leagues square (and belongs to the family [of La Tour's descendants] with donations of mines, etc.), a lead mine, a considerable silver mine, an especial mine of red copper of a color like gold, and one of another metal, the value of which is not known to the Sr. Duvivier or anybody.... The English having obtained likewise the knowledge of a copper mine resembling gold, at a place called Beaubassin, joining to Mines, have sent thirty miners there, with an officer, according to the report of one Fougère. They have formed a company for this undertaking, in which the Governor, Lieutenant du Roi, and Major are secretly interested, to establish there a so-called copper work."

Gesner says (ut supra, p. 264): "Narrow veins of galena occur in the limestones of the Shubenacadie, Stewiacke, and Brookfield, and the ore sometimes contains a small percentage of silver. No profitable veins have so far been discovered."

The coal fields of Nova Scotia (including those of Cape Breton), cover about 635 square miles, and are of great richness, the veins being 30 to 70 feet deep. It has been estimated that they contain 7,000,000,000 tons of coal. The present annual output is about 2,400,000 tons.

TheStatistical Year-Bookfor 1893 (p. 361) cites Sir William Fairbairn as saying: "In Nova Scotia some of the richest ores yet discovered occur in boundless abundance. The iron manufactured from them is of the very best quality, and is equal to the finest Swedish material." The ores are found through almost the entire length of the province. The product of Nova Scotia for 1895 was 79,636 tons. Gesner (ut supra, p. 255) says: "The most common variety of iron ore in the oldest fossiliferous strata is brown hematite. At Clements, in the county of Annapolis, and three miles from the mouth of Moose river, it outcrops, and may be traced a mile on the surface, with an average thickness of 9 feet 6 inches. It yields from 33 to 40 per cent. of cast metal, and the quality of the iron is very superior."

Granite, sandstone, limestone, marble, gypsum, salt, and other valuable materials, are found in great abundance and of excellent quality. For an account of these and other mineral products, see Gesner, already cited; alsoStatistical Year-Book,Report of Minister of Mines, and other Government publications.

16(p.71).—Betsabes: written also Bessabes (Champlain); the "sagamore of Kadesquit" (Biard); identical with the "Bashaba" of Gorges. The most powerful sachem in New England, ruling over many inferior sagamores in the country called Moasham (Gorges), or Mawooshen (Hakluyt), corresponding to the southern part of Maine and New Hampshire; Poor (in "Vindication of Gorges,"Popham Memorial, p. 50) thinks his authority extended to Narragansett Bay. His residence is supposed to have been at Pemaquid, or the semi-mythical Arâmbec (see vol. i.,note11). Gorges says he was "killed by the Tarentines;" Lescarbot, inNouv. France, p. 561, avers that he was slain by the English.—See Godfrey's "Bashaba and the Tarratines,"Maine Hist. Colls., vol. vii., pp. 93-102.

Asticou: Lescarbot calls this chief "sober, valiant, and feared, who could at a moment's notice, gather a thousand Savages." He says that, after the death of Bessabes, Asticou was successor to the former's authority.—Nouv. France, p. 561. Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., p. 862) that the basin of the Falls of Chaudière, on the Ottawa River, was called by the nativesAsticou, meaning "a boiling kettle." Maurault (Hist. Abenakis, p. 95,note2) says thatasticouis an Algonkin word, meaning "caribou." He adds (p. 111), that the chief of that name was probably an Algonkin who had migrated to the Abenaki country. A post office on Mt. Desert Island is called Asticou.

17(p.79).—Caribou: the American woodland reindeer (Cervus tarandus, orRangifer caribou), inhabiting the northern regions as far as the timber line. Specimens are still found in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick; it is smaller than the moose or elk. Sagard (Canada, p. 750) calls it "caribou, or wild ass."

18(p.83).—Ponamo: Shea (Charlevoix, vol. vi., p. 124) translates this "dogfish," and cites J. H. Trumbull as authority for the statement that theponamois the "tom cod" (Morrhua pruinosa),—theapounanmesouof Rale, and thepaponaumsuof Roger Williams.

19(p.109).—See Garneau's statement, inHistory of Canada(Bell's ed., Montreal, 1866), vol. i., p. 132: "As soon as the young attained nubile years, they were allowed all freedom,—'thought no harm of it,' to use the words of Lescarbot. From this early and unrestrained frequentation, we may deduce one cause of the limited fecundity of the native women; as well as from their practice ofsuckling their children for several years." Cf. Sagard'sCanada, p. 324; in the same place (and on p. 342), he also describes the easy accouchements of the women.

20(p.119).—See vol. ii.,note23.

21(p.131).—The sagamore of St. John's river; called Secondon by Champlain; accompanied Poutrincourt on his expedition to Chouacoët, and (according to Lescarbot, who calls him Chkoudun) offered to oppose, single-handed, a hostile band of natives who attacked the French.—Nouv. France, p. 575.

22(p.133).—Cartier gives the native Canadian word for "sun" asYsnayorIsnez.—Tross ed. ofDiscovrs dv Voyage par Iaques Cartier(Paris, 1865), vol. i., pp. 13, 69. Lescarbot says it wasachtek.—Nouv. France, p. 691.

23(p.145).—Joseph de Acosta, born 1540, at Medina del Campo, near Valladolid, Spain, entered the Jesuit order in his fourteenth year, and devoted himself to the study of sacred and classical literature. In 1570, he sailed to the New World, with other Jesuit brethren, spending thirteen years in Peru, and nearly four in Mexico, in missionary and literary labors. In Peru, he resided partly at Lima, and partly at Juli, near Lake Titicaca, then the principal seat of the Jesuits, where a college was established, the native language studied, and a printing-press erected; here was printed, in 1611, Bertonio's Aymara dictionary. Acosta returned to Spain in 1587, and soon began the publication of his manuscripts. The most important of these is theHistoria natural y moral de las Indias(Seville, 1590); two books of which were earlier published in Latin (Salamanca, 1588). This is considered by modern historians a valuable and authoritative account of the New World and of the Mexican and Peruvian nations. It was translated into Dutch, by Van Linschoten (Enckhuysen, 1598); into French, by Regnauld (Paris, 1597); into German, by De Bry (Frankfort, 1601); and into English, by Grimston (London, 1604).

Acosta was head of the Jesuits' college at Valladolid, and, later, of that at Salamanca, where he died February 15, 1600. His brother Bernardo also became a Jesuit; was a resident of the City of Mexico in 1586, dying there May 29, 1613. For a fuller account of the former's life and works, see Introduction to Hakluyt Society's translation of hisHistoria natural y moral(London, 1880).

24(p.149).—Angelic Salutation: the salutation, "Ave Maria, gratia plena, Dominus tecum," with which the archangel greeted the Virgin when he announced to her that she was to become the mother of Christ.—See Lee'sGlossary of Liturg. and Eccl. Terms.

25(p.151).—The apparent omission of chap. xi., arising from a typographical error, is explained in the "Bibliographical Data,"ante. TheFactumalluded to was a controversial pamphlet "written and published against the Jesuits." The only copy known to us is in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. It was reprinted in 1887, with an introduction by G. Marcel, under the title,Factum du procés entre Jean de Biencourt et les Pères Biard et Massé, Jésuites: pp. xix-91. The publication was anonymous, but its authorship has been ascribed by many to Lescarbot. The succeeding six chapters of the presentRelationare devoted by Biard to answering theFactum.—See Rochemonteix'sJésuites, vol. i., pp. 81-82.

26(p.161).—See vol. ii.,notes42,59.

27(p.161).—See vol. i.,note2.

28(p.165).—See vol. i.,note25.

29(p.165).—See vol. i.,notes31,37.

30(p.169).—See vol. i.,notes35,36.

31(p.173).—In the Edict of Nantes, the Huguenots are referred to as followers ofla religion prétendue réformée. Upon the significance of this term, seeAtlantic Monthly, vol. lxxvi., p. 414.

32(p.173).—The consistory was a council or assembly composed of the ministers and elders of the Reformed churches.

33(p.177).—TheContract d'association des Jésuites au Trafique du Canada, entered into before a notary of Dieppe, January 20, 1611 (see vol. i.,note31). It is given in Lescarbot'sNouv. France(1618), p. 665; and has been reprinted by Tross (on vellum, 12 copies only, of which the Lenox and Brown libraries have each one). This contract occasioned much hostile comment against the Jesuits, whom their enemies accused of profiting by the Canadian trade.—See Champlain'sVoyages(1632), p. 101; Faillon'sCol. Fr., vol. i., p. 104; Harrisse'sNotes, pp. 35-36; and Biard'sRelation,post, chap. xix.

34(p.181).—This is now Kara Strait, between Nova Zembla and Siberia, connecting the Kara and Archangel Seas; and the large island at its eastern end is named Waigatz. Jenkenson's map (London, 1562), shows the island asVaigatz; Sanson's (1674),Destroit du Vaigatz; Schenck's (1720,ca.)Fret. Weygatz al. Nassovicum. Both the strait and the island were discovered in 1594, by an expedition sent out by Count Maurice of Nassau.

35(p.181).—By an oversight, Biard here says that they arrived June 22, instead of May 22 (as in his former letters). Whitsunday (on which was celebrated the festival of Pentecost) fell on May 22, in 1611. A similar discrepancy occurs on pp. 235-237,post, where Biard says that Poutrincourt's ship left Dieppe on December 31, 1611, and arrived at Port Royal January 23, 1612, after a voyage of two months. The latter date is correct; so the departure from France was probably in November, not December.

36(p.199).—Probably Head Harbor, near the N.E. point of Campobello Island.

37(p.201).—See vol. ii.,note80.

38(p.207).—Larvæor Lemures, the spirits of the dead, believed by the Romans to return to the upper world, wandering about at night as spectres, and tormenting the living.

39(p.209).—See vol. i.,note9.

40(p.215).—The beds used in the Carthusian monasteries seem to have been simply pallets of straw covered by skins; but the bed here mentioned, as one into which a man could be shut, is evidently of the kind still used by the peasants of Brittany—built into the wall, and closed by sliding doors, to keep out dampness.

41(p.221).—See vol. ii.,notes2,5.

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